Jović, Nikola

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  • Jović, Nikola (4)
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Author's Bibliography

Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške

Krstić, Aleksandra; Jović, Nikola

(Beograd : Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka, 2023)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
AU  - Jović, Nikola
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1137
AB  - U ovom radu predstavljamo rezultate i uvide iz kvantitativnog i kvalitativnog istraživanja sa
novinarima u Republici Srbiji o digitalnom nasilju kojem su izloženi. Istraživačko pitanje na
koje pokušavamo da damo odgovor odnosi se na to kako se na digitalno nasilje odgovara i
reaguje na ličnom-profesionalnom nivou pojedinačnog novinara, a kako na digitalno nasilje
i ugrožavanje bezbednosti novinara reaguje sistem, kako medijski, tako i pravno-institucionalni.
Osnovna hipoteza našeg rada je da usled izostanka adekvatne institucionalne podrške
u slučajevima digitalnog nasilja, novinari i novinarke razvijaju specifične mehanizme samozaštite.
U prvom delu rada, analiziramo medijski kontekst, dok u drugom delu rada izlažemo
metodološki dizajn sprovedenog istraživanja. U trećem delu rada predstavljamo podatke iz
kvantitatvne studije, dok u četvrtom delu rada predstavljamo uvide iz kvalitativne studije,
odnosno intervjua sa novinarima i novinarkama.
AB  - In this paper, we present the results and insights from quantitative and qualitative research
with journalists in the Republic of Serbia about the digital violence they are exposed to. The
research question that we are trying to answer relates to how digital violence is answered
and reacted at the personal-professional level of an individual journalist, and how the system, both media and legal-institutional, reacts to digital violence and endangering safety
of journalists. The hypothesis of our work is that due to the lack of adequate institutional
support in cases of digital violence, journalists develop specific self-protection mechanisms.
In the first part of the paper, we analyze the media context, while in the second part we
present the methodological design of the conducted research. In the third part of the paper,
we analyze data from the quantitative study, while in the fourth part we present insights from
the qualitative research, interviews with journalists.
PB  - Beograd : Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške
T1  - How journalists in Serbia deal with online attacks – normalization of digital violence as a consequence of lack of institutional support
EP  - 39
IS  - 24
SP  - 27
DO  - 10.18485/fpn_pz.2023.24.2
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Krstić, Aleksandra and Jović, Nikola",
year = "2023",
abstract = "U ovom radu predstavljamo rezultate i uvide iz kvantitativnog i kvalitativnog istraživanja sa
novinarima u Republici Srbiji o digitalnom nasilju kojem su izloženi. Istraživačko pitanje na
koje pokušavamo da damo odgovor odnosi se na to kako se na digitalno nasilje odgovara i
reaguje na ličnom-profesionalnom nivou pojedinačnog novinara, a kako na digitalno nasilje
i ugrožavanje bezbednosti novinara reaguje sistem, kako medijski, tako i pravno-institucionalni.
Osnovna hipoteza našeg rada je da usled izostanka adekvatne institucionalne podrške
u slučajevima digitalnog nasilja, novinari i novinarke razvijaju specifične mehanizme samozaštite.
U prvom delu rada, analiziramo medijski kontekst, dok u drugom delu rada izlažemo
metodološki dizajn sprovedenog istraživanja. U trećem delu rada predstavljamo podatke iz
kvantitatvne studije, dok u četvrtom delu rada predstavljamo uvide iz kvalitativne studije,
odnosno intervjua sa novinarima i novinarkama., In this paper, we present the results and insights from quantitative and qualitative research
with journalists in the Republic of Serbia about the digital violence they are exposed to. The
research question that we are trying to answer relates to how digital violence is answered
and reacted at the personal-professional level of an individual journalist, and how the system, both media and legal-institutional, reacts to digital violence and endangering safety
of journalists. The hypothesis of our work is that due to the lack of adequate institutional
support in cases of digital violence, journalists develop specific self-protection mechanisms.
In the first part of the paper, we analyze the media context, while in the second part we
present the methodological design of the conducted research. In the third part of the paper,
we analyze data from the quantitative study, while in the fourth part we present insights from
the qualitative research, interviews with journalists.",
publisher = "Beograd : Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške, How journalists in Serbia deal with online attacks – normalization of digital violence as a consequence of lack of institutional support",
pages = "39-27",
number = "24",
doi = "10.18485/fpn_pz.2023.24.2"
}
Krstić, A.,& Jović, N.. (2023). Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške. in Politički život
Beograd : Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka.(24), 27-39.
https://doi.org/10.18485/fpn_pz.2023.24.2
Krstić A, Jović N. Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške. in Politički život. 2023;(24):27-39.
doi:10.18485/fpn_pz.2023.24.2 .
Krstić, Aleksandra, Jović, Nikola, "Kako se novinari u Srbiji bore sa onlajn napadima – normalizacija digitalnog nasilja kao posledica izostanka institucionalne podrške" in Politički život, no. 24 (2023):27-39,
https://doi.org/10.18485/fpn_pz.2023.24.2 . .

Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality

Jakšić, Ivana M.; Jović, Nikola

(Belgrade : Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade, 2023)

TY  - CONF
AU  - Jakšić, Ivana M.
AU  - Jović, Nikola
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1064
AB  - Serbia’s political positioning towards the Russia-Ukraine war is a highly contentious public
issue and thus there is importance in understanding the factors that predict attitudes in this
domain. In the current study we sought to examine individual differences in the sentiment
towards the Russia-Ukraine war with a particular focus on Militant Extremist Mindset
(subscales: Proviolence, Vile world, Divine power) and Big Five personality traits
(Extraversion, Agreeableness, Neuroticism, Openness and Conscientiousness). The sentiment
towards the war is operationalized through War Anxiety (WAS), positive and negative
emotions in relation to war (self-reported on a Likert scale), accountability perceptions of
different actors (Russia, Ukraine, NATO, EU, and USA) and attitude towards imposing
sanctions against Russia. The data was collected in Aprile 2022 by combining face-to-face and
online surveying, on a two-stage stratified (region and education) random sample of 917 adults.
The predictive power of personality predictors was tested after controlling for socio-economic
variables (age, education, urbanization). A total of 8% of variance in war anxiety (WAS) can
be explained with neuroticism (ꞵWAS = -.23, p < .01), agreeableness (ꞵWAS = .13, p < .01), and
Divine power (ꞵWAS = .13, p = .01). Emotions in relation to war can be explained by
agreeableness, neuroticism, conscientiousness, Proviolence and/or Divine power (7% of
variance in negative emotions and 16% of variance in positive emotions), with MEMS factors
being particularly predictive for positive feelings in relation to war (13% of variance
explained). Perceived accountability of the Ukraine, NATO, EU, and USA is positively
predicted by Vile World (ꞵ = .33, p < .01, 10% of variance explained), while Russia's accountability is negatively predicted by all MEMS factors (Proviolence ꞵ = -.14, p < .01, Vile
world ꞵ = -.12, p < .01, Divine power ꞵ = -.18, p < .01, 8% of variance explained).
Agreeableness predicted positive attitude towards imposing sanctions against Russia,
explaining 4% of variance (Wald = 5.35, p = .02). As expected, sentiment towards RussiaUkraine war reflects personality traits typically predictive of political behavior and even greater
extent radical and violent extremism mindset. Relatively small percentage of criteria explained
variation suggests that the explanations of the war related attitudes should be expanded to the
domain of more specific political attitudes, social identity, as well as social influence processes
shaping public opinion.
PB  - Belgrade : Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade
C3  - XXIX Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology
T1  - Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality
EP  - 60
SP  - 59
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1064
ER  - 
@conference{
author = "Jakšić, Ivana M. and Jović, Nikola",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Serbia’s political positioning towards the Russia-Ukraine war is a highly contentious public
issue and thus there is importance in understanding the factors that predict attitudes in this
domain. In the current study we sought to examine individual differences in the sentiment
towards the Russia-Ukraine war with a particular focus on Militant Extremist Mindset
(subscales: Proviolence, Vile world, Divine power) and Big Five personality traits
(Extraversion, Agreeableness, Neuroticism, Openness and Conscientiousness). The sentiment
towards the war is operationalized through War Anxiety (WAS), positive and negative
emotions in relation to war (self-reported on a Likert scale), accountability perceptions of
different actors (Russia, Ukraine, NATO, EU, and USA) and attitude towards imposing
sanctions against Russia. The data was collected in Aprile 2022 by combining face-to-face and
online surveying, on a two-stage stratified (region and education) random sample of 917 adults.
The predictive power of personality predictors was tested after controlling for socio-economic
variables (age, education, urbanization). A total of 8% of variance in war anxiety (WAS) can
be explained with neuroticism (ꞵWAS = -.23, p < .01), agreeableness (ꞵWAS = .13, p < .01), and
Divine power (ꞵWAS = .13, p = .01). Emotions in relation to war can be explained by
agreeableness, neuroticism, conscientiousness, Proviolence and/or Divine power (7% of
variance in negative emotions and 16% of variance in positive emotions), with MEMS factors
being particularly predictive for positive feelings in relation to war (13% of variance
explained). Perceived accountability of the Ukraine, NATO, EU, and USA is positively
predicted by Vile World (ꞵ = .33, p < .01, 10% of variance explained), while Russia's accountability is negatively predicted by all MEMS factors (Proviolence ꞵ = -.14, p < .01, Vile
world ꞵ = -.12, p < .01, Divine power ꞵ = -.18, p < .01, 8% of variance explained).
Agreeableness predicted positive attitude towards imposing sanctions against Russia,
explaining 4% of variance (Wald = 5.35, p = .02). As expected, sentiment towards RussiaUkraine war reflects personality traits typically predictive of political behavior and even greater
extent radical and violent extremism mindset. Relatively small percentage of criteria explained
variation suggests that the explanations of the war related attitudes should be expanded to the
domain of more specific political attitudes, social identity, as well as social influence processes
shaping public opinion.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade",
journal = "XXIX Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology",
title = "Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality",
pages = "60-59",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1064"
}
Jakšić, I. M.,& Jović, N.. (2023). Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality. in XXIX Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology
Belgrade : Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade., 59-60.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1064
Jakšić IM, Jović N. Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality. in XXIX Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology. 2023;:59-60.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1064 .
Jakšić, Ivana M., Jović, Nikola, "Understanding Sentiment Towards Russia-Ukraine War: The Role of the Militant Extremist Mindset (Mems) and Big Five Personality" in XXIX Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology (2023):59-60,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1064 .

Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata

Jakšić, Ivana M.; Jović, Nikola; Krstić, Milan

(Beograd : Institut za političke studije, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jakšić, Ivana M.
AU  - Jović, Nikola
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1066
AB  - Predizborna kampanja uoči izbora 3. aprila 2022. godine odvijala se u specifičnim uslovima. Svega devet dana nakon što je 15. februara 2022. godine predsednik Republike Srbije, Aleksandar Vučić, raspisao prevremene parlamentarne izbore, Ruska federacija izvršila je invaziju na Ukrajinu. Rat koji je trajao je tokom čitave predizborne kampanje, kreirao je specifičan komunikacioni izazov za političke stranke. Osim toga, rat je uticao i na glasače, pobuđujući anksioznost usled eventualnog prelivanja negativnih posledica rata (bezbednosnih, ekonomskih, političkih, emotivnih) na Srbiju. U ovom radu upravo analiziramo uticaj ratom indukovane anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje glasača. Kvantitativni istraživački dizajn podrazumevao je analizu istraživanja javnog mnjenja sprovedenog neposredno nakon održanih izbora. Upitnik postizborne sondaže bio je fokusiran na proveru dve hipoteze o uticaj anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje: (1) preusmeravanje pažnje glasača sa unutarpolitičkih na spoljnopolitičke teme; (2) promenu preferencija glasača kada je u pitanju donošenje odluke za koga će glasati na izborima.
AB  - The campaign for the 2022 elections in Serbia took place under specific circumstances. Just nine days after the President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced parliamentary elections on February 15, 2022, the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine. The war created a specific communication challenge for political parties. In addition, the war also affected the voters, causing anxiety due to the possibility of a spillover of negative consequences of the war (security, economic, political, and emotional) to Serbia. In this paper, we analyze the impact of war-induced anxiety on the electoral behavior of voters. The quantitative research design involved the analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the elections. The post-election survey questionnaire was focused on testing two hypotheses about the impact of anxiety on voting behavior: (1) redirecting voters’ attention from domestic to foreign political topics; (2) a change in voter preferences when it comes to deciding who to vote for in elections. The theoretical foundation of this paper is a cognitive approach to emotions. The descriptive and inferential findings of our study indicate that anxiety related to the Russian-Ukrainian war was a significant factor in voting behavior in the 2022 parliamentary elections in Serbia. Regardless of party affiliation,
it was empirically confirmed for the first time in the
Serbian local context that anxiety induced by crisis
situations increases voters’ interest in relevant political
information, increases the probability of changing voting
preferences, and promotes involvement in the electoral
process (turnout), as well as gathering around political
options that guarantee stability or offer protective
security policies (parties that were in power until the
election and right-wing parties). However, these effects
were not left to the spontaneity of political-psychological
processes but were also successfully instrumentalized by
the Serbian Progressive Party. Simultaneously increasing
the anxiety of the voters and offering messages of
reassurance, this party managed to divert the attention
of the voters from other relevant issues and to keep its
former voters together. The findings of this analysis
contribute to the open debates in the field of Elections
and Voting Behavior, as well as in the field of Foreign
Policy Analysis.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata
T1  - Anxiety in the Time of Elections: Electoral Behavior Of Voters in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War
EP  - 305
IS  - 4
SP  - 275
DO  - 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Jakšić, Ivana M. and Jović, Nikola and Krstić, Milan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Predizborna kampanja uoči izbora 3. aprila 2022. godine odvijala se u specifičnim uslovima. Svega devet dana nakon što je 15. februara 2022. godine predsednik Republike Srbije, Aleksandar Vučić, raspisao prevremene parlamentarne izbore, Ruska federacija izvršila je invaziju na Ukrajinu. Rat koji je trajao je tokom čitave predizborne kampanje, kreirao je specifičan komunikacioni izazov za političke stranke. Osim toga, rat je uticao i na glasače, pobuđujući anksioznost usled eventualnog prelivanja negativnih posledica rata (bezbednosnih, ekonomskih, političkih, emotivnih) na Srbiju. U ovom radu upravo analiziramo uticaj ratom indukovane anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje glasača. Kvantitativni istraživački dizajn podrazumevao je analizu istraživanja javnog mnjenja sprovedenog neposredno nakon održanih izbora. Upitnik postizborne sondaže bio je fokusiran na proveru dve hipoteze o uticaj anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje: (1) preusmeravanje pažnje glasača sa unutarpolitičkih na spoljnopolitičke teme; (2) promenu preferencija glasača kada je u pitanju donošenje odluke za koga će glasati na izborima., The campaign for the 2022 elections in Serbia took place under specific circumstances. Just nine days after the President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced parliamentary elections on February 15, 2022, the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine. The war created a specific communication challenge for political parties. In addition, the war also affected the voters, causing anxiety due to the possibility of a spillover of negative consequences of the war (security, economic, political, and emotional) to Serbia. In this paper, we analyze the impact of war-induced anxiety on the electoral behavior of voters. The quantitative research design involved the analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the elections. The post-election survey questionnaire was focused on testing two hypotheses about the impact of anxiety on voting behavior: (1) redirecting voters’ attention from domestic to foreign political topics; (2) a change in voter preferences when it comes to deciding who to vote for in elections. The theoretical foundation of this paper is a cognitive approach to emotions. The descriptive and inferential findings of our study indicate that anxiety related to the Russian-Ukrainian war was a significant factor in voting behavior in the 2022 parliamentary elections in Serbia. Regardless of party affiliation,
it was empirically confirmed for the first time in the
Serbian local context that anxiety induced by crisis
situations increases voters’ interest in relevant political
information, increases the probability of changing voting
preferences, and promotes involvement in the electoral
process (turnout), as well as gathering around political
options that guarantee stability or offer protective
security policies (parties that were in power until the
election and right-wing parties). However, these effects
were not left to the spontaneity of political-psychological
processes but were also successfully instrumentalized by
the Serbian Progressive Party. Simultaneously increasing
the anxiety of the voters and offering messages of
reassurance, this party managed to divert the attention
of the voters from other relevant issues and to keep its
former voters together. The findings of this analysis
contribute to the open debates in the field of Elections
and Voting Behavior, as well as in the field of Foreign
Policy Analysis.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata, Anxiety in the Time of Elections: Electoral Behavior Of Voters in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War",
pages = "305-275",
number = "4",
doi = "10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13"
}
Jakšić, I. M., Jović, N.,& Krstić, M.. (2022). Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata. in Srpska politička misao
Beograd : Institut za političke studije.(4), 275-305.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13
Jakšić IM, Jović N, Krstić M. Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata. in Srpska politička misao. 2022;(4):275-305.
doi:10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13 .
Jakšić, Ivana M., Jović, Nikola, Krstić, Milan, "Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2022):275-305,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13 . .

Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations

Jović, Nikola

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jović, Nikola
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/395
AB  - Author's intention in this paper is to analyze the interpretations of cultural globalization. The first part deals with the critical literature where cultural globalization is seen as a challenge to homogenous national and local cultures. In the second part, attention is given to a different discourse in cultural globalization analysis. In this discourse cultural globalization is not described as standardization but as raising awareness about cultural diversity and specificity. In the third part, we give one possible answer to the question: Where can guide the cultural globalization?.
AB  - Autorova namera je da u ovom tekstu analizira suprotstavljena tumačenja odnosa kulture i globalizacije. U prvom delu teksta autor razmatra kritičku literaturu koja globalizaciju u kulturi vidi kao izazov homogenim nacionalnim i lokalnim kulturama. U nastavku, pažnja je posvećena drugačijem diskursu u analizi složenog odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Taj diskurs globalizaciju u kulturi determiniše ne kao standardizaciju već kao širenje svesti o različitostima i kulturnim posebnostima. U trećem delu rada ponuđen je jedan od mogućih odgovora na pitanje kuda može voditi globalizacija u kulturi.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations
T1  - Kultura i globalizacija - suprotstavljena tumačenja
EP  - 79
IS  - 9
SP  - 65
VL  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_395
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Jović, Nikola",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Author's intention in this paper is to analyze the interpretations of cultural globalization. The first part deals with the critical literature where cultural globalization is seen as a challenge to homogenous national and local cultures. In the second part, attention is given to a different discourse in cultural globalization analysis. In this discourse cultural globalization is not described as standardization but as raising awareness about cultural diversity and specificity. In the third part, we give one possible answer to the question: Where can guide the cultural globalization?., Autorova namera je da u ovom tekstu analizira suprotstavljena tumačenja odnosa kulture i globalizacije. U prvom delu teksta autor razmatra kritičku literaturu koja globalizaciju u kulturi vidi kao izazov homogenim nacionalnim i lokalnim kulturama. U nastavku, pažnja je posvećena drugačijem diskursu u analizi složenog odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Taj diskurs globalizaciju u kulturi determiniše ne kao standardizaciju već kao širenje svesti o različitostima i kulturnim posebnostima. U trećem delu rada ponuđen je jedan od mogućih odgovora na pitanje kuda može voditi globalizacija u kulturi.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations, Kultura i globalizacija - suprotstavljena tumačenja",
pages = "79-65",
number = "9",
volume = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_395"
}
Jović, N.. (2013). Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 7(9), 65-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_395
Jović N. Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2013;7(9):65-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_395 .
Jović, Nikola, "Culture and globalization: Conflicting interpretations" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 7, no. 9 (2013):65-79,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_395 .