TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stefanović-Štambuk, Jelica
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1124
AB  - The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC, China) unflinching
stance throughout the ongoing Russian-Ukraine conflict has raised many
eyebrows and provoked diverse reactions. The lingering question in
different quarters is why China acts as it does and with what intentions.
Once again, one troubling international turmoil was laid at the Chinese
doorstep, almost turning into “China’s dilemma”. The starting assumption
is that PRC’s conduct shows an unswerving strategic orientation toward
“building a community with a shared future for mankind” (建设人类
命运共同体) through persistent diplomatization. Diplomatization is a
distinct process of containing grave security problems by making them
a matter of diplomacy. Current analysis falsifies this starting proposition
through conceptual inquiry into key actions and documents in China’s
diplomatic and political relations with Ukraine in the period from the
establishment of the strategic partnership in 2011 up to the head-start of
diplomatization of the convoluted Russia-Ukraine conflict by the Global
Security Initiative in April 2022. A strong diplomatization pattern is
found, showing that China’s stand regarding the Russia-Ukraine conflict is a case of diplomatized security concerns as a trigger for the headstarted diplomatization of global security. China consistently pursued
conceptualization and persuasion to dispel insecurities and contain warfare
and ensuing global disturbances through conversation and deliberation
focused on boosting major joint leaps for transforming obsolete modes
of governance structures to becoming aligned to the manifest direction of
epochal change. Furthermore, China’s global security outlook is firmly
anchored in the national security concept.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
T2  - The Policy of National Security
T1  - “A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security
EP  - 31
IS  - 2
SP  - 7
VL  - 23
DO  - 10.22182/pnb.2322022.1
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stefanović-Štambuk, Jelica",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC, China) unflinching
stance throughout the ongoing Russian-Ukraine conflict has raised many
eyebrows and provoked diverse reactions. The lingering question in
different quarters is why China acts as it does and with what intentions.
Once again, one troubling international turmoil was laid at the Chinese
doorstep, almost turning into “China’s dilemma”. The starting assumption
is that PRC’s conduct shows an unswerving strategic orientation toward
“building a community with a shared future for mankind” (建设人类
命运共同体) through persistent diplomatization. Diplomatization is a
distinct process of containing grave security problems by making them
a matter of diplomacy. Current analysis falsifies this starting proposition
through conceptual inquiry into key actions and documents in China’s
diplomatic and political relations with Ukraine in the period from the
establishment of the strategic partnership in 2011 up to the head-start of
diplomatization of the convoluted Russia-Ukraine conflict by the Global
Security Initiative in April 2022. A strong diplomatization pattern is
found, showing that China’s stand regarding the Russia-Ukraine conflict is a case of diplomatized security concerns as a trigger for the headstarted diplomatization of global security. China consistently pursued
conceptualization and persuasion to dispel insecurities and contain warfare
and ensuing global disturbances through conversation and deliberation
focused on boosting major joint leaps for transforming obsolete modes
of governance structures to becoming aligned to the manifest direction of
epochal change. Furthermore, China’s global security outlook is firmly
anchored in the national security concept.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije",
journal = "The Policy of National Security",
title = "“A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security",
pages = "31-7",
number = "2",
volume = "23",
doi = "10.22182/pnb.2322022.1"
}

Popović, S.,& Stefanović-Štambuk, J.. (2022). “A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security. in The Policy of National Security
Beograd : Institut za političke studije., 23(2), 7-31.
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.1

Popović S, Stefanović-Štambuk J. “A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security. in The Policy of National Security. 2022;23(2):7-31.
doi:10.22182/pnb.2322022.1 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stefanović-Štambuk, Jelica, "“A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security" in The Policy of National Security, 23, no. 2 (2022):7-31,
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.1 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/968
PB  - Budapest Business School : Budapest
T2  - Eurasia: An Emerging Concept?
T1  - Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Example of Development of Regionalism and Geopolitical Strategies in Chinese Foreign Policy
EP  - 69
SP  - 51
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_968
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2022",
publisher = "Budapest Business School : Budapest",
journal = "Eurasia: An Emerging Concept?",
booktitle = "Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Example of Development of Regionalism and Geopolitical Strategies in Chinese Foreign Policy",
pages = "69-51",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_968"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2022). Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Example of Development of Regionalism and Geopolitical Strategies in Chinese Foreign Policy. in Eurasia: An Emerging Concept?
Budapest Business School : Budapest., 51-69.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_968

Popović S, Stević L. Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Example of Development of Regionalism and Geopolitical Strategies in Chinese Foreign Policy. in Eurasia: An Emerging Concept?. 2022;:51-69.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_968 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Example of Development of Regionalism and Geopolitical Strategies in Chinese Foreign Policy" in Eurasia: An Emerging Concept? (2022):51-69,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_968 .

TY  - GEN
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/967
AB  - December 2019 saw the 40th anniversary since the beginning of Chinese reforms and
opening up initiated by the Deng Xiaoping in 1978 and continued by next generations
of Chinese Communist Party’s leaders. This has led to the great changes both in
and between economic and political relations of China. Increasing economic power
impacted China’s foreign relations and diplomatic practices. Regional and multilateral
cooperation turned out to mark the new China in international affairs. The first part
of the paper presents Chinese economic opening and development of multilateralism
and regionalism in Chinese foreign policy and its impact on the relations with Central
and Eastern European countries. Second part of paper is focused on institutional
development of China + 16 Central and Eastern Countries mechanism. Particular
attention will be paid on institutionalization of the sub-mechanism defined in guidelines
for promoting mutual trade. The third part of the paper analyses the nature, scope and
scale of Sino-Central and Eastern European trade.
PB  - Eurasia Center : Budapest
T2  - Results and challenges: ten years of China-ceec cooperation
T1  - Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1
EP  - 201
SP  - 180
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_967
ER  - 

@misc{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "December 2019 saw the 40th anniversary since the beginning of Chinese reforms and
opening up initiated by the Deng Xiaoping in 1978 and continued by next generations
of Chinese Communist Party’s leaders. This has led to the great changes both in
and between economic and political relations of China. Increasing economic power
impacted China’s foreign relations and diplomatic practices. Regional and multilateral
cooperation turned out to mark the new China in international affairs. The first part
of the paper presents Chinese economic opening and development of multilateralism
and regionalism in Chinese foreign policy and its impact on the relations with Central
and Eastern European countries. Second part of paper is focused on institutional
development of China + 16 Central and Eastern Countries mechanism. Particular
attention will be paid on institutionalization of the sub-mechanism defined in guidelines
for promoting mutual trade. The third part of the paper analyses the nature, scope and
scale of Sino-Central and Eastern European trade.",
publisher = "Eurasia Center : Budapest",
journal = "Results and challenges: ten years of China-ceec cooperation",
title = "Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1",
pages = "201-180",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_967"
}

Popović, S.. (2022). Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1. in Results and challenges: ten years of China-ceec cooperation
Eurasia Center : Budapest., 180-201.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_967

Popović S. Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1. in Results and challenges: ten years of China-ceec cooperation. 2022;:180-201.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_967 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1" in Results and challenges: ten years of China-ceec cooperation (2022):180-201,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_967 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/958
AB  - Циљ рада је да се „расклапањем” дискурса мирољубивог
развоја анализира постављање и деловање НР Кине у систему глобалног
управљања. Рад је састављен из три целине како би се пружио одговор на
следеће истраживачко питање: да ли дискурс мирољубиви развој има релационистичку употребу у спољној политици НР Кине којом она креира
глобалну мрежу партнера и обезбеђује реализацију националних интереса?
Први део рада представља теоријски оквир. У грађењу теоријског оквира
ослањаће се на релационистичку теорију и теорију моралног реализма
међународних односа, као и на теоријски концепт структуралне моћи. У
другом делу рада, извршена је анализа идеје глобалног управљања, са
освртом на то како НР Кина доживљава и инструментализује ову идеју у
својој спољној политици. Трећи део рада садржи анализу дискурса мирољубивог развоја, с фокусом на разлоге његовог увођења у кинеској спољној
политици и дипломатији. Истовремено, то ће користити и као основа објашњења његове функције у кинеским мање или више успешно реализованим амбицијама редефинисања односа са међународном заједницом и
кинеским постављањем и деловањем у клубу глобалног управљања
AB  - Becoming the second world economy and one of the most active, as-
ser tive, but vulnerable actors too, China was urged to bring new understanding of the
Global Gover nance. However, that understanding has to be widely accepted by the inter-
na tional community. Hence, China offered inter national partnerspe aceful development
diplomatic discourse. The first part of the paper is theo retical frame work. The definition
of our research subject is grounded on relational theory, moral realism theory of inter na-
ti onal relations and political economic concept of structural power. The second part of
the paper tackles the idea of Global Gover nance and how China perceives it in achieving
foreign and domestic policy, secu rity and economic goals. The third part analyses the
di scourse ofpe aceful developmentwith focus on strategic reasons that pushed China to
pursue it in its foreign policy. This will be helpful to understand why China insists that
diplomacy is very much needed activity in its ambitions in becoming the global super-
power.
PB  - Matica Srpska : Novi Sad
T2  - Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке
T1  - Мирољубиви развој као пример релационистичког понашања НР Кине у систему глобалне владавине
EP  - 205
IS  - 182
SP  - 181
VL  - 2
DO  - 10.2298/ZMSDN2282181P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Циљ рада је да се „расклапањем” дискурса мирољубивог
развоја анализира постављање и деловање НР Кине у систему глобалног
управљања. Рад је састављен из три целине како би се пружио одговор на
следеће истраживачко питање: да ли дискурс мирољубиви развој има релационистичку употребу у спољној политици НР Кине којом она креира
глобалну мрежу партнера и обезбеђује реализацију националних интереса?
Први део рада представља теоријски оквир. У грађењу теоријског оквира
ослањаће се на релационистичку теорију и теорију моралног реализма
међународних односа, као и на теоријски концепт структуралне моћи. У
другом делу рада, извршена је анализа идеје глобалног управљања, са
освртом на то како НР Кина доживљава и инструментализује ову идеју у
својој спољној политици. Трећи део рада садржи анализу дискурса мирољубивог развоја, с фокусом на разлоге његовог увођења у кинеској спољној
политици и дипломатији. Истовремено, то ће користити и као основа објашњења његове функције у кинеским мање или више успешно реализованим амбицијама редефинисања односа са међународном заједницом и
кинеским постављањем и деловањем у клубу глобалног управљања, Becoming the second world economy and one of the most active, as-
ser tive, but vulnerable actors too, China was urged to bring new understanding of the
Global Gover nance. However, that understanding has to be widely accepted by the inter-
na tional community. Hence, China offered inter national partnerspe aceful development
diplomatic discourse. The first part of the paper is theo retical frame work. The definition
of our research subject is grounded on relational theory, moral realism theory of inter na-
ti onal relations and political economic concept of structural power. The second part of
the paper tackles the idea of Global Gover nance and how China perceives it in achieving
foreign and domestic policy, secu rity and economic goals. The third part analyses the
di scourse ofpe aceful developmentwith focus on strategic reasons that pushed China to
pursue it in its foreign policy. This will be helpful to understand why China insists that
diplomacy is very much needed activity in its ambitions in becoming the global super-
power.",
publisher = "Matica Srpska : Novi Sad",
journal = "Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке",
title = "Мирољубиви развој као пример релационистичког понашања НР Кине у систему глобалне владавине",
pages = "205-181",
number = "182",
volume = "2",
doi = "10.2298/ZMSDN2282181P"
}

Popović, S.. (2022). Мирољубиви развој као пример релационистичког понашања НР Кине у систему глобалне владавине. in Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке
Matica Srpska : Novi Sad., 2(182), 181-205.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZMSDN2282181P

Popović S. Мирољубиви развој као пример релационистичког понашања НР Кине у систему глобалне владавине. in Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке. 2022;2(182):181-205.
doi:10.2298/ZMSDN2282181P .

Popović, Slobodan, "Мирољубиви развој као пример релационистичког понашања НР Кине у систему глобалне владавине" in Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке, 2, no. 182 (2022):181-205,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZMSDN2282181P . .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/966
AB  - Climate changes, i.e. air pollution, water scarcity and soil contamination remain threats
and represent great challenge to Chinese efforts in making its development sustainable. Since
the very first developmental goals during the first decades of its policy of reforms and opening
did not follow high ecological standards, China became the world’s top emitter producing more
than a quarter of the world’s annual greenhouse emission. However, climate changes are not
only Chinese issues, their consequences are global in character. Thus, fighting climate changes
requires intercontinental and international cooperation. China pledged to cut emissions under
the Paris Agreement and is making great efforts by making environmental issue the priority in
the further developmental goals.
This paper analyses the Sino-EU relations and cooperation in creating “Green
civilization” and environmental global governance.
The first part of the paper tackles the development of the ecological state of mind in
China, particularly because China announced that it would become a climate neutral country.
In the same part of the paper, we are examining the development of the EU approach in
becoming the climate neutral space. The second part of the paper is focused on China`s
international cooperation in fighting climate changes, particularly the Sino-EU cooperation on
this particular issue, that is, making “Green civilization”.
We will examine whether this cooperation is opening new space for improving their
mutual cooperation and creating the harmonious atmosphere for a win-win cooperation of
further antagonizing currently disturbed relations
PB  - China - CEE Institute : Budapest
T2  - Working Paper
T1  - Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation
EP  - 17
IS  - 9
SP  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_966
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Climate changes, i.e. air pollution, water scarcity and soil contamination remain threats
and represent great challenge to Chinese efforts in making its development sustainable. Since
the very first developmental goals during the first decades of its policy of reforms and opening
did not follow high ecological standards, China became the world’s top emitter producing more
than a quarter of the world’s annual greenhouse emission. However, climate changes are not
only Chinese issues, their consequences are global in character. Thus, fighting climate changes
requires intercontinental and international cooperation. China pledged to cut emissions under
the Paris Agreement and is making great efforts by making environmental issue the priority in
the further developmental goals.
This paper analyses the Sino-EU relations and cooperation in creating “Green
civilization” and environmental global governance.
The first part of the paper tackles the development of the ecological state of mind in
China, particularly because China announced that it would become a climate neutral country.
In the same part of the paper, we are examining the development of the EU approach in
becoming the climate neutral space. The second part of the paper is focused on China`s
international cooperation in fighting climate changes, particularly the Sino-EU cooperation on
this particular issue, that is, making “Green civilization”.
We will examine whether this cooperation is opening new space for improving their
mutual cooperation and creating the harmonious atmosphere for a win-win cooperation of
further antagonizing currently disturbed relations",
publisher = "China - CEE Institute : Budapest",
journal = "Working Paper",
title = "Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation",
pages = "17-1",
number = "9",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_966"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2021). Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation. in Working Paper
China - CEE Institute : Budapest.(9), 1-17.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_966

Popović S, Stević L. Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation. in Working Paper. 2021;(9):1-17.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_966 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation" in Working Paper, no. 9 (2021):1-17,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_966 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/965
T2  - Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations
T1  - The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
EP  - 750
IS  - 2
SP  - 717
VL  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_965
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2021",
journal = "Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations",
title = "The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization",
pages = "750-717",
number = "2",
volume = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_965"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2021). The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. in Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations, 7(2), 717-750.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_965

Popović S, Stević L. The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. in Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations. 2021;7(2):717-750.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_965 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization" in Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations, 7, no. 2 (2021):717-750,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_965 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/887
AB  - Realizovanjem ciljeva "politike reforme i otvaranja", NR Kina postavlja solidnu osnovu i daje realni podsticaj svom planiranom izrastanju u globalnu supersilu. Kao jedan od osnovnih i strateških ciljeva, prepoznaje se neophodnost da NR Kina stvori globalnu mrežu partnera. Ova mreža partnera njoj je značajna iz više razloga, a među kojima možemo izdvojiti kinesku ambiciju da od strane međunarodne zajednice ne bude percepirana kao zemlja izazivač, već da bude doživljena kao zemlja čiji razvoj predstavlja direktan doprinos obezbeđivanju globalne bezbednosti i razvoja. Za potrebe našeg rada istražujemo saradnju koju NR Kina razvija sa Italijom kako na bilateralnom, tako i na multilateralnom nivou, prevashodno u okvirima Evropske unije. Analiziranjem toga kako Italija doživljava kinesku "Inicijativu pojas i put", istovremeno istražujemo opseg i način na koji saradnja ovih dveju zemalja utiče na razvoj kineskog pomorskog geopolitičkog kursa i kineskog geopolitičkog i geoekonomskog pozicioniranja ne samo na Mediteranu već i globalno.
AB  - The purpose of this article is to examine Sino-Italian
political and economic cooperation. The first part of the paper
reviews the still ongoing process of China`s ambitions to
present itself as a ‘non-Other’ to the international society by
carrying out economic development and political opening and
offering the Belt and Road Initiative to international partners.
However, Beijing still faces (un)justified accusation that it
affects the implementation of the already established norms,
principles and procedures of the international law, sustainable
development, geopolitical order, and geoeconomic distribution
of wealth. For the purpose of this research, our focus will be
on Italian understanding of the maritime perspective of the
Belt and Road Initiative. The second part examines tools that
the two countries use for overcoming obstacles to political and
economic cooperation, whilst striving not just to widen and
strengthen mutual trust, sincerity, and pragmatism, but to
protect national interests as well.
T2  - Politeia
T1  - Politička i ekonomska saradnja Kine i Italije - perspektive i izazovi
T1  - Sino-Italian political and economic cooperation - Perspectives and challenges
EP  - 137
IS  - 21
SP  - 113
VL  - 11
DO  - 10.5937/politeia0-32873
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Realizovanjem ciljeva "politike reforme i otvaranja", NR Kina postavlja solidnu osnovu i daje realni podsticaj svom planiranom izrastanju u globalnu supersilu. Kao jedan od osnovnih i strateških ciljeva, prepoznaje se neophodnost da NR Kina stvori globalnu mrežu partnera. Ova mreža partnera njoj je značajna iz više razloga, a među kojima možemo izdvojiti kinesku ambiciju da od strane međunarodne zajednice ne bude percepirana kao zemlja izazivač, već da bude doživljena kao zemlja čiji razvoj predstavlja direktan doprinos obezbeđivanju globalne bezbednosti i razvoja. Za potrebe našeg rada istražujemo saradnju koju NR Kina razvija sa Italijom kako na bilateralnom, tako i na multilateralnom nivou, prevashodno u okvirima Evropske unije. Analiziranjem toga kako Italija doživljava kinesku "Inicijativu pojas i put", istovremeno istražujemo opseg i način na koji saradnja ovih dveju zemalja utiče na razvoj kineskog pomorskog geopolitičkog kursa i kineskog geopolitičkog i geoekonomskog pozicioniranja ne samo na Mediteranu već i globalno., The purpose of this article is to examine Sino-Italian
political and economic cooperation. The first part of the paper
reviews the still ongoing process of China`s ambitions to
present itself as a ‘non-Other’ to the international society by
carrying out economic development and political opening and
offering the Belt and Road Initiative to international partners.
However, Beijing still faces (un)justified accusation that it
affects the implementation of the already established norms,
principles and procedures of the international law, sustainable
development, geopolitical order, and geoeconomic distribution
of wealth. For the purpose of this research, our focus will be
on Italian understanding of the maritime perspective of the
Belt and Road Initiative. The second part examines tools that
the two countries use for overcoming obstacles to political and
economic cooperation, whilst striving not just to widen and
strengthen mutual trust, sincerity, and pragmatism, but to
protect national interests as well.",
journal = "Politeia",
title = "Politička i ekonomska saradnja Kine i Italije - perspektive i izazovi, Sino-Italian political and economic cooperation - Perspectives and challenges",
pages = "137-113",
number = "21",
volume = "11",
doi = "10.5937/politeia0-32873"
}

Popović, S.. (2021). Politička i ekonomska saradnja Kine i Italije - perspektive i izazovi. in Politeia, 11(21), 113-137.
https://doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-32873

Popović S. Politička i ekonomska saradnja Kine i Italije - perspektive i izazovi. in Politeia. 2021;11(21):113-137.
doi:10.5937/politeia0-32873 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Politička i ekonomska saradnja Kine i Italije - perspektive i izazovi" in Politeia, 11, no. 21 (2021):113-137,
https://doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-32873 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/962
AB  - This paper shall explore the reasons that triggered China to boost
its security and economic influence within the United Nations
Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) as a tool for embracing
international challenges. By doing so, China is not just sharing
the burden of providing international stability and achieving the
UN Sustainable Development Goals, but exerting its influence
in the process. Analysing the proposed subject, it will be
demonstrated that China faces numerous obstacles whilst trying
to insert the “Chinese characteristics” within the geopolitical
order, geo-economics distribution of wealth and international
security architecture. Instead of being perceived as a responsible
stakeholder, China`s ambitious initiatives can, additionally, stir
the China Threat Theory in the international community. This
paper shall be consisted of two parts. The first part will tackle
China`s growing footprint within the UNPKO from the end of
the Cold War onward. The second part will explore the reasons
that triggered China to swift its role within the UNPKO. Both
global and domestic reasons will be analysed too
AB  - Rad se bavi razlozima jačanja kineskog uticaja u Mirovnim
misijama Ujedinjenih nacija. NR Кina se sve više angažuje
u obezbjeđivanju međunarodne stabilnosti i postizanju UN
ciljeva za održivi razvoj, paralelno jačajući i svoj uticaj
u međunarodnim odnosima. U radu smo predstavili izazove
sa kojima se Кina suočava u nastojanju da uvede „kineske
karakteristike“ u geopolitički poredak, geoekonomsku
raspodjelu dobara i međunarodnu bezbjedonosnu arhitekturu.
Percepcija Кine u međunarodnoj zajednici je sve lošija
i umjesto da se Кina posmatra kao odgovorni akter, njene
akcije dodatno nameću temu „Кine kao prijetnje“. U prvom
dijelu rada smo obradili ulogu i aktivnosti Кine u okviru
Mirovnih misija Ujedinjenih nacija od kraja Hladnog
rata do danas. Drugi dio rada analizira razloge promjene
uloge kineske politike prema UN-u i konkrento Mirovnim
snagama Ujedinjenih nacija. U radu su analizirani i uzeti
u obzir i globalni razlozi kao i domaći koji su uticali na
promjenu kineske politike i veće angažovanje u okviru UN
misija. U zaključku navodimo da i pored izazova, sumnji i
nedorečenosti vezanih za ovo pitanje, svjedočimo „novoj
i globalnoj“ Кini koja je već zauzela centralnu ulogu na
međunarodnoj sceni i da možemo računati na Кinu i njen
doprinos u očuvanju globalnog mira
PB  - Insitut za političke studije : Beograd
T2  - Politička revija
T1  - Going blue from red – Chinese engagement in the UN peacekeeping operations
T1  - Od crvenih do plavih beretкi – angažovanje кinesкih vojnih snaga u mirovnim misijama Ujedinjenih nacija
EP  - 195
IS  - 3
SP  - 173
VL  - 69
DO  - 10.22182/pr.6932021.8
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This paper shall explore the reasons that triggered China to boost
its security and economic influence within the United Nations
Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) as a tool for embracing
international challenges. By doing so, China is not just sharing
the burden of providing international stability and achieving the
UN Sustainable Development Goals, but exerting its influence
in the process. Analysing the proposed subject, it will be
demonstrated that China faces numerous obstacles whilst trying
to insert the “Chinese characteristics” within the geopolitical
order, geo-economics distribution of wealth and international
security architecture. Instead of being perceived as a responsible
stakeholder, China`s ambitious initiatives can, additionally, stir
the China Threat Theory in the international community. This
paper shall be consisted of two parts. The first part will tackle
China`s growing footprint within the UNPKO from the end of
the Cold War onward. The second part will explore the reasons
that triggered China to swift its role within the UNPKO. Both
global and domestic reasons will be analysed too, Rad se bavi razlozima jačanja kineskog uticaja u Mirovnim
misijama Ujedinjenih nacija. NR Кina se sve više angažuje
u obezbjeđivanju međunarodne stabilnosti i postizanju UN
ciljeva za održivi razvoj, paralelno jačajući i svoj uticaj
u međunarodnim odnosima. U radu smo predstavili izazove
sa kojima se Кina suočava u nastojanju da uvede „kineske
karakteristike“ u geopolitički poredak, geoekonomsku
raspodjelu dobara i međunarodnu bezbjedonosnu arhitekturu.
Percepcija Кine u međunarodnoj zajednici je sve lošija
i umjesto da se Кina posmatra kao odgovorni akter, njene
akcije dodatno nameću temu „Кine kao prijetnje“. U prvom
dijelu rada smo obradili ulogu i aktivnosti Кine u okviru
Mirovnih misija Ujedinjenih nacija od kraja Hladnog
rata do danas. Drugi dio rada analizira razloge promjene
uloge kineske politike prema UN-u i konkrento Mirovnim
snagama Ujedinjenih nacija. U radu su analizirani i uzeti
u obzir i globalni razlozi kao i domaći koji su uticali na
promjenu kineske politike i veće angažovanje u okviru UN
misija. U zaključku navodimo da i pored izazova, sumnji i
nedorečenosti vezanih za ovo pitanje, svjedočimo „novoj
i globalnoj“ Кini koja je već zauzela centralnu ulogu na
međunarodnoj sceni i da možemo računati na Кinu i njen
doprinos u očuvanju globalnog mira",
publisher = "Insitut za političke studije : Beograd",
journal = "Politička revija",
title = "Going blue from red – Chinese engagement in the UN peacekeeping operations, Od crvenih do plavih beretкi – angažovanje кinesкih vojnih snaga u mirovnim misijama Ujedinjenih nacija",
pages = "195-173",
number = "3",
volume = "69",
doi = "10.22182/pr.6932021.8"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2021). Going blue from red – Chinese engagement in the UN peacekeeping operations. in Politička revija
Insitut za političke studije : Beograd., 69(3), 173-195.
https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.6932021.8

Popović S, Stević L. Going blue from red – Chinese engagement in the UN peacekeeping operations. in Politička revija. 2021;69(3):173-195.
doi:10.22182/pr.6932021.8 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "Going blue from red – Chinese engagement in the UN peacekeeping operations" in Politička revija, 69, no. 3 (2021):173-195,
https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.6932021.8 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/960
AB  - This paper will analyze the geopolitical position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) within the controversial, pretentious, and grandiose Chinese Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI). The paper shall be made of three parts. The first part will tackle geopolitical
schools that exist amongst Chinese academia and policymakers. Our attention will be focused on the debate on the geopolitical thoughts which occurred after publishing China`s
first military strategy in 2015. The second part of the paper will tackle the institutional development of the SCO. This Organization stems from the Shanghai Five mechanism which
China initiated in 1996 and which was supported by Russia, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan,
by Uzbekistan in 2001 and by India and Pakistan in 2017, respectively. By analyzing the
institutional development of the SCO, readers will be able to understand how the SCO
fits or, even, reinforce Chinese geopolitical ambitions. The third part of the paper will explain the role of the SCO in the Silk Road Economic Belt, that is, in the part of space that
Mackinder defined as Heartland. At the same time, we cannot ignore the upcoming role
of the SCO in Chinese maritime geopolitical ambitions, that is, in the space of Asia-Pacific
and Indo-Pacific. Still, different historical backgrounds, individual interpretation of security
interests, asymmetric levels of development amongst member states of the SCO are factors
that produce political and economic mistrust within the SCO. Additionally, economic and
trade globalization enhances two parallel trends. On one side, it enhances the flow of
goods, people, services, and capital, and on the other side, it reinforces the vulnerability
of borders and the flow of terrorists. Those challenges require pragmatic, flexible, and bold
approaches which should be based on respecting the interests of the SCO member states
and the guiding principles of the SCO.
PB  - Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd
T2  - Asian Issues
T1  - Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative
EP  - 91
IS  - 1
SP  - 73
VL  - 6
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_960
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This paper will analyze the geopolitical position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) within the controversial, pretentious, and grandiose Chinese Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI). The paper shall be made of three parts. The first part will tackle geopolitical
schools that exist amongst Chinese academia and policymakers. Our attention will be focused on the debate on the geopolitical thoughts which occurred after publishing China`s
first military strategy in 2015. The second part of the paper will tackle the institutional development of the SCO. This Organization stems from the Shanghai Five mechanism which
China initiated in 1996 and which was supported by Russia, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan,
by Uzbekistan in 2001 and by India and Pakistan in 2017, respectively. By analyzing the
institutional development of the SCO, readers will be able to understand how the SCO
fits or, even, reinforce Chinese geopolitical ambitions. The third part of the paper will explain the role of the SCO in the Silk Road Economic Belt, that is, in the part of space that
Mackinder defined as Heartland. At the same time, we cannot ignore the upcoming role
of the SCO in Chinese maritime geopolitical ambitions, that is, in the space of Asia-Pacific
and Indo-Pacific. Still, different historical backgrounds, individual interpretation of security
interests, asymmetric levels of development amongst member states of the SCO are factors
that produce political and economic mistrust within the SCO. Additionally, economic and
trade globalization enhances two parallel trends. On one side, it enhances the flow of
goods, people, services, and capital, and on the other side, it reinforces the vulnerability
of borders and the flow of terrorists. Those challenges require pragmatic, flexible, and bold
approaches which should be based on respecting the interests of the SCO member states
and the guiding principles of the SCO.",
publisher = "Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd",
journal = "Asian Issues",
title = "Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative",
pages = "91-73",
number = "1",
volume = "6",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_960"
}

Popović, S.. (2020). Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative. in Asian Issues
Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd., 6(1), 73-91.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_960

Popović S. Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative. in Asian Issues. 2020;6(1):73-91.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_960 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative" in Asian Issues, 6, no. 1 (2020):73-91,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_960 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/963
T2  - A Geopolitical Assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative
T1  - New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4
EP  - 123
SP  - 105
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_963
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2020",
journal = "A Geopolitical Assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative",
booktitle = "New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4",
pages = "123-105",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_963"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2020). New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4. in A Geopolitical Assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative, 105-123.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_963

Popović S, Stević L. New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4. in A Geopolitical Assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative. 2020;:105-123.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_963 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4" in A Geopolitical Assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative (2020):105-123,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_963 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/964
AB  - Te main purpose of the paper is to objectively analyze geopolitical and geoeconomic
position of Hungary within the China + 16 Central and Eastern European countries
(“16+1”) framework of cooperation. We will do this by using the content method analyses,
interviews with relevant experts in the field and approaches which stem from geopolitical
and geoeconomic thoughts. Primary data sources will be the official documents released
and/or bilaterally signed by China, Hungary, European Union (EU) and the guidelines
of the “16+1”. Te second source will be academic and other publications that are related
to the proposed subject. Te paper shall consist of three parts. Te first part will tackle
Chinese reasons for pursuing multilateralism and regionalism in foreign policy, as a new
understanding of security architecture, geopolitical balance of power, and geoeconomic
distribution of wealth. Inevitably, we must analyze the Hungarian perception of institutional and international order which China builds independently from the American
one. Te second part will tackle the process of ‘ frameworking’ of the “16+1”. Analyzing the
Hungarian position within the “16+1”, we will understand what kind of tools China uses
to achieve its goals among Central and Eastern European Countries. Simultaneously,
this can be helpful to see if and how China is imposing the “wall” in the Old continent.
Te third part will be dedicated to the Hungarian possibilities to use the trade and investment opportunities that China offers. Hungary, as an EU member state, must respect EU
regulations which stipulate a different kind of business culture than pursued by China.
In this part we will combine Chinese, Hungarian, V4’s and the point of view of the EU.
PB  - Budapest Business School : Budapest
C3  - The Past and the Future of Hungary`s Diplomatic Relations With East Asia
T1  - Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1
EP  - 54
SP  - 33
VL  - 2
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_964
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Te main purpose of the paper is to objectively analyze geopolitical and geoeconomic
position of Hungary within the China + 16 Central and Eastern European countries
(“16+1”) framework of cooperation. We will do this by using the content method analyses,
interviews with relevant experts in the field and approaches which stem from geopolitical
and geoeconomic thoughts. Primary data sources will be the official documents released
and/or bilaterally signed by China, Hungary, European Union (EU) and the guidelines
of the “16+1”. Te second source will be academic and other publications that are related
to the proposed subject. Te paper shall consist of three parts. Te first part will tackle
Chinese reasons for pursuing multilateralism and regionalism in foreign policy, as a new
understanding of security architecture, geopolitical balance of power, and geoeconomic
distribution of wealth. Inevitably, we must analyze the Hungarian perception of institutional and international order which China builds independently from the American
one. Te second part will tackle the process of ‘ frameworking’ of the “16+1”. Analyzing the
Hungarian position within the “16+1”, we will understand what kind of tools China uses
to achieve its goals among Central and Eastern European Countries. Simultaneously,
this can be helpful to see if and how China is imposing the “wall” in the Old continent.
Te third part will be dedicated to the Hungarian possibilities to use the trade and investment opportunities that China offers. Hungary, as an EU member state, must respect EU
regulations which stipulate a different kind of business culture than pursued by China.
In this part we will combine Chinese, Hungarian, V4’s and the point of view of the EU.",
publisher = "Budapest Business School : Budapest",
journal = "The Past and the Future of Hungary`s Diplomatic Relations With East Asia",
title = "Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1",
pages = "54-33",
volume = "2",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_964"
}

Popović, S.. (2019). Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1. in The Past and the Future of Hungary`s Diplomatic Relations With East Asia
Budapest Business School : Budapest., 2, 33-54.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_964

Popović S. Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1. in The Past and the Future of Hungary`s Diplomatic Relations With East Asia. 2019;2:33-54.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_964 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1" in The Past and the Future of Hungary`s Diplomatic Relations With East Asia, 2 (2019):33-54,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_964 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
AU  - Stević, Ljiljana
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/969
AB  - Cilj rada je da putem analize Mehanizma 16+1 i prisustva Кine u regionu predstavi izazove sa kojima se suočava Republika Srbija (Srbija), kao država koja kao svoj glavni spoljnopolitički cilj naglašava članstvo u Evropskoj uniji (EU), a ipak nastavlja svoje tradicionalno dobre, srdačne i pragmatične odnose sa Narodnom Republikom Кinom (NR Кina). Put do postanka članice EU je, kao što je već poznato, opterećen brojnim idealstičkim zahtevima i uslovljavanjima, sa realističkim očekivanjama, što, uslovno rečeno, politiku neutralnosti Srbije može preorjentisati ka fleksibilnim aranžmanima koje nudi NR Кina. Sa jedne strane, NR Кina kako na bilateralnom, tako i na multilateralnom nivou Srbiji vrlo profesionalnim metodama sa razumevanjem konteksta datog trenutka, nudi aranžamane, koji sada već rizik uspešnosti evrointegracija podižu na viši nivo. Sa druge strane, EU koja Zapadni Balkan posmatra kao deo svoje interesne sfere i u geopolitičkom i u geoekonomskom smislu, ne pokazuje blagonaklon stav ka kineskoj agilnijoj regionalizaciji ovog dela sveta. Prelamanje različitih interesa sa ciljem kreiranja uslova i načina poslovanja i spoljno-bezbednosnih odnosa dodatno usložnjava poziciju Srbije. U prvom delu rada ćemo istraživati institucionalni razvoj Mehanizma Кina + 16 zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope, kako bismo mogli da uvidimo koje ciljeve NR Кina vremenom želi da ostvari među državama članicama već pomenutog Mehanizma, pa samim tim i u Srbiji. U drugom delu rada, analiziraćemo poziciju Srbije. Pozicija Srbije je usložnjena usled pritiska EU, zbog narastajućeg ekonomskog i političkog uticaja NR Кine
AB  - This paper analyses the 16+1 Mechanism and Chinese presence
in the region with challenges that Serbia faces in the process of European
integration. Serbia continues its good traditional relations with China
whilst balancing its relations with EU which remains its primary
partner. Path towards the EU membership is burdened by numerous
idealistic requests and conditioning, with unrealistic expectations which
may additionally push Serbia towards favourable arrangements offered
by China. Refraction of different interests additionally complicates the
situation for Serbia. The position of Serbia is complicated due to the EU
pressure and due to the ever-growing economic and political influence
of PR China. In the attempt to present current options and possibilities
laid before Serbia, we shall analyze its position within 16+1 and EU,
thus presenting its position on the crossroad of interests.
PB  - Institut za političke studije : Beograd
T2  - Politika nacionalne bezbednosti
T1  - Pozicija Republike Srbije na bezbednosno-političkoj međI Evropske unije I Narodne republike Kine
T1  - Position of Serbia on security and political crossroads between European union and People’s Republic of China
EP  - 119
IS  - 2
SP  - 97
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.22182/pnb.1522018.6
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan and Stević, Ljiljana",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Cilj rada je da putem analize Mehanizma 16+1 i prisustva Кine u regionu predstavi izazove sa kojima se suočava Republika Srbija (Srbija), kao država koja kao svoj glavni spoljnopolitički cilj naglašava članstvo u Evropskoj uniji (EU), a ipak nastavlja svoje tradicionalno dobre, srdačne i pragmatične odnose sa Narodnom Republikom Кinom (NR Кina). Put do postanka članice EU je, kao što je već poznato, opterećen brojnim idealstičkim zahtevima i uslovljavanjima, sa realističkim očekivanjama, što, uslovno rečeno, politiku neutralnosti Srbije može preorjentisati ka fleksibilnim aranžmanima koje nudi NR Кina. Sa jedne strane, NR Кina kako na bilateralnom, tako i na multilateralnom nivou Srbiji vrlo profesionalnim metodama sa razumevanjem konteksta datog trenutka, nudi aranžamane, koji sada već rizik uspešnosti evrointegracija podižu na viši nivo. Sa druge strane, EU koja Zapadni Balkan posmatra kao deo svoje interesne sfere i u geopolitičkom i u geoekonomskom smislu, ne pokazuje blagonaklon stav ka kineskoj agilnijoj regionalizaciji ovog dela sveta. Prelamanje različitih interesa sa ciljem kreiranja uslova i načina poslovanja i spoljno-bezbednosnih odnosa dodatno usložnjava poziciju Srbije. U prvom delu rada ćemo istraživati institucionalni razvoj Mehanizma Кina + 16 zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope, kako bismo mogli da uvidimo koje ciljeve NR Кina vremenom želi da ostvari među državama članicama već pomenutog Mehanizma, pa samim tim i u Srbiji. U drugom delu rada, analiziraćemo poziciju Srbije. Pozicija Srbije je usložnjena usled pritiska EU, zbog narastajućeg ekonomskog i političkog uticaja NR Кine, This paper analyses the 16+1 Mechanism and Chinese presence
in the region with challenges that Serbia faces in the process of European
integration. Serbia continues its good traditional relations with China
whilst balancing its relations with EU which remains its primary
partner. Path towards the EU membership is burdened by numerous
idealistic requests and conditioning, with unrealistic expectations which
may additionally push Serbia towards favourable arrangements offered
by China. Refraction of different interests additionally complicates the
situation for Serbia. The position of Serbia is complicated due to the EU
pressure and due to the ever-growing economic and political influence
of PR China. In the attempt to present current options and possibilities
laid before Serbia, we shall analyze its position within 16+1 and EU,
thus presenting its position on the crossroad of interests.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije : Beograd",
journal = "Politika nacionalne bezbednosti",
title = "Pozicija Republike Srbije na bezbednosno-političkoj međI Evropske unije I Narodne republike Kine, Position of Serbia on security and political crossroads between European union and People’s Republic of China",
pages = "119-97",
number = "2",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.22182/pnb.1522018.6"
}

Popović, S.,& Stević, L.. (2018). Pozicija Republike Srbije na bezbednosno-političkoj međI Evropske unije I Narodne republike Kine. in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti
Institut za političke studije : Beograd., 15(2), 97-119.
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1522018.6

Popović S, Stević L. Pozicija Republike Srbije na bezbednosno-političkoj međI Evropske unije I Narodne republike Kine. in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti. 2018;15(2):97-119.
doi:10.22182/pnb.1522018.6 .

Popović, Slobodan, Stević, Ljiljana, "Pozicija Republike Srbije na bezbednosno-političkoj međI Evropske unije I Narodne republike Kine" in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti, 15, no. 2 (2018):97-119,
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1522018.6 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/959
AB  - The main purpose of the paper is to critically analyze the manifestation
of the Silk Road discourse in Japanese foreign policy behavior on both diplomatic
and practical levels. That will be done through usage of the content method
analyses and approaches which stem from critical geopolitics and geoeconomic
thoughts. Proposed methodological framework and theoretical approach have
been chosen with an aim to attest the general hypothesis of the paper, which is:
Japan uses the Silk Road discourse as a tool to improve its geopolitical and
geoeconomic position and interconnectivity in the Central Asian region. The first
part of the paper will tackle the meaning of discourse as a social construction and
its interlacement with strategic moves of foreign policy. This part of the paper
will be helpful to understand the reasons why the Silk Road as a social construction
and diplomatic discourse possesses enormousimportance to Japanese geopolitical
and geoeconomic strategiestowardsthe Central Asian region. The second part of
the paper will analyze the development of diplomatic relations between Japan and
the Central Asian states since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with a focus on
multilateral diplomatic initiatives that Japan has triggered and still pursues in the
Central Asian space. The third part of the paper will be dedicated to the analyses
of infrastructural projects that Japan has implemented in Central Asia. In the
Japanese case, those projects express the conditionality between geopolitics and
geoeconomy
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd
T2  - The Review of International Affairs
T1  - Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan
EP  - 25
IS  - 1172
SP  - 5
VL  - LXIX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_959
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The main purpose of the paper is to critically analyze the manifestation
of the Silk Road discourse in Japanese foreign policy behavior on both diplomatic
and practical levels. That will be done through usage of the content method
analyses and approaches which stem from critical geopolitics and geoeconomic
thoughts. Proposed methodological framework and theoretical approach have
been chosen with an aim to attest the general hypothesis of the paper, which is:
Japan uses the Silk Road discourse as a tool to improve its geopolitical and
geoeconomic position and interconnectivity in the Central Asian region. The first
part of the paper will tackle the meaning of discourse as a social construction and
its interlacement with strategic moves of foreign policy. This part of the paper
will be helpful to understand the reasons why the Silk Road as a social construction
and diplomatic discourse possesses enormousimportance to Japanese geopolitical
and geoeconomic strategiestowardsthe Central Asian region. The second part of
the paper will analyze the development of diplomatic relations between Japan and
the Central Asian states since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with a focus on
multilateral diplomatic initiatives that Japan has triggered and still pursues in the
Central Asian space. The third part of the paper will be dedicated to the analyses
of infrastructural projects that Japan has implemented in Central Asia. In the
Japanese case, those projects express the conditionality between geopolitics and
geoeconomy",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd",
journal = "The Review of International Affairs",
title = "Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan",
pages = "25-5",
number = "1172",
volume = "LXIX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_959"
}

Popović, S.. (2018). Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan. in The Review of International Affairs
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd., LXIX(1172), 5-25.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_959

Popović S. Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan. in The Review of International Affairs. 2018;LXIX(1172):5-25.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_959 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan" in The Review of International Affairs, LXIX, no. 1172 (2018):5-25,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_959 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/885
AB  - Na osnovu velikog broja relevantnih pokazatelja, danas, sa velikom
sigurnošću, možemo pretpostaviti da Narodna Republika Kina (Kina)
predstavlja jedan od najvažnijih geopolitičkih i geoekonomskih vektora
multipolarnog međunarodnog poretka. Međutim, kineska spoljna politika
je oduvek bila teško shvatljiva brojnim stručnjacima iz oblasti
međunarodnih odnosa koji dolaze iz tzv. zapadne škole mišljenja, iz prostog
razloga što ona nikada nije bila oblikovana prema „pravilima“
prosvetiteljskog racionalizma. Zbog toga njihove metode, paradigme, teorije
i indikatori, u odgovoru na ključno pitanje o uticaju miroljubivog razvoja
na kinesko geopolitičko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku, daju
polovičan i vrednosno-subjektivan odgovor. Namera ovog rada je da
analizom kineskog diskursa miroljubivog razvoja u periodu od 2003. do
2012. godine kada je na čelu Kine bio Hu Đintao (Hu Jintao), iz drugačijeg
ugla pruži odgovor na postavljeno pitanje. U prvom delu rada biće
problematizovano pitanje ekonomskog uspona Kine, njene demografske,
diplomatske i geopolitičke snage u očima zapadnih država, u svetlu
potencijalnih izazova po već ustanovljene norme ponašanja država u
međunarodnom okruženju. Drugi deo ovog rada biće posvećen kritičkom
objašnjenju koncepta miroljubivog razvoja u svetlu načina njegovog
kreiranja, dok se treći deo bavi njegovom suštinskom važnošću u
praktičnom potvrđivanju i izvršavanju kroz spoljnopolitičko i unutrašnje
delovanje Kine
AB  - Today, based on a large number of relevant indicators, we can
assume with great certainty that the People's Republic of China (China) is
one of the most important geopolitical and geoeconomic vectors of the
multipolar international order. However, China's foreign policy has always
been hard to understand to a number of experts in the field of international
relations coming from the so-called western schools of thought for the
simple reason that it was never shaped according to the "rules" of
Enlightenment rationalism. Therefore, their methods, paradigms, theories
and indicators, in response to the key question on the impact of peaceful
development on Chinese geopolitical (re) positioning in the international
order, give a partial and value-subjective answer. The purpose of this paper
is to analyze the Chinese discourse of peaceful development between 2003
and 2012 when Hu Jintao was the head of China and to answer the question
raised from a different angle. In the first part of the paper, the issue of the
economic rise of China, its demographic, diplomatic and geopolitical power
in the eyes of the Western states will be discussed in the light of the potential
challenges for the already established norms of state behavior in the
international environment. The second part of this paper will be devoted to
the critical explanation of the concept of peaceful development in light of
the way in which it is created, while the third part deals with its essential
importance in practical confirmation and execution through China's foreign
and political activities.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd
T2  - Međunarodna politika
T1  - Uticaj miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku
T1  - The influence of the discourse of peaceful development On Chinese (re) positioning in the international order
EP  - 28
IS  - 1171
SP  - 5
VL  - 15
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_885
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Na osnovu velikog broja relevantnih pokazatelja, danas, sa velikom
sigurnošću, možemo pretpostaviti da Narodna Republika Kina (Kina)
predstavlja jedan od najvažnijih geopolitičkih i geoekonomskih vektora
multipolarnog međunarodnog poretka. Međutim, kineska spoljna politika
je oduvek bila teško shvatljiva brojnim stručnjacima iz oblasti
međunarodnih odnosa koji dolaze iz tzv. zapadne škole mišljenja, iz prostog
razloga što ona nikada nije bila oblikovana prema „pravilima“
prosvetiteljskog racionalizma. Zbog toga njihove metode, paradigme, teorije
i indikatori, u odgovoru na ključno pitanje o uticaju miroljubivog razvoja
na kinesko geopolitičko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku, daju
polovičan i vrednosno-subjektivan odgovor. Namera ovog rada je da
analizom kineskog diskursa miroljubivog razvoja u periodu od 2003. do
2012. godine kada je na čelu Kine bio Hu Đintao (Hu Jintao), iz drugačijeg
ugla pruži odgovor na postavljeno pitanje. U prvom delu rada biće
problematizovano pitanje ekonomskog uspona Kine, njene demografske,
diplomatske i geopolitičke snage u očima zapadnih država, u svetlu
potencijalnih izazova po već ustanovljene norme ponašanja država u
međunarodnom okruženju. Drugi deo ovog rada biće posvećen kritičkom
objašnjenju koncepta miroljubivog razvoja u svetlu načina njegovog
kreiranja, dok se treći deo bavi njegovom suštinskom važnošću u
praktičnom potvrđivanju i izvršavanju kroz spoljnopolitičko i unutrašnje
delovanje Kine, Today, based on a large number of relevant indicators, we can
assume with great certainty that the People's Republic of China (China) is
one of the most important geopolitical and geoeconomic vectors of the
multipolar international order. However, China's foreign policy has always
been hard to understand to a number of experts in the field of international
relations coming from the so-called western schools of thought for the
simple reason that it was never shaped according to the "rules" of
Enlightenment rationalism. Therefore, their methods, paradigms, theories
and indicators, in response to the key question on the impact of peaceful
development on Chinese geopolitical (re) positioning in the international
order, give a partial and value-subjective answer. The purpose of this paper
is to analyze the Chinese discourse of peaceful development between 2003
and 2012 when Hu Jintao was the head of China and to answer the question
raised from a different angle. In the first part of the paper, the issue of the
economic rise of China, its demographic, diplomatic and geopolitical power
in the eyes of the Western states will be discussed in the light of the potential
challenges for the already established norms of state behavior in the
international environment. The second part of this paper will be devoted to
the critical explanation of the concept of peaceful development in light of
the way in which it is created, while the third part deals with its essential
importance in practical confirmation and execution through China's foreign
and political activities.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodna politika",
title = "Uticaj miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku, The influence of the discourse of peaceful development On Chinese (re) positioning in the international order",
pages = "28-5",
number = "1171",
volume = "15",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_885"
}

Popović, S.. (2018). Uticaj miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku. in Međunarodna politika
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd., 15(1171), 5-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_885

Popović S. Uticaj miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku. in Međunarodna politika. 2018;15(1171):5-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_885 .

Popović, Slobodan, "Uticaj miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku" in Međunarodna politika, 15, no. 1171 (2018):5-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_885 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Slobodan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/961
AB  - Using the methods of content analyses we will anatomize the position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), within China`s New Security Concept and multilateralism
based on it. Introducing the new way of security perception is a confirmation that official
Beijing becomes more active and constructive in creating supportive environment with the
aim to realize national goals. The first part of this paper will tackle the changes that occurred
in Chinese understanding of the security concept. This will help us to understand the reasons
why People`s Republic of China (China) besides bilateral diplomacy, started to pursue the
multilateral channels of communication. Simultaneously, those changes show us how China
perceives position within the international order and relations with other states. The second
part of this paper will be dedicated to the institutional development of the SCO. Analyzing
institutional, logistical and personnel enlargement of the SCO, we will see what kind of
goals, not only China, but as well other member states wanted to achieve. In the same part
of this paper we will analyze the concrete movements that China triggered through or supported by this Organization with aim to create stable security architecture in Central Asian
region. Stable environment is needed from both levels, economic and political.
PB  - Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd
T2  - Asian Issues
T1  - The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the China`s New Security Concept
EP  - 100
IS  - 1
SP  - 73
VL  - 4
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_961
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Popović, Slobodan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Using the methods of content analyses we will anatomize the position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), within China`s New Security Concept and multilateralism
based on it. Introducing the new way of security perception is a confirmation that official
Beijing becomes more active and constructive in creating supportive environment with the
aim to realize national goals. The first part of this paper will tackle the changes that occurred
in Chinese understanding of the security concept. This will help us to understand the reasons
why People`s Republic of China (China) besides bilateral diplomacy, started to pursue the
multilateral channels of communication. Simultaneously, those changes show us how China
perceives position within the international order and relations with other states. The second
part of this paper will be dedicated to the institutional development of the SCO. Analyzing
institutional, logistical and personnel enlargement of the SCO, we will see what kind of
goals, not only China, but as well other member states wanted to achieve. In the same part
of this paper we will analyze the concrete movements that China triggered through or supported by this Organization with aim to create stable security architecture in Central Asian
region. Stable environment is needed from both levels, economic and political.",
publisher = "Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd",
journal = "Asian Issues",
title = "The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the China`s New Security Concept",
pages = "100-73",
number = "1",
volume = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_961"
}

Popović, S.. (2018). The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the China`s New Security Concept. in Asian Issues
Institute for Asian Studies : Beograd., 4(1), 73-100.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_961

Popović S. The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the China`s New Security Concept. in Asian Issues. 2018;4(1):73-100.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_961 .

Popović, Slobodan, "The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the China`s New Security Concept" in Asian Issues, 4, no. 1 (2018):73-100,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_961 .