TY  - JOUR
AU  - Sielska, Zuzanna
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1235
AB  - This paper analyses how conflict impacts social capital. The existing
literature suggests that the social capital of a society which has experienced
conflict or military operations will not be shaped in the same way
as the social capital in an area where there were no such actions. Yet, there
is disagreement on what the specific effects of a conflict are. This paper
seeks to address this puzzle by comparing levels of social capital in Serbia
and Poland. The research presented in this paper was conducted among two
groups; the first, a group of respondents including young Serbs (18-24 years
old) who, during the 1990s, survived hostilities on the territory of their country
or grew up surrounded by people who were participating in military actions.
The second group includes young Poles (aged 18-24), who as children, grew
up in a society, which from 1995-2002 did not experience either conflict or
military action. Significant research results include the following: in a society
in which no conflict has occurred in the past, there is a higher level of social
and political participation; the formation of bridging communities, trust
in social actors from outside the immediate family, trust in institutions, and
a greater sense of security in the neighbourhood.
PB  - Lublin : Instytut Europy Środkowej
T2  - Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
T1  - Conflict as a differentiating factor in the creation of social capital among youth in Serbia and Poland
T1  - Konflikt jako czynnik różnicujący tworzenie się kapitału społecznego wśród młodych w Serbii i Polsce
EP  - 182
IS  - 1
SP  - 161
VL  - 20
DO  - 10.36874/RIESW.2022.1.9
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Sielska, Zuzanna and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "This paper analyses how conflict impacts social capital. The existing
literature suggests that the social capital of a society which has experienced
conflict or military operations will not be shaped in the same way
as the social capital in an area where there were no such actions. Yet, there
is disagreement on what the specific effects of a conflict are. This paper
seeks to address this puzzle by comparing levels of social capital in Serbia
and Poland. The research presented in this paper was conducted among two
groups; the first, a group of respondents including young Serbs (18-24 years
old) who, during the 1990s, survived hostilities on the territory of their country
or grew up surrounded by people who were participating in military actions.
The second group includes young Poles (aged 18-24), who as children, grew
up in a society, which from 1995-2002 did not experience either conflict or
military action. Significant research results include the following: in a society
in which no conflict has occurred in the past, there is a higher level of social
and political participation; the formation of bridging communities, trust
in social actors from outside the immediate family, trust in institutions, and
a greater sense of security in the neighbourhood.",
publisher = "Lublin : Instytut Europy Środkowej",
journal = "Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej",
title = "Conflict as a differentiating factor in the creation of social capital among youth in Serbia and Poland, Konflikt jako czynnik różnicujący tworzenie się kapitału społecznego wśród młodych w Serbii i Polsce",
pages = "182-161",
number = "1",
volume = "20",
doi = "10.36874/RIESW.2022.1.9"
}

Sielska, Z.,& Lončar, J.. (2023). Conflict as a differentiating factor in the creation of social capital among youth in Serbia and Poland. in Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Lublin : Instytut Europy Środkowej., 20(1), 161-182.
https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2022.1.9

Sielska Z, Lončar J. Conflict as a differentiating factor in the creation of social capital among youth in Serbia and Poland. in Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. 2023;20(1):161-182.
doi:10.36874/RIESW.2022.1.9 .

Sielska, Zuzanna, Lončar, Jelena, "Conflict as a differentiating factor in the creation of social capital among youth in Serbia and Poland" in Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, 20, no. 1 (2023):161-182,
https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2022.1.9 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1232
AB  - The constructivist approach to political representation has shown that descriptive
representation cannot be reduced to passive presence. Descriptive representatives
rather actively contribute to the construction of constituencies’ identities. Nevertheless,
the existing empirical literature still dominantly operationalizes descriptive representation
as mere presence of group members in the representative institutions. This article
adds to the previous efforts of rethinking descriptive representation in the more constructivist
terms by defining it as consisting of two necessary elements: 1) construction of
a representative through activation of claim-maker’s ethnicity, and 2) portrayals of ethnic
constituency. The article argues that descriptive representation is performed through the
use of diverse boundary mechanisms. In the process of positioning themselves and
portraying their constituency, representatives work with and around ethnic boundaries.
Using the case of ethnic minority representation in Serbia, the article demonstrates how
resemblance or group membership is not necessarily transparent and self-evident. Instead,
representatives first need to activate and deploy ethnic boundaries to be perceived
as group’s descriptive representatives. In doing so, they also tell stories about ethnic
groups, which are consequential upon the ways group members perceive themselves and
relations within and across the boundaries.
PB  - London : Sage
T2  - Ethnicities
T1  - Evoking the resemblance: Descriptive representation of ethnic minorities
EP  - 24
SP  - 1
VL  - online first
DO  - 10.1177/14687968231166514
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "The constructivist approach to political representation has shown that descriptive
representation cannot be reduced to passive presence. Descriptive representatives
rather actively contribute to the construction of constituencies’ identities. Nevertheless,
the existing empirical literature still dominantly operationalizes descriptive representation
as mere presence of group members in the representative institutions. This article
adds to the previous efforts of rethinking descriptive representation in the more constructivist
terms by defining it as consisting of two necessary elements: 1) construction of
a representative through activation of claim-maker’s ethnicity, and 2) portrayals of ethnic
constituency. The article argues that descriptive representation is performed through the
use of diverse boundary mechanisms. In the process of positioning themselves and
portraying their constituency, representatives work with and around ethnic boundaries.
Using the case of ethnic minority representation in Serbia, the article demonstrates how
resemblance or group membership is not necessarily transparent and self-evident. Instead,
representatives first need to activate and deploy ethnic boundaries to be perceived
as group’s descriptive representatives. In doing so, they also tell stories about ethnic
groups, which are consequential upon the ways group members perceive themselves and
relations within and across the boundaries.",
publisher = "London : Sage",
journal = "Ethnicities",
title = "Evoking the resemblance: Descriptive representation of ethnic minorities",
pages = "24-1",
volume = "online first",
doi = "10.1177/14687968231166514"
}

Lončar, J.. (2023). Evoking the resemblance: Descriptive representation of ethnic minorities. in Ethnicities
London : Sage., online first, 1-24.
https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968231166514

Lončar J. Evoking the resemblance: Descriptive representation of ethnic minorities. in Ethnicities. 2023;online first:1-24.
doi:10.1177/14687968231166514 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Evoking the resemblance: Descriptive representation of ethnic minorities" in Ethnicities, online first (2023):1-24,
https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968231166514 . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1231
AB  - Monografija Performans političkog predstavljanja predstavlja celovitu i detaljnu analizu procesa izvođenja političkog predstavljanja i njegovih efekata. Knjiga razmatra kako se različiti predstavnici pozicioniraju i u čije ime govore, koje alate i resurse pritom koriste i kako utiču na publiku i one koje predstavljaju. Autorka pokazuje da se predstavljanje odvija na različitim pozornicama, kroz aktivan i dinamičan proces iznošenja i prihvatanja tvrdnji koje imaju izrazito produktivnu, konstitutivnu moć. U predstavničkom procesu učestvuju brojni akteri čiji međusobni uticaji kreiraju predstavnički odnos. Knjiga pokazuje da je političko predstavljanje performans sa posledicama. Teorijska osnova na kojoj knjiga počiva svrstava se u pristup koji je u literaturi poznat kao konstruktivistički zaokret u teoriji političkog predstavljanja.  Ponuđeno razumevanje predstavljanja je relativno novo u političkoj teoriji, a gotovo nevidljivo u empirijskim politikološkim istraživanjima. Dok postojeća istraživanja dominantno zadržavaju statičan i jednodimenzionalan pogled na predstavljanje, ova knjiga ukazuje na složenost predstavničkih procesa kroz osvetljavanje njihovih estetskih, kreativnih, dinamičkih i relacionih aspekata.
Drugi doprinos knjige se ogleda u povezivanju različitih tradicija, odnosno primeni interdisciplinarnog pristupa. Knjiga pokazuje da performativno razumevanje predstavljanja ne bi bilo moguće bez oslanjanja na različite tradicije, posebno humanističku, i komunikacije sa njima. Autorka posebno naglašava značaj uvida koji dolaze iz sociologije, lingvistike, semiotike, kulturnih studija i teatrologije. Dok su se klasična teorijska misao o političkom predstavljanju, ali i prvi konstruktivistički uvidi razvijali bez dovoljnog oslanjanja na prethodna znanja u različitim disciplinama, ova knjiga je pokušala da poveže njihove različite doprinose kako bi sagledala širu sliku političkog predstavljanja i uočila sve njene kompleksnosti.
Prvo poglavlje knjige prati teorijski razvoj političkog predstavljanja od klasične teorije Hane Pitkin do zaokreta ka dinamičnim, kreativnim i relacionim aspektima predstavničkih procesa. Primenjujući teoriju na političku stvarnost, naredna poglavlja empirijski pokazuju značaj i primenjivost odabranog teorijskog stanovišta. Drugo poglavlje analizira proces predstavljanja žena u skupštini Srbiji kroz ispitivanje kako se konstituišu rodni identiteti i uloge kroz procese iznošenja predstavničkih tvrdnji. Treće poglavlje redefiniše klasične kategorije deskriptivnog i suštinskog predstavljanja i usklađuje ih sa konstruktivističkim razumevanjem predstavljanja, a potom ih primenjuje u analizi deskriptivnog i suštinskog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji. Četvrto poglavlje, koje je usmereno na neformalno predstavljanje, upoređuje procese iznošenja predstavničkih tvrdnji i mehanizme autorizacije i odgovornosti u sferama formalnog i neformalnog predstavljanja.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Performans političkog predstavljanja: čemu služe govori predstavnika
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1231
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Monografija Performans političkog predstavljanja predstavlja celovitu i detaljnu analizu procesa izvođenja političkog predstavljanja i njegovih efekata. Knjiga razmatra kako se različiti predstavnici pozicioniraju i u čije ime govore, koje alate i resurse pritom koriste i kako utiču na publiku i one koje predstavljaju. Autorka pokazuje da se predstavljanje odvija na različitim pozornicama, kroz aktivan i dinamičan proces iznošenja i prihvatanja tvrdnji koje imaju izrazito produktivnu, konstitutivnu moć. U predstavničkom procesu učestvuju brojni akteri čiji međusobni uticaji kreiraju predstavnički odnos. Knjiga pokazuje da je političko predstavljanje performans sa posledicama. Teorijska osnova na kojoj knjiga počiva svrstava se u pristup koji je u literaturi poznat kao konstruktivistički zaokret u teoriji političkog predstavljanja.  Ponuđeno razumevanje predstavljanja je relativno novo u političkoj teoriji, a gotovo nevidljivo u empirijskim politikološkim istraživanjima. Dok postojeća istraživanja dominantno zadržavaju statičan i jednodimenzionalan pogled na predstavljanje, ova knjiga ukazuje na složenost predstavničkih procesa kroz osvetljavanje njihovih estetskih, kreativnih, dinamičkih i relacionih aspekata.
Drugi doprinos knjige se ogleda u povezivanju različitih tradicija, odnosno primeni interdisciplinarnog pristupa. Knjiga pokazuje da performativno razumevanje predstavljanja ne bi bilo moguće bez oslanjanja na različite tradicije, posebno humanističku, i komunikacije sa njima. Autorka posebno naglašava značaj uvida koji dolaze iz sociologije, lingvistike, semiotike, kulturnih studija i teatrologije. Dok su se klasična teorijska misao o političkom predstavljanju, ali i prvi konstruktivistički uvidi razvijali bez dovoljnog oslanjanja na prethodna znanja u različitim disciplinama, ova knjiga je pokušala da poveže njihove različite doprinose kako bi sagledala širu sliku političkog predstavljanja i uočila sve njene kompleksnosti.
Prvo poglavlje knjige prati teorijski razvoj političkog predstavljanja od klasične teorije Hane Pitkin do zaokreta ka dinamičnim, kreativnim i relacionim aspektima predstavničkih procesa. Primenjujući teoriju na političku stvarnost, naredna poglavlja empirijski pokazuju značaj i primenjivost odabranog teorijskog stanovišta. Drugo poglavlje analizira proces predstavljanja žena u skupštini Srbiji kroz ispitivanje kako se konstituišu rodni identiteti i uloge kroz procese iznošenja predstavničkih tvrdnji. Treće poglavlje redefiniše klasične kategorije deskriptivnog i suštinskog predstavljanja i usklađuje ih sa konstruktivističkim razumevanjem predstavljanja, a potom ih primenjuje u analizi deskriptivnog i suštinskog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji. Četvrto poglavlje, koje je usmereno na neformalno predstavljanje, upoređuje procese iznošenja predstavničkih tvrdnji i mehanizme autorizacije i odgovornosti u sferama formalnog i neformalnog predstavljanja.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Performans političkog predstavljanja: čemu služe govori predstavnika",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1231"
}

Lončar, J.. (2023). Performans političkog predstavljanja: čemu služe govori predstavnika. 
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1231

Lončar J. Performans političkog predstavljanja: čemu služe govori predstavnika. 2023;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1231 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Performans političkog predstavljanja: čemu služe govori predstavnika" (2023),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1231 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1081
AB  - Recent literature suggests that the competitive authoritarian regimes emerging in the twenty-first century are more subtle and nuanced in comparison to the old regimes of the 1990s. Aiming to understand these differences in greater depth, this article explores how new competitive authoritarian regimes react to mass protests. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, a country where protests have been widespread both during the old regime of the 1990s and the current regime. Analysing five protests waves in the past decade, we were able to identify three dominant strategic interactions of the regime with the protests, all of which contrast significantly with those employed by the old regime. First, in contrast to protest bans and oppression mechanisms used by the old regime, the new regime tends to allow, and strategically ignore protests. Second, while in the past police violence was widespread, there is an apparent police absence from the protests nowadays. Finally, there is a clear difference in the ways the two regimes portray the “Others”. While in the 1990s the international enemies were clearly identified and explicitly evoked, the new regime tends to make vague and contradictory claims about diverse but unspecific international and regional enemies behind protests.
T2  - Democratization
T1  - Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism
EP  - 1399
IS  - 7
SP  - 1380
VL  - 30
DO  - 10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Recent literature suggests that the competitive authoritarian regimes emerging in the twenty-first century are more subtle and nuanced in comparison to the old regimes of the 1990s. Aiming to understand these differences in greater depth, this article explores how new competitive authoritarian regimes react to mass protests. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, a country where protests have been widespread both during the old regime of the 1990s and the current regime. Analysing five protests waves in the past decade, we were able to identify three dominant strategic interactions of the regime with the protests, all of which contrast significantly with those employed by the old regime. First, in contrast to protest bans and oppression mechanisms used by the old regime, the new regime tends to allow, and strategically ignore protests. Second, while in the past police violence was widespread, there is an apparent police absence from the protests nowadays. Finally, there is a clear difference in the ways the two regimes portray the “Others”. While in the 1990s the international enemies were clearly identified and explicitly evoked, the new regime tends to make vague and contradictory claims about diverse but unspecific international and regional enemies behind protests.",
journal = "Democratization",
title = "Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism",
pages = "1399-1380",
number = "7",
volume = "30",
doi = "10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614"
}

Spasojević, D.,& Lončar, J.. (2023). Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism. in Democratization, 30(7), 1380-1399.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614

Spasojević D, Lončar J. Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism. in Democratization. 2023;30(7):1380-1399.
doi:10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614 .

Spasojević, Dušan, Lončar, Jelena, "Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism" in Democratization, 30, no. 7 (2023):1380-1399,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1236
AB  - Izbori za skupštinu glavnog grada 3. aprila 2022. godine su iz više razloga bili posebno zanimljivi i značajni. Prvo, to su jedini izbori na kojima je postojala bar delimična neizvesnost u pogledu
izbornih rezultata. Dok se na predsedničkim i parlamentarnim izborima očekivala ubedljiva pobeda Srpske napredne stranke (SNS), beogradski izbori su jedini gde se u toku izborne kampanje
verovalo da bi opozicija mogla da osvoji dovoljan procenat glasova da uzdrma stabilnu osmogodišnju
vladavinu SNS. Drugo, bacili su svetlo na dinamiku i podele unutar SNS. Utapanje u SNS
Srpskog patriotskog saveza (SPAS) Aleksandra Šapića koji je na prethodnim beogradskim izborima
2018. godine bio drugi po snazi, uticalo je na podele unutar vladajuće stranke, i još važnije,na promenu beogradske političke scene. Treće, predviđanja u toku izborne kampanje su potvrđena
izbornim rezultatima. Za razliku od izbora 2014. i 2018. godine kada je SNS imao preko 50% mandata i mogao samostalno da formira vlast, nakon što su 2022. godine objavljeni rezultati izbora na trenutak je delovalo da SNS ni sa svojim dugogodišnjim koalicionim partnerima ovaj put neće imati
većinu. Imajući u vidu značaj izbora i kontekst u kom se održavaju, u ovom radu se analiziraju faktori
koji utiču na proces održavanja beogradskih izbora, rezultati, proces formiranja vlasti i posledice
izbora.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Izbori za odbornike skupštine grada Beograda 2022. godine - akteri, rezultati, posledice
T1  - Belgrade city assembly elections 2022 – actors, results and consequences
EP  - 222
IS  - 4
SP  - 197
DO  - 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.9
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Izbori za skupštinu glavnog grada 3. aprila 2022. godine su iz više razloga bili posebno zanimljivi i značajni. Prvo, to su jedini izbori na kojima je postojala bar delimična neizvesnost u pogledu
izbornih rezultata. Dok se na predsedničkim i parlamentarnim izborima očekivala ubedljiva pobeda Srpske napredne stranke (SNS), beogradski izbori su jedini gde se u toku izborne kampanje
verovalo da bi opozicija mogla da osvoji dovoljan procenat glasova da uzdrma stabilnu osmogodišnju
vladavinu SNS. Drugo, bacili su svetlo na dinamiku i podele unutar SNS. Utapanje u SNS
Srpskog patriotskog saveza (SPAS) Aleksandra Šapića koji je na prethodnim beogradskim izborima
2018. godine bio drugi po snazi, uticalo je na podele unutar vladajuće stranke, i još važnije,na promenu beogradske političke scene. Treće, predviđanja u toku izborne kampanje su potvrđena
izbornim rezultatima. Za razliku od izbora 2014. i 2018. godine kada je SNS imao preko 50% mandata i mogao samostalno da formira vlast, nakon što su 2022. godine objavljeni rezultati izbora na trenutak je delovalo da SNS ni sa svojim dugogodišnjim koalicionim partnerima ovaj put neće imati
većinu. Imajući u vidu značaj izbora i kontekst u kom se održavaju, u ovom radu se analiziraju faktori
koji utiču na proces održavanja beogradskih izbora, rezultati, proces formiranja vlasti i posledice
izbora.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Izbori za odbornike skupštine grada Beograda 2022. godine - akteri, rezultati, posledice, Belgrade city assembly elections 2022 – actors, results and consequences",
pages = "222-197",
number = "4",
doi = "10.22182/spm.specijal42022.9"
}

Lončar, J.. (2022). Izbori za odbornike skupštine grada Beograda 2022. godine - akteri, rezultati, posledice. in Srpska politička misao
Beograd : Institut za političke studije.(4), 197-222.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.9

Lončar J. Izbori za odbornike skupštine grada Beograda 2022. godine - akteri, rezultati, posledice. in Srpska politička misao. 2022;(4):197-222.
doi:10.22182/spm.specijal42022.9 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Izbori za odbornike skupštine grada Beograda 2022. godine - akteri, rezultati, posledice" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2022):197-222,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.9 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Beljinac, Nikola
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1239
AB  - U tekstu se ispituje teorijsko utemeljenje kulturne autonomije nacionalnih
manjina, kao i njene praktične implikacije na primeru
funkcionisanja nacionalnih saveta nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji. U
prvom delu se mapiraju normativne pretpostavke koncepta, na koji
se u drugom delu nastavlja razmatranje teorijskih nedoumica i praktičnih
poteškoća u vezi sa formalno-proceduralnim aspektima vršenja
kulturne autonomije i kontroverzama koje prate izbor i delovanje
predstavničkih tela manjinske samouprave u Srbiji. U trećem
delu se problematizuje način na koji se manjinski etnički identiteti,
unutar okvira kulturne autonomije, konstruišu i održavaju, s posebnim
akcentom na opasnost njihovog esencijalističkog razumevanja.
Četvrto i zaključno poglavlje bavi se (dez)integrativnim učincima
kulturne autonomije. Pitanje (ne)uključenosti nacionalnih manjina
u širu zajednicu vezuje se za reprodukovanje osećaja nepripadanja
koji nije otklonjen u režimu multikulturnog građanstva.
PB  - Beograd : Institut društvenih nauka
PB  - Beograd : SANU : Akademska mreža za saradnju u Jugoistočnoj Evropi
T2  - Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina u svetlu činjenica : zbornici
T1  - Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina: teorijske perspektive i praktični izazovi
T1  - Cultural autonomy of national minorities: theoretical perspectives and practical challenges
EP  - 21
SP  - 10
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1239
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Beljinac, Nikola and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U tekstu se ispituje teorijsko utemeljenje kulturne autonomije nacionalnih
manjina, kao i njene praktične implikacije na primeru
funkcionisanja nacionalnih saveta nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji. U
prvom delu se mapiraju normativne pretpostavke koncepta, na koji
se u drugom delu nastavlja razmatranje teorijskih nedoumica i praktičnih
poteškoća u vezi sa formalno-proceduralnim aspektima vršenja
kulturne autonomije i kontroverzama koje prate izbor i delovanje
predstavničkih tela manjinske samouprave u Srbiji. U trećem
delu se problematizuje način na koji se manjinski etnički identiteti,
unutar okvira kulturne autonomije, konstruišu i održavaju, s posebnim
akcentom na opasnost njihovog esencijalističkog razumevanja.
Četvrto i zaključno poglavlje bavi se (dez)integrativnim učincima
kulturne autonomije. Pitanje (ne)uključenosti nacionalnih manjina
u širu zajednicu vezuje se za reprodukovanje osećaja nepripadanja
koji nije otklonjen u režimu multikulturnog građanstva.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd : SANU : Akademska mreža za saradnju u Jugoistočnoj Evropi",
journal = "Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina u svetlu činjenica : zbornici",
booktitle = "Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina: teorijske perspektive i praktični izazovi, Cultural autonomy of national minorities: theoretical perspectives and practical challenges",
pages = "21-10",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1239"
}

Beljinac, N.,& Lončar, J.. (2021). Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina: teorijske perspektive i praktični izazovi. in Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina u svetlu činjenica : zbornici
Beograd : Institut društvenih nauka., 10-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1239

Beljinac N, Lončar J. Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina: teorijske perspektive i praktični izazovi. in Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina u svetlu činjenica : zbornici. 2021;:10-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1239 .

Beljinac, Nikola, Lončar, Jelena, "Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina: teorijske perspektive i praktični izazovi" in Kulturna autonomija nacionalnih manjina u svetlu činjenica : zbornici (2021):10-21,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1239 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Pavlović, Aleksandar
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1234
AB  - This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage
in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses
on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the
passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian
cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership.
Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the
statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The
authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding
efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of
the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both
Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance
mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.
PB  - Leiden : Brill Publishers
T2  - Southeastern Europe
T1  - A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?
EP  - 386
IS  - 3
SP  - 361
VL  - 45
DO  - 10.30965/18763332-45030005
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela and Pavlović, Aleksandar and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage
in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses
on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the
passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian
cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership.
Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the
statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The
authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding
efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of
the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both
Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance
mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.",
publisher = "Leiden : Brill Publishers",
journal = "Southeastern Europe",
title = "A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?",
pages = "386-361",
number = "3",
volume = "45",
doi = "10.30965/18763332-45030005"
}

Pudar Draško, G., Pavlović, A.,& Lončar, J.. (2021). A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?. in Southeastern Europe
Leiden : Brill Publishers., 45(3), 361-386.
https://doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005

Pudar Draško G, Pavlović A, Lončar J. A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?. in Southeastern Europe. 2021;45(3):361-386.
doi:10.30965/18763332-45030005 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, Pavlović, Aleksandar, Lončar, Jelena, "A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?" in Southeastern Europe, 45, no. 3 (2021):361-386,
https://doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1033
AB  - U ovom radu analiziramo proces (političkog) predstavljanja iz ugla simbola kao subjekata reprezentacije. Fokusirajući se na slučaj protesta Bukom protiv diktature održanog širom Srbije na proleće 2020. godine, istražujemo kako simboli zauzimaju ulogu predstavnika, kako se kreiraju i menjaju značenja simbola i kako ovi procesi utiču na kreiranje identiteta predstavljenih, nas i Drugih. Za razliku od tradicionalnog politikološkog razumevanja simboličkog predstavljanja
kao statičnog i pasivnog, u radu pokazujemo da su značenja simbola promenjiva, da nastaju i menjaju se kao rezultat odnosa moći, ubeđivanja i osporavanja. Koristeći metodu analize predstavničkih tvrdnji, simboličko predstavljanje tokom građanskih protesta analiziramo kroz medijsko izveštavanje o protestu na podacima prikupljenim u vodećim dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama u periodu od 24.04. do 08.05.2020. godine. Rad predstavlja doprinos novijoj literaturi o predstavljanju koja političko predstavljanje vidi kao dinamičnu i relacionu aktivnost koja se odigrava ne samo u formalnim predstavničkim institucijama, već i u civilnom društvu.
PB  - Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje
EP  - 247
IS  - 2
SP  - 227
VL  - LXIV
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2202227L
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U ovom radu analiziramo proces (političkog) predstavljanja iz ugla simbola kao subjekata reprezentacije. Fokusirajući se na slučaj protesta Bukom protiv diktature održanog širom Srbije na proleće 2020. godine, istražujemo kako simboli zauzimaju ulogu predstavnika, kako se kreiraju i menjaju značenja simbola i kako ovi procesi utiču na kreiranje identiteta predstavljenih, nas i Drugih. Za razliku od tradicionalnog politikološkog razumevanja simboličkog predstavljanja
kao statičnog i pasivnog, u radu pokazujemo da su značenja simbola promenjiva, da nastaju i menjaju se kao rezultat odnosa moći, ubeđivanja i osporavanja. Koristeći metodu analize predstavničkih tvrdnji, simboličko predstavljanje tokom građanskih protesta analiziramo kroz medijsko izveštavanje o protestu na podacima prikupljenim u vodećim dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama u periodu od 24.04. do 08.05.2020. godine. Rad predstavlja doprinos novijoj literaturi o predstavljanju koja političko predstavljanje vidi kao dinamičnu i relacionu aktivnost koja se odigrava ne samo u formalnim predstavničkim institucijama, već i u civilnom društvu.",
publisher = "Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje",
pages = "247-227",
number = "2",
volume = "LXIV",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2202227L"
}

Lončar, J.,& Spasojević, D.. (2021). Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje. in Sociologija
Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu., LXIV(2), 227-247.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2202227L

Lončar J, Spasojević D. Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje. in Sociologija. 2021;LXIV(2):227-247.
doi:10.2298/SOC2202227L .

Lončar, Jelena, Spasojević, Dušan, "Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje" in Sociologija, LXIV, no. 2 (2021):227-247,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2202227L . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1243
AB  - Uverenje da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog predstavljanja
podložno je sve većim kritikama kako opada identifikacija birača sa partijama
i raste antipartizam. Paralelno sa tim u literaturi raste interesovanje za
nepartijske organizacije i kandidate na izborima i mogućnosti da ovi akteri
doprinesu novim modelima demokratije i demokratičnijem predstavljanju. S
druge strane, u Srbiji je učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima gotovo
u potpunosti neistraženo uprkos tome što se poslednjih godina na izborima
pojavljuje sve više nepartijskih lista, odnosno grupa građana. Ovaj rad stoga
analizira učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima u Srbiji sa ciljem da
istraži pravilnosti u njihovom izbornom učešću i rezultatima i vezu između
sve veće pojave grupa građana na izborima i sve većeg nepoverenja birača u
političke partije.
AB  - The belief that political parties are key actors of political representation
is increasingly criticized as voters’ identification with political parties declines and antipartisanship grows. At the same time, there is a growing academic interest in the electoral
participation of non-party organizations and candidates and opportunities for these actors to contribute to new models of democracy and more democratic representation. On
the other hand, in Serbia, the participation of non-party organizations in the elections
is almost completely unexplored, despite the fact that in recent years non-party lists, i.e. groups of citizens, have increasingly been participating in the elections. This paper there-
fore analyzes the participation of non-party organizations in the elections in Serbia in
order to explore the patterns in their electoral appearance and results, and the connection
between the growing electoral participation of groups of citizens and a growing distrust
of voters in political parties.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
PB  - Beograd : Centar za demokratiju
PB  - Beograd : Hanns Seidel Stiftung
C3  - Trideset godina obnovljenog višepartizma u Srbiji – (ne)naučene lekcije
T1  - Učešće nepartijskih organizacija i grupa na izborima u Srbiji
T1  - Participation of non-party organizations and groups in the elections in Serbia
EP  - 241
SP  - 221
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1243
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Uverenje da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog predstavljanja
podložno je sve većim kritikama kako opada identifikacija birača sa partijama
i raste antipartizam. Paralelno sa tim u literaturi raste interesovanje za
nepartijske organizacije i kandidate na izborima i mogućnosti da ovi akteri
doprinesu novim modelima demokratije i demokratičnijem predstavljanju. S
druge strane, u Srbiji je učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima gotovo
u potpunosti neistraženo uprkos tome što se poslednjih godina na izborima
pojavljuje sve više nepartijskih lista, odnosno grupa građana. Ovaj rad stoga
analizira učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima u Srbiji sa ciljem da
istraži pravilnosti u njihovom izbornom učešću i rezultatima i vezu između
sve veće pojave grupa građana na izborima i sve većeg nepoverenja birača u
političke partije., The belief that political parties are key actors of political representation
is increasingly criticized as voters’ identification with political parties declines and antipartisanship grows. At the same time, there is a growing academic interest in the electoral
participation of non-party organizations and candidates and opportunities for these actors to contribute to new models of democracy and more democratic representation. On
the other hand, in Serbia, the participation of non-party organizations in the elections
is almost completely unexplored, despite the fact that in recent years non-party lists, i.e. groups of citizens, have increasingly been participating in the elections. This paper there-
fore analyzes the participation of non-party organizations in the elections in Serbia in
order to explore the patterns in their electoral appearance and results, and the connection
between the growing electoral participation of groups of citizens and a growing distrust
of voters in political parties.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd : Centar za demokratiju, Beograd : Hanns Seidel Stiftung",
journal = "Trideset godina obnovljenog višepartizma u Srbiji – (ne)naučene lekcije",
title = "Učešće nepartijskih organizacija i grupa na izborima u Srbiji, Participation of non-party organizations and groups in the elections in Serbia",
pages = "241-221",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1243"
}

Lončar, J.. (2020). Učešće nepartijskih organizacija i grupa na izborima u Srbiji. in Trideset godina obnovljenog višepartizma u Srbiji – (ne)naučene lekcije
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 221-241.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1243

Lončar J. Učešće nepartijskih organizacija i grupa na izborima u Srbiji. in Trideset godina obnovljenog višepartizma u Srbiji – (ne)naučene lekcije. 2020;:221-241.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1243 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Učešće nepartijskih organizacija i grupa na izborima u Srbiji" in Trideset godina obnovljenog višepartizma u Srbiji – (ne)naučene lekcije (2020):221-241,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1243 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1242
AB  - Poglavlje analizira medijske diskurse o Petom oktobru u poslednjih
dvadeset godina. U radu se fokusiramo na tekstove objavljene povodom godišnjica
Petog oktobra u dva dnevna lista, Blicu i Večernjim novostima. U
analizi uočavamo tri osnovna diskursa: 1) diskurs o propuštenim šansama i
izneverenim očekivanjima; 2) diskurs o (revolucionarnom?) karakteru promena,
i 3) diskurs zaborava i povratka devedesetih. Nalazi takođe ukazuju na
dinamiku u odnosima između stranaka starog režima i stranaka pobedničke
koalicije DOS, kao i na promenu odnosa stranaka i aktera civilnog društva
bez kojih Peti oktobar nije bio moguć. Poglavlje pokazuje kako jedan snažan
simbol relativno brzo prelazi put od „zvezde vodilje” do simbola izneverenih
očekivanja i davnoprošlog vremena, ali i postaje „prazni označitelj”.
AB  - This chapter explores the media discourses about the 5 October Over-
throw in Serbia in the last twenty years. We focus on the articles published in relation to
the 5 October commemoration dates in two daily newspapers Blic and Večernje novosti.
in the analysis, we observe three main discourses: 1) a discourse on missed opportunities
and betrayed expectations; 2) discourse on the (revolutionary?) character of the changes;
and 3) the discourse of indifference and the return of the 1990s. The findings also point
to the dynamics in the relations between the parties of the old regime and the parties of
the winning DOS coalition, as well as the change in relations between parties and civil
society actors without which the 5 October would not have been possible. The chapter
demonstrates how a strong symbol may easily shift from the “leading star” to the symbol
of betrayed expectations and the past, but also become an “empty signifier”.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
PB  - Beograd : Hanns Seidel Stiftung
T2  - Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra
T1  - Medijska slika o Petom oktobru: između osporavanja i zaborava
T1  - Media images of the 5 October overthrow: between contestation and indifference
EP  - 113
SP  - 91
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1242
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Poglavlje analizira medijske diskurse o Petom oktobru u poslednjih
dvadeset godina. U radu se fokusiramo na tekstove objavljene povodom godišnjica
Petog oktobra u dva dnevna lista, Blicu i Večernjim novostima. U
analizi uočavamo tri osnovna diskursa: 1) diskurs o propuštenim šansama i
izneverenim očekivanjima; 2) diskurs o (revolucionarnom?) karakteru promena,
i 3) diskurs zaborava i povratka devedesetih. Nalazi takođe ukazuju na
dinamiku u odnosima između stranaka starog režima i stranaka pobedničke
koalicije DOS, kao i na promenu odnosa stranaka i aktera civilnog društva
bez kojih Peti oktobar nije bio moguć. Poglavlje pokazuje kako jedan snažan
simbol relativno brzo prelazi put od „zvezde vodilje” do simbola izneverenih
očekivanja i davnoprošlog vremena, ali i postaje „prazni označitelj”., This chapter explores the media discourses about the 5 October Over-
throw in Serbia in the last twenty years. We focus on the articles published in relation to
the 5 October commemoration dates in two daily newspapers Blic and Večernje novosti.
in the analysis, we observe three main discourses: 1) a discourse on missed opportunities
and betrayed expectations; 2) discourse on the (revolutionary?) character of the changes;
and 3) the discourse of indifference and the return of the 1990s. The findings also point
to the dynamics in the relations between the parties of the old regime and the parties of
the winning DOS coalition, as well as the change in relations between parties and civil
society actors without which the 5 October would not have been possible. The chapter
demonstrates how a strong symbol may easily shift from the “leading star” to the symbol
of betrayed expectations and the past, but also become an “empty signifier”.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd : Hanns Seidel Stiftung",
journal = "Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra",
booktitle = "Medijska slika o Petom oktobru: između osporavanja i zaborava, Media images of the 5 October overthrow: between contestation and indifference",
pages = "113-91",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1242"
}

Spasojević, D.,& Lončar, J.. (2020). Medijska slika o Petom oktobru: između osporavanja i zaborava. in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 91-113.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1242

Spasojević D, Lončar J. Medijska slika o Petom oktobru: između osporavanja i zaborava. in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra. 2020;:91-113.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1242 .

Spasojević, Dušan, Lončar, Jelena, "Medijska slika o Petom oktobru: između osporavanja i zaborava" in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra (2020):91-113,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1242 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1241
AB  - Ovo poglavlje analizira učešće političkih partija nacionalnih
manjina na parlamentarnim i lokalnim izborima u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020. godine.
S obzirom na to su se od 1990. godine izborni zakoni nekoliko puta menjali u manjoj
ili većoj meri, cilj poglavlja je da istraži efekte različitih izbornih pravila na
zastupljenost manjina u Narodnoj skupštini i skupštinama lokalnih samouprava.
Analiza pokazuje da su izmene izbornih zakona do sada bile usmerene ka povećanju
zastupljenosti najbrojnijih i politički najorganizovanijih manjina, dok malobrojne
manjine od 2008. godine uspevaju da ostvare simbolično prisustvo u predstavničkim
institucijama samo na lokalnom nivou.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
PB  - Beograd : Službeni glasnik
T2  - Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
T1  - Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020
EP  - 869
SP  - 843
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1241
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Ovo poglavlje analizira učešće političkih partija nacionalnih
manjina na parlamentarnim i lokalnim izborima u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020. godine.
S obzirom na to su se od 1990. godine izborni zakoni nekoliko puta menjali u manjoj
ili većoj meri, cilj poglavlja je da istraži efekte različitih izbornih pravila na
zastupljenost manjina u Narodnoj skupštini i skupštinama lokalnih samouprava.
Analiza pokazuje da su izmene izbornih zakona do sada bile usmerene ka povećanju
zastupljenosti najbrojnijih i politički najorganizovanijih manjina, dok malobrojne
manjine od 2008. godine uspevaju da ostvare simbolično prisustvo u predstavničkim
institucijama samo na lokalnom nivou.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije, Beograd : Službeni glasnik",
journal = "Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine",
booktitle = "Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020",
pages = "869-843",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1241"
}

Lončar, J.. (2020). Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
Beograd : Institut za političke studije., 843-869.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1241

Lončar J. Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine. 2020;:843-869.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1241 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020" in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine (2020):843-869,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1241 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1240
AB  - Ovo poglavlje istražuje kako su različite promene izbornog sistema
uticale na prisustvo žena u nacionalnoj, pokrajinskoj i lokalnim skupštinama
od uvođenja višepartizma 1990. do 2020. godine, kao i na njihovo pozicioniranje u
izvršnoj vlasti. Analiza pokazuje da se u pogledu učešća žena u političkom životu
vide jasne razlike između tri perioda koji slede bitne izmene izbornih pravila:
1) period do 2004. odnosno do uvođenja prvih rodnih kvota, 2) postepeno povećanje
broja žena od 2004–2011. i 3) period od 2011, kada se uz rodnu kvotu na izbornim
listama dodaje i uslov raspodele mandata prema redosledu na izbornoj listi. Iako
je poslednjih godina došlo do značajnog povećanja učešća žena u predstavničkim
institucijama, ovi brojevi nisu nužno i pokazatelj ravnopravnosti polova u političkom životu, niti značajnijeg uticaja žena na donošenje odluka.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
PB  - Beograd : Službeni glasnik
T2  - Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
T1  - Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020
EP  - 889
SP  - 869
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1240
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Ovo poglavlje istražuje kako su različite promene izbornog sistema
uticale na prisustvo žena u nacionalnoj, pokrajinskoj i lokalnim skupštinama
od uvođenja višepartizma 1990. do 2020. godine, kao i na njihovo pozicioniranje u
izvršnoj vlasti. Analiza pokazuje da se u pogledu učešća žena u političkom životu
vide jasne razlike između tri perioda koji slede bitne izmene izbornih pravila:
1) period do 2004. odnosno do uvođenja prvih rodnih kvota, 2) postepeno povećanje
broja žena od 2004–2011. i 3) period od 2011, kada se uz rodnu kvotu na izbornim
listama dodaje i uslov raspodele mandata prema redosledu na izbornoj listi. Iako
je poslednjih godina došlo do značajnog povećanja učešća žena u predstavničkim
institucijama, ovi brojevi nisu nužno i pokazatelj ravnopravnosti polova u političkom životu, niti značajnijeg uticaja žena na donošenje odluka.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije, Beograd : Službeni glasnik",
journal = "Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine",
booktitle = "Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020",
pages = "889-869",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1240"
}

Lončar, J.. (2020). Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
Beograd : Institut za političke studije., 869-889.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1240

Lončar J. Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine. 2020;:869-889.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1240 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020" in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali. Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine (2020):869-889,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1240 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/768
AB  - This article explores how members of parliament (MPs) from minority backgrounds in Serbia and Kosovo use institutional incentives to perform as elected minority representatives. In contrast to the previous research that has viewed political agents as simply being acted upon or reactive, this article develops a less deterministic view of the effects of electoral incentives on political agents. It argues for a more dynamic analysis that focuses on the ways in which political actors mobilise institutions for strategic purposes.
PB  - Routledge
T2  - Representation
T1  - Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia
DO  - 10.1080/00344893.2020.1842797
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This article explores how members of parliament (MPs) from minority backgrounds in Serbia and Kosovo use institutional incentives to perform as elected minority representatives. In contrast to the previous research that has viewed political agents as simply being acted upon or reactive, this article develops a less deterministic view of the effects of electoral incentives on political agents. It argues for a more dynamic analysis that focuses on the ways in which political actors mobilise institutions for strategic purposes.",
publisher = "Routledge",
journal = "Representation",
title = "Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia",
doi = "10.1080/00344893.2020.1842797"
}

Lončar, J.. (2020). Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia. in Representation
Routledge..
https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2020.1842797

Lončar J. Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia. in Representation. 2020;.
doi:10.1080/00344893.2020.1842797 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia" in Representation (2020),
https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2020.1842797 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1238
AB  - Since the Declaration of Independence, Kosovo has made significant progress in
the protection of minority rights. The progress however, refers specifically to the
passing of favorable legislation, while problems in the legislation’s implementation persist. Kosovo struggles with widespread violations of minority rights and
high inter-ethnic tensions ( OSCE 2014 , UN Security Council 2014 ). Much of
the relevant literature has focused on Kosovo’s institutional framework for the
protection of minority rights,1 but has ignored issues of its implementation. This
chapter suggests that we should look into the legislative process, but also the representations of the issues on the agenda and actors involved. The way legislation
is framed and justified may help explain the rupture between legal obligations for
minority protection and implementation of such laws...
PB  - London : Routledge
T2  - Rethinking Serbian-Albanian Relations: Figuring out the Enemy
T1  - Cultural Heritage in Kosovo: strengthening exclusion through inclusive legislation
EP  - 197
SP  - 180
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1238
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Since the Declaration of Independence, Kosovo has made significant progress in
the protection of minority rights. The progress however, refers specifically to the
passing of favorable legislation, while problems in the legislation’s implementation persist. Kosovo struggles with widespread violations of minority rights and
high inter-ethnic tensions ( OSCE 2014 , UN Security Council 2014 ). Much of
the relevant literature has focused on Kosovo’s institutional framework for the
protection of minority rights,1 but has ignored issues of its implementation. This
chapter suggests that we should look into the legislative process, but also the representations of the issues on the agenda and actors involved. The way legislation
is framed and justified may help explain the rupture between legal obligations for
minority protection and implementation of such laws...",
publisher = "London : Routledge",
journal = "Rethinking Serbian-Albanian Relations: Figuring out the Enemy",
booktitle = "Cultural Heritage in Kosovo: strengthening exclusion through inclusive legislation",
pages = "197-180",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1238"
}

Lončar, J.. (2019). Cultural Heritage in Kosovo: strengthening exclusion through inclusive legislation. in Rethinking Serbian-Albanian Relations: Figuring out the Enemy
London : Routledge., 180-197.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1238

Lončar J. Cultural Heritage in Kosovo: strengthening exclusion through inclusive legislation. in Rethinking Serbian-Albanian Relations: Figuring out the Enemy. 2019;:180-197.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1238 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Cultural Heritage in Kosovo: strengthening exclusion through inclusive legislation" in Rethinking Serbian-Albanian Relations: Figuring out the Enemy (2019):180-197,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1238 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1237
AB  - The performance of minority politics hinges upon various demands and expectations. While
claiming to represent, Members of parliament (MPs) do not work in a vacuum. They rather work
against particular institutional and cultural backgrounds, which, at least in part, set up the structure
of opportunities open to them. In post-conflict societies such as Kosovo, international actors, kin
states and their often conflicting peace-building strategies can make strong constraints on the
behaviour of minority representatives. This chapter explores how Serb MPs in the Kosovo parliament
respond to the incentives and constraints they face, and whether they manage to raise their
authentic voice or merely give in to various pressures and expectations raised upon them...
PB  - London : Routledge
T2  - Unravelling Liberal Interventionism: Local Critiques of Statebuilding in Kosovo
T1  - Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo
EP  - 132
SP  - 117
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1237
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The performance of minority politics hinges upon various demands and expectations. While
claiming to represent, Members of parliament (MPs) do not work in a vacuum. They rather work
against particular institutional and cultural backgrounds, which, at least in part, set up the structure
of opportunities open to them. In post-conflict societies such as Kosovo, international actors, kin
states and their often conflicting peace-building strategies can make strong constraints on the
behaviour of minority representatives. This chapter explores how Serb MPs in the Kosovo parliament
respond to the incentives and constraints they face, and whether they manage to raise their
authentic voice or merely give in to various pressures and expectations raised upon them...",
publisher = "London : Routledge",
journal = "Unravelling Liberal Interventionism: Local Critiques of Statebuilding in Kosovo",
booktitle = "Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo",
pages = "132-117",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1237"
}

Lončar, J.. (2019). Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo. in Unravelling Liberal Interventionism: Local Critiques of Statebuilding in Kosovo
London : Routledge., 117-132.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1237

Lončar J. Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo. in Unravelling Liberal Interventionism: Local Critiques of Statebuilding in Kosovo. 2019;:117-132.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1237 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo" in Unravelling Liberal Interventionism: Local Critiques of Statebuilding in Kosovo (2019):117-132,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1237 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Cianetti, Licia
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/670
PB  - Cambridge Univ Press, New York
T2  - Nationalities Papers
T1  - Representation of minorities: perspectives and challenges INTRODUCTION
EP  - 201
IS  - 2
SP  - 197
VL  - 46
DO  - 10.1080/00905992.2017.1421150
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Cianetti, Licia and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Cambridge Univ Press, New York",
journal = "Nationalities Papers",
title = "Representation of minorities: perspectives and challenges INTRODUCTION",
pages = "201-197",
number = "2",
volume = "46",
doi = "10.1080/00905992.2017.1421150"
}

Cianetti, L.,& Lončar, J.. (2018). Representation of minorities: perspectives and challenges INTRODUCTION. in Nationalities Papers
Cambridge Univ Press, New York., 46(2), 197-201.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1421150

Cianetti L, Lončar J. Representation of minorities: perspectives and challenges INTRODUCTION. in Nationalities Papers. 2018;46(2):197-201.
doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1421150 .

Cianetti, Licia, Lončar, Jelena, "Representation of minorities: perspectives and challenges INTRODUCTION" in Nationalities Papers, 46, no. 2 (2018):197-201,
https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1421150 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/679
AB  - This paper aims to extend the focus of ethnic minority research in two ways: first, by introducing the notion of constitutive representation of ethnicity and second, by operationalizing accountability for empirical research of minority representation in accordance with the constructivist representative turn. The paper suggests that the analysis of ethnic minority representation would be significantly refined if it adopted a more constructivist understanding of representation. Consequently, we need to move beyond traditional understanding of accountability as reelection. As a response, previous research has introduced more discursive and plural ways of understanding accountability. This paper contributes to these theoretical advancements by developing methodological tools for evaluating minority representation. The paper suggests that there are three systemic conditions necessary for the accountability of minority representatives: publicity, competition, and outlets for objection. Based on them, the paper develops 18 indicators for evaluating minority representation. The system accountability indicators allow us to extend our research beyond the identification of minority claims and try to explain the differences among those who claim to represent minorities.
PB  - Cambridge Univ Press, New York
T2  - Nationalities Papers
T1  - Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements
EP  - 218
IS  - 2
SP  - 202
VL  - 46
DO  - 10.1080/00905992.2017.1342117
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper aims to extend the focus of ethnic minority research in two ways: first, by introducing the notion of constitutive representation of ethnicity and second, by operationalizing accountability for empirical research of minority representation in accordance with the constructivist representative turn. The paper suggests that the analysis of ethnic minority representation would be significantly refined if it adopted a more constructivist understanding of representation. Consequently, we need to move beyond traditional understanding of accountability as reelection. As a response, previous research has introduced more discursive and plural ways of understanding accountability. This paper contributes to these theoretical advancements by developing methodological tools for evaluating minority representation. The paper suggests that there are three systemic conditions necessary for the accountability of minority representatives: publicity, competition, and outlets for objection. Based on them, the paper develops 18 indicators for evaluating minority representation. The system accountability indicators allow us to extend our research beyond the identification of minority claims and try to explain the differences among those who claim to represent minorities.",
publisher = "Cambridge Univ Press, New York",
journal = "Nationalities Papers",
title = "Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements",
pages = "218-202",
number = "2",
volume = "46",
doi = "10.1080/00905992.2017.1342117"
}

Lončar, J.. (2018). Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements. in Nationalities Papers
Cambridge Univ Press, New York., 46(2), 202-218.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1342117

Lončar J. Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements. in Nationalities Papers. 2018;46(2):202-218.
doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1342117 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements" in Nationalities Papers, 46, no. 2 (2018):202-218,
https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1342117 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ferrara, Alessandro
AU  - Ivković, Marjan
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
AU  - Prodanović, Srđan
AU  - Simeunović, Bojana
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/642
AB  - In this symposium, Alessandro Ferrara's recent book The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism - an attempt to expand the framework of Rawls' political liberalism in order to enable it to meet the challenge of today's hyperpluralism - is discussed from a variety of angles by four contributors. Among the themes addressed are the potential of political liberalism for grounding a critical attitude; the different potential for accommodation offered by political liberalism for religious and moral, as opposed to economic, pluralism; Rawls' implicit understanding of truth; the prospects of true democracy in ethnically divided societies that embrace consociationalist and particularly consensualist forms of governance; and the proper role of human rights in paths from decency to democracy from the perspective of an expanded political liberalism. In the final section, Alessandro Ferrara replies to his critics and accepts some of their suggestions.
PB  - Sage Publications Ltd, London
T2  - Political Studies Review
T1  - Liberalism between Politics and Epistemology: A Discussion of Alessandro Ferrara's The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism
EP  - 390
IS  - 3
SP  - 368
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.1177/1478929916645359
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Ferrara, Alessandro and Ivković, Marjan and Lončar, Jelena and Prodanović, Srđan and Simeunović, Bojana",
year = "2017",
abstract = "In this symposium, Alessandro Ferrara's recent book The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism - an attempt to expand the framework of Rawls' political liberalism in order to enable it to meet the challenge of today's hyperpluralism - is discussed from a variety of angles by four contributors. Among the themes addressed are the potential of political liberalism for grounding a critical attitude; the different potential for accommodation offered by political liberalism for religious and moral, as opposed to economic, pluralism; Rawls' implicit understanding of truth; the prospects of true democracy in ethnically divided societies that embrace consociationalist and particularly consensualist forms of governance; and the proper role of human rights in paths from decency to democracy from the perspective of an expanded political liberalism. In the final section, Alessandro Ferrara replies to his critics and accepts some of their suggestions.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Ltd, London",
journal = "Political Studies Review",
title = "Liberalism between Politics and Epistemology: A Discussion of Alessandro Ferrara's The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism",
pages = "390-368",
number = "3",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.1177/1478929916645359"
}

Ferrara, A., Ivković, M., Lončar, J., Prodanović, S.,& Simeunović, B.. (2017). Liberalism between Politics and Epistemology: A Discussion of Alessandro Ferrara's The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism. in Political Studies Review
Sage Publications Ltd, London., 15(3), 368-390.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929916645359

Ferrara A, Ivković M, Lončar J, Prodanović S, Simeunović B. Liberalism between Politics and Epistemology: A Discussion of Alessandro Ferrara's The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism. in Political Studies Review. 2017;15(3):368-390.
doi:10.1177/1478929916645359 .

Ferrara, Alessandro, Ivković, Marjan, Lončar, Jelena, Prodanović, Srđan, Simeunović, Bojana, "Liberalism between Politics and Epistemology: A Discussion of Alessandro Ferrara's The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism" in Political Studies Review, 15, no. 3 (2017):368-390,
https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929916645359 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/581
AB  - This article examines under what conditions descriptive representatives of national minorities can also act as substantive representatives. It provides an empirical analysis of the behaviour of the representatives with ethnic minority backgrounds in the eighth National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. Specifically, the article builds upon a content analysis of all interventions in the plenary parliamentary debates of the thirty-one minority MPs in the period between June 2008 and March 2012. The analysis suggests that having a minority ethnic background or political party registered as a political party of national minority are not sufficient conditions for substantive minority representation. The findings show that minority representatives elected on minority electoral lists engage more in substantive representation of minorities than descriptive representatives elected to parliament either as members of mainstream parties or through pre-electoral arrangements of minority parties with mainstream political parties.
PB  - Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks
T2  - East European Politics and Societies
T1  - Electoral Accountability and Substantive Representation of National Minorities: The Case of Serbia
EP  - 724
IS  - 4
SP  - 703
VL  - 30
DO  - 10.1177/0888325416650252
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This article examines under what conditions descriptive representatives of national minorities can also act as substantive representatives. It provides an empirical analysis of the behaviour of the representatives with ethnic minority backgrounds in the eighth National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. Specifically, the article builds upon a content analysis of all interventions in the plenary parliamentary debates of the thirty-one minority MPs in the period between June 2008 and March 2012. The analysis suggests that having a minority ethnic background or political party registered as a political party of national minority are not sufficient conditions for substantive minority representation. The findings show that minority representatives elected on minority electoral lists engage more in substantive representation of minorities than descriptive representatives elected to parliament either as members of mainstream parties or through pre-electoral arrangements of minority parties with mainstream political parties.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks",
journal = "East European Politics and Societies",
title = "Electoral Accountability and Substantive Representation of National Minorities: The Case of Serbia",
pages = "724-703",
number = "4",
volume = "30",
doi = "10.1177/0888325416650252"
}

Lončar, J.. (2016). Electoral Accountability and Substantive Representation of National Minorities: The Case of Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies
Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks., 30(4), 703-724.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325416650252

Lončar J. Electoral Accountability and Substantive Representation of National Minorities: The Case of Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies. 2016;30(4):703-724.
doi:10.1177/0888325416650252 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Electoral Accountability and Substantive Representation of National Minorities: The Case of Serbia" in East European Politics and Societies, 30, no. 4 (2016):703-724,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325416650252 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/571
AB  - This article focuses on the participation of local citizens in Kosovo in the process of state building and their engagement with the institutions imposed by the international community. While previous literature focuses either on the constitutional and institutional framework or on the more direct forms of local resistance to international intervention, this article looks into more subtle forms of resistance whereby local citizens change the meanings of imposed institutions. To this purpose, this article examines the process of adoption of two minority-relevant laws: the Law on Historic Centre of Prizren and the Law on the Village of Velika Hoca/Hoce e Madhe. By employing a critical frame analysis, this paper points to the very subtle forms of resistance to the international rule such as: exclusion of citizens from participation in decision-making, defining citizenship in ethnic terms or changing the meaning of minority relevant legislation by framing it from the perspective of state- and nation-building. All of these actions resist the international efforts to build Kosovo as a multiethnic state and impugn the legitimacy of the system. These findings indicate the important role of local citizens in creating the sustainable peace. (C) 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California.
PB  - Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford
T2  - Communist and Post-Communist Studies
T1  - State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through inclusive legislation
EP  - 290
IS  - 3
SP  - 279
VL  - 49
DO  - 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.004
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This article focuses on the participation of local citizens in Kosovo in the process of state building and their engagement with the institutions imposed by the international community. While previous literature focuses either on the constitutional and institutional framework or on the more direct forms of local resistance to international intervention, this article looks into more subtle forms of resistance whereby local citizens change the meanings of imposed institutions. To this purpose, this article examines the process of adoption of two minority-relevant laws: the Law on Historic Centre of Prizren and the Law on the Village of Velika Hoca/Hoce e Madhe. By employing a critical frame analysis, this paper points to the very subtle forms of resistance to the international rule such as: exclusion of citizens from participation in decision-making, defining citizenship in ethnic terms or changing the meaning of minority relevant legislation by framing it from the perspective of state- and nation-building. All of these actions resist the international efforts to build Kosovo as a multiethnic state and impugn the legitimacy of the system. These findings indicate the important role of local citizens in creating the sustainable peace. (C) 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California.",
publisher = "Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford",
journal = "Communist and Post-Communist Studies",
title = "State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through inclusive legislation",
pages = "290-279",
number = "3",
volume = "49",
doi = "10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.004"
}

Lončar, J.. (2016). State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through inclusive legislation. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford., 49(3), 279-290.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.004

Lončar J. State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through inclusive legislation. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 2016;49(3):279-290.
doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.004 .

Lončar, Jelena, "State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through inclusive legislation" in Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 49, no. 3 (2016):279-290,
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.004 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/534
AB  - In light of the constructivist turn in the theory of political representation, this article discusses the position of responsiveness in representation theory. Although the paper positions itself within the constructivist turn, it is shown that traditional understanding of representation is in advantage over the constructivist turn because it considers responsiveness the key element of representation. Responsiveness is the key normative criteria of democratic and legitimate representation. If the request for responsiveness of political representatives is neglected, the quality of representative work cannot be measured and analyzed. Nonetheless, constructivist turn rejects the concept of responsiveness. It focuses mainly on the claim-making process and its effects. By indicating that interests are not fixed, but changeable, constructivist turn, on the other hand, significantly advances our understanding of representation. Political representatives may influence the preferences of the represented and create their interests. In opposition to the static and unidimensional traditional understanding, constructivist turn offers more dynamic and creative understanding of representative process. Bearing in mind, on the one hand, the benefits of the constructivist theories, and on the other hand, the value of responsiveness, I argue that dynamic understanding of representation needs to include the criteria of responsiveness. Aiming to reconcile responsiveness with creative understanding of representation, this article proposes to redefine the concept of responsiveness and advances a posteriori responsiveness in addition to classic responsiveness.
AB  - U radu se razmatra pitanje odgovornosti u svetlu konstruktivističkog zaokreta u teoriji političkog predstavljanja. Iako rad polazi od konstruktivističkog razumevanja predstavljanja, ukazuje se na to da tradicionalno shvatanje predstavljanja ima prednosti u odnosu na konstruktivističke teorije upravo zbog toga što odgovornost smatra ključnim elementom predstavljanja. Odgovornost je ključan normativni kriterijum demokratičnosti i legitimnosti predstavljanja. Uprkos tome, konstruktivistički zaokret zanemaruje koncept odgovornosti fokusirajući se na efekte izjava odnosno tvrdnji koje politički predstavnici iznose. Konstruktivistički zaokret, s druge strane, značajno unapređuje razumevanje predstavljanja ukazujući na to da interesi nisu unapred fiksirani već se menjaju i kreiraju pod uticajem političkih predstavnika. Imajući u vidu značaj konstruktivističkih teorija, s jedne strane, i odgovornosti, s druge strane, osnovni argument ovog rada je da dinamičko razumevanje predstavljanja treba da uključi zahtev za odgovornošću predstavnika. U cilju pomirenja odgovornosti sa kreativnim razumevanjem predstavljanja, u radu se predlaže redefinisanje koncepta odgovornosti i pored klasičnog razumevanja odgovornosti predlaže uvođenje a posteriori odgovornosti.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Constructivist turn in political representation: The issue of responsiveness
T1  - Konstruktivistički zaokret u teoriji političkog predstavljanja - problem odgovornosti
EP  - 228
IS  - 2
SP  - 213
VL  - 49
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1502213L
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2015",
abstract = "In light of the constructivist turn in the theory of political representation, this article discusses the position of responsiveness in representation theory. Although the paper positions itself within the constructivist turn, it is shown that traditional understanding of representation is in advantage over the constructivist turn because it considers responsiveness the key element of representation. Responsiveness is the key normative criteria of democratic and legitimate representation. If the request for responsiveness of political representatives is neglected, the quality of representative work cannot be measured and analyzed. Nonetheless, constructivist turn rejects the concept of responsiveness. It focuses mainly on the claim-making process and its effects. By indicating that interests are not fixed, but changeable, constructivist turn, on the other hand, significantly advances our understanding of representation. Political representatives may influence the preferences of the represented and create their interests. In opposition to the static and unidimensional traditional understanding, constructivist turn offers more dynamic and creative understanding of representative process. Bearing in mind, on the one hand, the benefits of the constructivist theories, and on the other hand, the value of responsiveness, I argue that dynamic understanding of representation needs to include the criteria of responsiveness. Aiming to reconcile responsiveness with creative understanding of representation, this article proposes to redefine the concept of responsiveness and advances a posteriori responsiveness in addition to classic responsiveness., U radu se razmatra pitanje odgovornosti u svetlu konstruktivističkog zaokreta u teoriji političkog predstavljanja. Iako rad polazi od konstruktivističkog razumevanja predstavljanja, ukazuje se na to da tradicionalno shvatanje predstavljanja ima prednosti u odnosu na konstruktivističke teorije upravo zbog toga što odgovornost smatra ključnim elementom predstavljanja. Odgovornost je ključan normativni kriterijum demokratičnosti i legitimnosti predstavljanja. Uprkos tome, konstruktivistički zaokret zanemaruje koncept odgovornosti fokusirajući se na efekte izjava odnosno tvrdnji koje politički predstavnici iznose. Konstruktivistički zaokret, s druge strane, značajno unapređuje razumevanje predstavljanja ukazujući na to da interesi nisu unapred fiksirani već se menjaju i kreiraju pod uticajem političkih predstavnika. Imajući u vidu značaj konstruktivističkih teorija, s jedne strane, i odgovornosti, s druge strane, osnovni argument ovog rada je da dinamičko razumevanje predstavljanja treba da uključi zahtev za odgovornošću predstavnika. U cilju pomirenja odgovornosti sa kreativnim razumevanjem predstavljanja, u radu se predlaže redefinisanje koncepta odgovornosti i pored klasičnog razumevanja odgovornosti predlaže uvođenje a posteriori odgovornosti.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Constructivist turn in political representation: The issue of responsiveness, Konstruktivistički zaokret u teoriji političkog predstavljanja - problem odgovornosti",
pages = "228-213",
number = "2",
volume = "49",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1502213L"
}

Lončar, J.. (2015). Constructivist turn in political representation: The issue of responsiveness. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 49(2), 213-228.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1502213L

Lončar J. Constructivist turn in political representation: The issue of responsiveness. in Sociološki pregled. 2015;49(2):213-228.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1502213L .

Lončar, Jelena, "Constructivist turn in political representation: The issue of responsiveness" in Sociološki pregled, 49, no. 2 (2015):213-228,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1502213L . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivković, Marjan
AU  - Prodanović, Srđan
AU  - Simeunović, Bojana
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/519
AB  - Alessandro Ferrara is Professor of Political Philosophy at the University of Rome Tor Vergata (Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata), and former President of the Italian Association for Political Philosophy. He is the founder and Director of the Colloquium Philosophy & Society in Rome and the Director of the Center for the Study of Religions and Political Institutions in Post-Secular Society at the University of Rome Tor Vergata. Since 1991 Alessandro Ferrara has been a Director of the Yearly Conference on Philosophy and Social Science in Prague (formerly held at the Interuniversity Centre of Dubrovnik), and since 2007 he is on the Executive Committee of the Istanbul Seminars on Religion and Politics, held under the auspices of the Association Reset - Dialogues of Civilizations. He has lectured in a number of universities and institutions, including Harvard University, Columbia University, Yale University, New School for Social Research, University College London (UCL), Oxford University, the Chinese Academy of Social Science and many others. Alessandro Ferrara's work revolves around the formulation of an authenticity- and judgment-based account of normative validity, which by way of incorporating a post-metaphysically reconstructed version of the normativity of Kant's 'reflective judgment', could be immune to antifoundationalist objections and yet represent a viable alternative to the formalism of standard proceduralist accounts of normative validity. He is the author of Modernity and Authenticity. A Study of the Social and Ethical Thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 1993 (transl. into Italian); Reflective Authenticity. Rethinking the Project of Modernity, 1998 (transl. into Italian and Spanish); Justice and Judgment. The Rise and the Prospect of the Judgment Model in Contemporary Political Philosophy, 1999 (transl. into Italian); The Force of the Example. Explorations in the Paradigm of Judgment, 2008 (transl. into Italian and Spanish) and The Democratic Horizon. Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism, 2014 (transl. into Spanish). The Democratic Horizon, Ferrara's latest work, presents his particular elaboration of the 'political liberalism' articulated in the later works of John Rawls, which Ferrara proposes as an 'adaptive countermeasure' to what he sees as the ever more inhospitable global conditions for contemporary democracy. This interview addresses some implications of Ferrara's insightful and multifaceted theoretical perspective. .
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Interview with Alessandro Ferrara: Political Liberalism and Democracy as a Global Horizon
EP  - 260
IS  - 1
SP  - 245
VL  - 26
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_519
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Ivković, Marjan and Prodanović, Srđan and Simeunović, Bojana and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Alessandro Ferrara is Professor of Political Philosophy at the University of Rome Tor Vergata (Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata), and former President of the Italian Association for Political Philosophy. He is the founder and Director of the Colloquium Philosophy & Society in Rome and the Director of the Center for the Study of Religions and Political Institutions in Post-Secular Society at the University of Rome Tor Vergata. Since 1991 Alessandro Ferrara has been a Director of the Yearly Conference on Philosophy and Social Science in Prague (formerly held at the Interuniversity Centre of Dubrovnik), and since 2007 he is on the Executive Committee of the Istanbul Seminars on Religion and Politics, held under the auspices of the Association Reset - Dialogues of Civilizations. He has lectured in a number of universities and institutions, including Harvard University, Columbia University, Yale University, New School for Social Research, University College London (UCL), Oxford University, the Chinese Academy of Social Science and many others. Alessandro Ferrara's work revolves around the formulation of an authenticity- and judgment-based account of normative validity, which by way of incorporating a post-metaphysically reconstructed version of the normativity of Kant's 'reflective judgment', could be immune to antifoundationalist objections and yet represent a viable alternative to the formalism of standard proceduralist accounts of normative validity. He is the author of Modernity and Authenticity. A Study of the Social and Ethical Thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 1993 (transl. into Italian); Reflective Authenticity. Rethinking the Project of Modernity, 1998 (transl. into Italian and Spanish); Justice and Judgment. The Rise and the Prospect of the Judgment Model in Contemporary Political Philosophy, 1999 (transl. into Italian); The Force of the Example. Explorations in the Paradigm of Judgment, 2008 (transl. into Italian and Spanish) and The Democratic Horizon. Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism, 2014 (transl. into Spanish). The Democratic Horizon, Ferrara's latest work, presents his particular elaboration of the 'political liberalism' articulated in the later works of John Rawls, which Ferrara proposes as an 'adaptive countermeasure' to what he sees as the ever more inhospitable global conditions for contemporary democracy. This interview addresses some implications of Ferrara's insightful and multifaceted theoretical perspective. .",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Interview with Alessandro Ferrara: Political Liberalism and Democracy as a Global Horizon",
pages = "260-245",
number = "1",
volume = "26",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_519"
}

Ivković, M., Prodanović, S., Simeunović, B.,& Lončar, J.. (2015). Interview with Alessandro Ferrara: Political Liberalism and Democracy as a Global Horizon. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 26(1), 245-260.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_519

Ivković M, Prodanović S, Simeunović B, Lončar J. Interview with Alessandro Ferrara: Political Liberalism and Democracy as a Global Horizon. in Filozofija i društvo. 2015;26(1):245-260.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_519 .

Ivković, Marjan, Prodanović, Srđan, Simeunović, Bojana, Lončar, Jelena, "Interview with Alessandro Ferrara: Political Liberalism and Democracy as a Global Horizon" in Filozofija i društvo, 26, no. 1 (2015):245-260,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_519 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/314
AB  - This paper is aimed at comprehending and explaining the concept of global civil society understood as contemporary forms of civil society being developed at transnational level. The first part of the paper presents dominant understanding of the concept of global civil society whereas the second and third part points to the most important critics and offers response thereto.
AB  - Cilj ovog rada je razumevanje i objašnjenje koncepta globalnog civilnog društva shvaćenog kao savremene forme civilnog društva koja se razvija na transnacionalnom nivou. U prvom delu rada se predstavlja dominantno shvatanje koncepta globalnog civilnog društva dok se u drugom i trećem delu rada ukazuje na najvažnije kritike i nudi odgovor na njih.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Understanding of global civil society
T1  - Razumevanje globalnog civilnog društva
EP  - 186
IS  - 5
SP  - 171
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_314
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper is aimed at comprehending and explaining the concept of global civil society understood as contemporary forms of civil society being developed at transnational level. The first part of the paper presents dominant understanding of the concept of global civil society whereas the second and third part points to the most important critics and offers response thereto., Cilj ovog rada je razumevanje i objašnjenje koncepta globalnog civilnog društva shvaćenog kao savremene forme civilnog društva koja se razvija na transnacionalnom nivou. U prvom delu rada se predstavlja dominantno shvatanje koncepta globalnog civilnog društva dok se u drugom i trećem delu rada ukazuje na najvažnije kritike i nudi odgovor na njih.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Understanding of global civil society, Razumevanje globalnog civilnog društva",
pages = "186-171",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_314"
}

Lončar, J.. (2011). Understanding of global civil society. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 171-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_314

Lončar J. Understanding of global civil society. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):171-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_314 .

Lončar, Jelena, "Understanding of global civil society" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):171-186,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_314 .