TY  - JOUR
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/800
AB  - This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding.
PB  - Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks
T2  - East European Politics and Societies
T1  - "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia
EP  - 209
IS  - 1
SP  - 190
VL  - 35
DO  - 10.1177/0888325420904441
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Džuverović, Nemanja and Milošević, Aleksandar",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks",
journal = "East European Politics and Societies",
title = ""Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia",
pages = "209-190",
number = "1",
volume = "35",
doi = "10.1177/0888325420904441"
}

Džuverović, N.,& Milošević, A.. (2021). "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies
Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks., 35(1), 190-209.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420904441

Džuverović N, Milošević A. "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies. 2021;35(1):190-209.
doi:10.1177/0888325420904441 .

Džuverović, Nemanja, Milošević, Aleksandar, ""Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia" in East European Politics and Societies, 35, no. 1 (2021):190-209,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420904441 . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6465
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:19190/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518292055
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/10614
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/820
AB  - The paper will deal with the analysis of the foreign trade model of the European Union (EU) by proving the theses that the changes in the foreign trade concept (which came about through the adoption of the new trade strategy in 2006) and modified institutional structure (resulting from the changes to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union in 2009) have led to the actual abandonment of multilateralism as a leading approach in the EU’s foreign trade policy. The failure of multilateral trade negotiations in the Doha round and the inability of the EU to put the so-called Singapore's issues on its agenda contributed to the introduction of bilateralism as an additional approach (with the remaining committment to multilateralism) for regulating trade relations with potential partners through conclusions of preferential trade agreements (free trade agreements). Modification of the institutional framework and the extension of the competence of the European Parliament in the area of foreign trade, on the other hand, resulted in an increased access to the decision-making process on the Common Trade Policy (CTP) to interest groups that, by bilateral trade negotiation, achieve their trade and economic goals more easily.
AB  - Rad će se baviti analizom spoljnotrgovinskog modela Evropske unije (EU) kroz dokazivanje teze da su promene u spoljnotrgovinskom konceptu (do kojih je došlo usvajanjem nove trgovinske strategije 2006. godine) i institucionalnom ustrojstvu (nastale izmenama Ugovora o funkcionisanju Evropske unije 2009. godine) dovele do stvarnog napuštanja multilateralizma kao vodećeg pristupa u spoljnotrgovinskoj politici Evropske unije. Neuspeh multilateralnih trgovinskih pregovora u Dohi i nemogućnost EU da na agendu pregovora stavi tzv. singapurska pitanja su doprineli da Unija uvede bilateralizam kao dopunski pristup (uz naglašavanje privrženosti multilateralizmu), putem regulisanja trgovinskih odnosa sa potencijalnim partnerima kroz preferencijalne trgovinske sporazume (sporazume o slobodnoj trgovini). Izmene institucionalnog okvira i širenje nadležnosti Evropskog parlamenta u oblasti spoljne trgovine su, s druge strane, za svoju posledicu imali povećanje pristupa procesu odlučivanja o Zajedničkoj trgovinskoj politici (ZTP) interesnim grupama koje bilateralnim načinom trgovinskog pregovaranja jednostavnije ostvaruju svoje ekonomske i političke ciljeve.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The Common commercial policy of the European Union
T1  - Zajednička trgovinska politika Evropske unije
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10614
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Milošević, Aleksandar",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The paper will deal with the analysis of the foreign trade model of the European Union (EU) by proving the theses that the changes in the foreign trade concept (which came about through the adoption of the new trade strategy in 2006) and modified institutional structure (resulting from the changes to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union in 2009) have led to the actual abandonment of multilateralism as a leading approach in the EU’s foreign trade policy. The failure of multilateral trade negotiations in the Doha round and the inability of the EU to put the so-called Singapore's issues on its agenda contributed to the introduction of bilateralism as an additional approach (with the remaining committment to multilateralism) for regulating trade relations with potential partners through conclusions of preferential trade agreements (free trade agreements). Modification of the institutional framework and the extension of the competence of the European Parliament in the area of foreign trade, on the other hand, resulted in an increased access to the decision-making process on the Common Trade Policy (CTP) to interest groups that, by bilateral trade negotiation, achieve their trade and economic goals more easily., Rad će se baviti analizom spoljnotrgovinskog modela Evropske unije (EU) kroz dokazivanje teze da su promene u spoljnotrgovinskom konceptu (do kojih je došlo usvajanjem nove trgovinske strategije 2006. godine) i institucionalnom ustrojstvu (nastale izmenama Ugovora o funkcionisanju Evropske unije 2009. godine) dovele do stvarnog napuštanja multilateralizma kao vodećeg pristupa u spoljnotrgovinskoj politici Evropske unije. Neuspeh multilateralnih trgovinskih pregovora u Dohi i nemogućnost EU da na agendu pregovora stavi tzv. singapurska pitanja su doprineli da Unija uvede bilateralizam kao dopunski pristup (uz naglašavanje privrženosti multilateralizmu), putem regulisanja trgovinskih odnosa sa potencijalnim partnerima kroz preferencijalne trgovinske sporazume (sporazume o slobodnoj trgovini). Izmene institucionalnog okvira i širenje nadležnosti Evropskog parlamenta u oblasti spoljne trgovine su, s druge strane, za svoju posledicu imali povećanje pristupa procesu odlučivanja o Zajedničkoj trgovinskoj politici (ZTP) interesnim grupama koje bilateralnim načinom trgovinskog pregovaranja jednostavnije ostvaruju svoje ekonomske i političke ciljeve.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The Common commercial policy of the European Union, Zajednička trgovinska politika Evropske unije",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10614"
}

Milošević, A.. (2018). The Common commercial policy of the European Union. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10614

Milošević A. The Common commercial policy of the European Union. 2018;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10614 .

Milošević, Aleksandar, "The Common commercial policy of the European Union" (2018),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10614 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
AU  - Hrnjaz, Milos
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/677
AB  - The nexus between trade and peace has been an important and controversial topic among international relations analysts. The phrase 'trade promotes peace', mostly associated with liberal scholars, became rather relevant in the post-Cold War period, linking increased trade with peace-building and comprehensive improvement of relations between parties in conflict. In this paper, the authors argue that Serbia-Kosovo trade interdependence has played a very limited role in the peace-building process. Using data available since 2000, the authors find that relatively stable trade relations and an improved institutional free-trade framework (CEFTA 2006) has failed to prevent major political disputes between Serbia and Kosovo (such as violence of 2004 and promulgation of the Declaration of Independence in 2008). At the end, the article provides several alternative explanations as to why trade interdependence was not a key determinant for long-term peace between Serbia and Kosovo.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Ethnopolitics
T1  - Exploring Serbia-Kosovo Trade Relations: Achieving Peace through Trade Interdependence?
EP  - 112
IS  - 1
SP  - 95
VL  - 17
DO  - 10.1080/17449057.2017.1339458
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milošević, Aleksandar and Hrnjaz, Milos",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The nexus between trade and peace has been an important and controversial topic among international relations analysts. The phrase 'trade promotes peace', mostly associated with liberal scholars, became rather relevant in the post-Cold War period, linking increased trade with peace-building and comprehensive improvement of relations between parties in conflict. In this paper, the authors argue that Serbia-Kosovo trade interdependence has played a very limited role in the peace-building process. Using data available since 2000, the authors find that relatively stable trade relations and an improved institutional free-trade framework (CEFTA 2006) has failed to prevent major political disputes between Serbia and Kosovo (such as violence of 2004 and promulgation of the Declaration of Independence in 2008). At the end, the article provides several alternative explanations as to why trade interdependence was not a key determinant for long-term peace between Serbia and Kosovo.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Ethnopolitics",
title = "Exploring Serbia-Kosovo Trade Relations: Achieving Peace through Trade Interdependence?",
pages = "112-95",
number = "1",
volume = "17",
doi = "10.1080/17449057.2017.1339458"
}

Milošević, A.,& Hrnjaz, M.. (2018). Exploring Serbia-Kosovo Trade Relations: Achieving Peace through Trade Interdependence?. in Ethnopolitics
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 17(1), 95-112.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2017.1339458

Milošević A, Hrnjaz M. Exploring Serbia-Kosovo Trade Relations: Achieving Peace through Trade Interdependence?. in Ethnopolitics. 2018;17(1):95-112.
doi:10.1080/17449057.2017.1339458 .

Milošević, Aleksandar, Hrnjaz, Milos, "Exploring Serbia-Kosovo Trade Relations: Achieving Peace through Trade Interdependence?" in Ethnopolitics, 17, no. 1 (2018):95-112,
https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2017.1339458 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1185
AB  - The paper analyzes nature and recent sharp increase of inequality in the United States, its implications for social polarization and emergence of Occupy Wall Street movement. Following theoretical explanations on inequality-conflict nexus (particularly those stressing importance of relative, and not absolute relationship) the authors establish correlation between vertical inequality (i.e. inequality between individuals or households) and possibility of political violence onset. Consequently, the authors attempt to connect the state of inequality in the U.S. and its social and political impacts (e.g. material deprivation, intergenerational mobility, political and civic participation, reduced confidence in key government institutions, etc.) with possibility of popular rebellion of (significant) socio-economic groups in the context of long-term effects of the Great Recession. In the light of these arguments, the paper examines foundations and actions of Occupy Wall Street movement, as well as causes of its recent (un)success.
PB  - Firenze : Societa Italiana di Scienza Politica (SISP)
C3  - XXVII Convegno SISP Universitá di Firenze - Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche eSociali e Centro Interuniversitario di Ricerca sul sud Europa 12-14 settembre 2013
T1  - Revolution ante portas: Inequality, Occupy Wall Street and Social Polarization in the United States
EP  - 15
SP  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1185
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Džuverović, Nemanja and Milošević, Aleksandar",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The paper analyzes nature and recent sharp increase of inequality in the United States, its implications for social polarization and emergence of Occupy Wall Street movement. Following theoretical explanations on inequality-conflict nexus (particularly those stressing importance of relative, and not absolute relationship) the authors establish correlation between vertical inequality (i.e. inequality between individuals or households) and possibility of political violence onset. Consequently, the authors attempt to connect the state of inequality in the U.S. and its social and political impacts (e.g. material deprivation, intergenerational mobility, political and civic participation, reduced confidence in key government institutions, etc.) with possibility of popular rebellion of (significant) socio-economic groups in the context of long-term effects of the Great Recession. In the light of these arguments, the paper examines foundations and actions of Occupy Wall Street movement, as well as causes of its recent (un)success.",
publisher = "Firenze : Societa Italiana di Scienza Politica (SISP)",
journal = "XXVII Convegno SISP Universitá di Firenze - Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche eSociali e Centro Interuniversitario di Ricerca sul sud Europa 12-14 settembre 2013",
title = "Revolution ante portas: Inequality, Occupy Wall Street and Social Polarization in the United States",
pages = "15-1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1185"
}

Džuverović, N.,& Milošević, A.. (2014). Revolution ante portas: Inequality, Occupy Wall Street and Social Polarization in the United States. in XXVII Convegno SISP Universitá di Firenze - Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche eSociali e Centro Interuniversitario di Ricerca sul sud Europa 12-14 settembre 2013
Firenze : Societa Italiana di Scienza Politica (SISP)., 1-15.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1185

Džuverović N, Milošević A. Revolution ante portas: Inequality, Occupy Wall Street and Social Polarization in the United States. in XXVII Convegno SISP Universitá di Firenze - Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche eSociali e Centro Interuniversitario di Ricerca sul sud Europa 12-14 settembre 2013. 2014;:1-15.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1185 .

Džuverović, Nemanja, Milošević, Aleksandar, "Revolution ante portas: Inequality, Occupy Wall Street and Social Polarization in the United States" in XXVII Convegno SISP Universitá di Firenze - Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche eSociali e Centro Interuniversitario di Ricerca sul sud Europa 12-14 settembre 2013 (2014):1-15,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1185 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1173
AB  - The paper analyzes the global rise in with-in countries inequality, with special emphasis on the sharp increase in inequality beginning in the 1980s, as a re- sult of the neoliberal policy reforms that were designed to prevent economic stagnation and decline by reiterating the importance of financial deregulation and trade liberalisation. Following this worldwide trend, the paper employs different theoretical frameworks in order to explain how a further increase in income inequality could lead to the formation of violent conflict. By using frustration, identity and opportunity factors, the authors attempt to illustrate how the “search for more” is transformed into violence, followed by mate- rial and human casualties. Finally, the paper analyzes different instruments and policies that could reduce inequality, e.g. tax and transfer systems (the impact on income distribution), labour market policies (the trade-off between high minimal wage and employment reduction) and institutions and education policies (through strengthening public education, in particular). An adequate policy response to rising inequality, according to the authors, should include all of these complementary measures.
PB  - Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications
EP  - 186
IS  - 5
SP  - 173
VL  - 50
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1173
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milošević, Aleksandar and Džuverović, Nemanja",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The paper analyzes the global rise in with-in countries inequality, with special emphasis on the sharp increase in inequality beginning in the 1980s, as a re- sult of the neoliberal policy reforms that were designed to prevent economic stagnation and decline by reiterating the importance of financial deregulation and trade liberalisation. Following this worldwide trend, the paper employs different theoretical frameworks in order to explain how a further increase in income inequality could lead to the formation of violent conflict. By using frustration, identity and opportunity factors, the authors attempt to illustrate how the “search for more” is transformed into violence, followed by mate- rial and human casualties. Finally, the paper analyzes different instruments and policies that could reduce inequality, e.g. tax and transfer systems (the impact on income distribution), labour market policies (the trade-off between high minimal wage and employment reduction) and institutions and education policies (through strengthening public education, in particular). An adequate policy response to rising inequality, according to the authors, should include all of these complementary measures.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications",
pages = "186-173",
number = "5",
volume = "50",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1173"
}

Milošević, A.,& Džuverović, N.. (2013). In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications. in Politička misao
Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti., 50(5), 173-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1173

Milošević A, Džuverović N. In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications. in Politička misao. 2013;50(5):173-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1173 .

Milošević, Aleksandar, Džuverović, Nemanja, "In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications" in Politička misao, 50, no. 5 (2013):173-186,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1173 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
AU  - Živojinović, Dragan
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/398
AB  - This paper examines links between threatened status of the U.S. dollar as a global currency in the international monetary system and its consequences for U.S. power in international relations. In the first part of the paper, authors try to establish a connection between the status of global currency and power; the second part is devoted to the analysis of the historical status of the dollar, while in the third section, authors analyze the potential rivals. Fourth section of this paper presents the economic and political consequences of the reduced global role of dollar on U.S. power.
AB  - Autori u ovom radu pokušavaju da odgovore na pitanje da li je ugrožen status američkog dolara kao globalne valute u međunarodnom monetarnom sistemu i da istraže posledice koje opadanje uloge dolara može imati po ukupnu moć SAD u međunarodnim odnosima. U prvom delu rada uspostavlja se veza između statusa globalne valute i moći, drugi deo je posvećen istorijskoj analizi statusa dolara, dok se u trećem delu analiziraju potencijalni rivali. U četvrtom delu se izlažu ekonomske i političke posledice smanjenja globalne uloge dolara na moć SAD.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - In dollar we (don't) trust: Consequences of reducing the global role of dollar to the American power
T1  - Mi u dolar (ne) verujemo - posledice smanjenja globalne uloge dolara po ukupnu moć Sjedinjenih američkih država
EP  - 99
IS  - 9
SP  - 81
VL  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_398
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milošević, Aleksandar and Živojinović, Dragan",
year = "2013",
abstract = "This paper examines links between threatened status of the U.S. dollar as a global currency in the international monetary system and its consequences for U.S. power in international relations. In the first part of the paper, authors try to establish a connection between the status of global currency and power; the second part is devoted to the analysis of the historical status of the dollar, while in the third section, authors analyze the potential rivals. Fourth section of this paper presents the economic and political consequences of the reduced global role of dollar on U.S. power., Autori u ovom radu pokušavaju da odgovore na pitanje da li je ugrožen status američkog dolara kao globalne valute u međunarodnom monetarnom sistemu i da istraže posledice koje opadanje uloge dolara može imati po ukupnu moć SAD u međunarodnim odnosima. U prvom delu rada uspostavlja se veza između statusa globalne valute i moći, drugi deo je posvećen istorijskoj analizi statusa dolara, dok se u trećem delu analiziraju potencijalni rivali. U četvrtom delu se izlažu ekonomske i političke posledice smanjenja globalne uloge dolara na moć SAD.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "In dollar we (don't) trust: Consequences of reducing the global role of dollar to the American power, Mi u dolar (ne) verujemo - posledice smanjenja globalne uloge dolara po ukupnu moć Sjedinjenih američkih država",
pages = "99-81",
number = "9",
volume = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_398"
}

Milošević, A.,& Živojinović, D.. (2013). In dollar we (don't) trust: Consequences of reducing the global role of dollar to the American power. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 7(9), 81-99.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_398

Milošević A, Živojinović D. In dollar we (don't) trust: Consequences of reducing the global role of dollar to the American power. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2013;7(9):81-99.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_398 .

Milošević, Aleksandar, Živojinović, Dragan, "In dollar we (don't) trust: Consequences of reducing the global role of dollar to the American power" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 7, no. 9 (2013):81-99,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_398 .