TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1088
AB  - In this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the “sixteen” smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China’s initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the “sixteen” were attracted to China’s promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China’s growing political clout over the included countries.
PB  - London : Routledge Taylor & Francis
T2  - Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies
T1  - The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform
EP  - 31
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.1080/24761028.2023.2240999
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2023",
abstract = "In this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the “sixteen” smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China’s initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the “sixteen” were attracted to China’s promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China’s growing political clout over the included countries.",
publisher = "London : Routledge Taylor & Francis",
journal = "Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies",
title = "The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform",
pages = "31-1",
doi = "10.1080/24761028.2023.2240999"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2023). The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform. in Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies
London : Routledge Taylor & Francis., 1-31.
https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2023.2240999

Mitrović D. The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform. in Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies. 2023;:1-31.
doi:10.1080/24761028.2023.2240999 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform" in Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies (2023):1-31,
https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2023.2240999 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1086
AB  - The COVID-19 pandemic functioned as a catalyst for the already tense relations
between the People’s Republic of China and its major Western partners. It also made
room for the global span of China’s ‘wolf-war diplomacy’ and ‘mask-diplomacy’ as two
simultaneously exposed faces of its foreign policy. This analysis focuses on China’s
foreign policy apparatus’ performance during COVID-19, and its effect on China’s
domestic and foreign economic and political agendas. Starting from the theoretical point
that China’s forceful foreign policy derives from its domestic political dynamism, the
analysis shows that such effects were modest. It claims that China’s posting will
continue to be resistant to the surroundings’ impact as long as it serves as a good tool for
fulfilling domestic stability and security goals.
AB  - Пандемија Ковид-19 деловала је као катализатор за већ напете односе изме-
ђу Народне Републике Кине и њених најважнијих партнера са Запада. Истовремено, она је у глобалним размерама отворила простор за кинеску „дипломатију
вукова-ратника” и „дипломатију (заштитних) маски”, као два истовремено испољена лица њене спољне политике. Ова анализа је фокусирана на функционисање кинеског спољно-политичкoг апарата за време Ковида-19, и на то како је његов учинак повратно утицао на домаће, али и спољно-економске и политичке
планове. Полазећи од теоријског и аналитичког оквира да робусна спољна политика Кине извире из домаћег политичког динамизма, ова анализа показује да су
повратни ефекти спољних дешавања на домаће пoслове били умерени. Кинеско
спољно-политичко постављање наставиће да буде отпорно на реакције из окружења докле год успешно служи остваривању унутрашњих политичких циљева
стабилности и безбедности.
PB  - Niš : University of Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - Covid-19 as the magnifying glass Of China’s foreign policy for a new era
T1  - Kинеска „спољна политика за ново доба” у условима пандемије Kовид-19
EP  - 714
IS  - 3
SP  - 693
VL  - 46
DO  - 10.22190/TEME220306037M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The COVID-19 pandemic functioned as a catalyst for the already tense relations
between the People’s Republic of China and its major Western partners. It also made
room for the global span of China’s ‘wolf-war diplomacy’ and ‘mask-diplomacy’ as two
simultaneously exposed faces of its foreign policy. This analysis focuses on China’s
foreign policy apparatus’ performance during COVID-19, and its effect on China’s
domestic and foreign economic and political agendas. Starting from the theoretical point
that China’s forceful foreign policy derives from its domestic political dynamism, the
analysis shows that such effects were modest. It claims that China’s posting will
continue to be resistant to the surroundings’ impact as long as it serves as a good tool for
fulfilling domestic stability and security goals., Пандемија Ковид-19 деловала је као катализатор за већ напете односе изме-
ђу Народне Републике Кине и њених најважнијих партнера са Запада. Истовремено, она је у глобалним размерама отворила простор за кинеску „дипломатију
вукова-ратника” и „дипломатију (заштитних) маски”, као два истовремено испољена лица њене спољне политике. Ова анализа је фокусирана на функционисање кинеског спољно-политичкoг апарата за време Ковида-19, и на то како је његов учинак повратно утицао на домаће, али и спољно-економске и политичке
планове. Полазећи од теоријског и аналитичког оквира да робусна спољна политика Кине извире из домаћег политичког динамизма, ова анализа показује да су
повратни ефекти спољних дешавања на домаће пoслове били умерени. Кинеско
спољно-политичко постављање наставиће да буде отпорно на реакције из окружења докле год успешно служи остваривању унутрашњих политичких циљева
стабилности и безбедности.",
publisher = "Niš : University of Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "Covid-19 as the magnifying glass Of China’s foreign policy for a new era, Kинеска „спољна политика за ново доба” у условима пандемије Kовид-19",
pages = "714-693",
number = "3",
volume = "46",
doi = "10.22190/TEME220306037M"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2022). Covid-19 as the magnifying glass Of China’s foreign policy for a new era. in Teme
Niš : University of Niš., 46(3), 693-714.
https://doi.org/10.22190/TEME220306037M

Mitrović D. Covid-19 as the magnifying glass Of China’s foreign policy for a new era. in Teme. 2022;46(3):693-714.
doi:10.22190/TEME220306037M .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Covid-19 as the magnifying glass Of China’s foreign policy for a new era" in Teme, 46, no. 3 (2022):693-714,
https://doi.org/10.22190/TEME220306037M . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1087
AB  - In this paper, we assume that China, like other major
powers, does not change its strategic views and behavior hastily,
even being affected by powerful exterior influence like the
Covid-19 pandemic. On the other hand, such significant global
events could speed up or deepen ongoing trends and changes in
major power relations, the global system, and China’s place in
it. Accordingly, changes in China’s foreign policy, as the most
direct tool of realizing its external goals, but primarily being a
reflection of its internal political dynamics and needs for domestic
security and stability, should not be affected differently. Although
assuming that there have not been and will be no change to
China’s foreign policy’s main course and medium-term goals, we
study the possible catalyzing effect of the pandemic and eventual
changes it caused. Our analyses will try to identify and examine
these changes and continuities and prove our initial assumptions
AB  - У овом раду полазимо од претпоставке да Кина, попут
других великих сила, не мења исхитрено своје стратешке
погледе и пратеће понашање, чак и када је изложена снажним
спољним утицајима, каква је и пандемија Ковид-19. Са друге
стране, тако значајни глобални догађаји могу убрзати или
продубити текуће трендове или промене у односима великих
сила, самог глобалног система и места Кине у њему. Сходно
томе, утицај пандемије на промене у кинеској спољној
политици, као најдиректнијој алатки за спровођење циљева у
спољном свету, будући да је она одраз унутрашње политичке
динамике и домаћих потреба за стабилношћу и безбедношћу,
не би требало да буде другачији. Иако полазимо од тезе да
до сада није било, те да и надаље неће бити промена главног
курса и средњорочних циљева кинеске спољне политике,
истраживали смо могуће утицаје пандемије на убрзавање или
успоравање текућих токова и потенцијалних модификација
насталих под тим утицајем. Наша анализа је имала за циљ
да идентификује и истражи да ли је до ових промена дошло,
како бисмо проверили нашу почетну претпоставку.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Pandemic’s effects on China’s foreign policy and its global power role
T1  - Утицај пандемије на спољну политику НР Кине и њену улогу глобалне силе
EP  - 166
IS  - 1
SP  - 139
VL  - 75
DO  - 10.22182/spm.7512022.7
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "In this paper, we assume that China, like other major
powers, does not change its strategic views and behavior hastily,
even being affected by powerful exterior influence like the
Covid-19 pandemic. On the other hand, such significant global
events could speed up or deepen ongoing trends and changes in
major power relations, the global system, and China’s place in
it. Accordingly, changes in China’s foreign policy, as the most
direct tool of realizing its external goals, but primarily being a
reflection of its internal political dynamics and needs for domestic
security and stability, should not be affected differently. Although
assuming that there have not been and will be no change to
China’s foreign policy’s main course and medium-term goals, we
study the possible catalyzing effect of the pandemic and eventual
changes it caused. Our analyses will try to identify and examine
these changes and continuities and prove our initial assumptions, У овом раду полазимо од претпоставке да Кина, попут
других великих сила, не мења исхитрено своје стратешке
погледе и пратеће понашање, чак и када је изложена снажним
спољним утицајима, каква је и пандемија Ковид-19. Са друге
стране, тако значајни глобални догађаји могу убрзати или
продубити текуће трендове или промене у односима великих
сила, самог глобалног система и места Кине у њему. Сходно
томе, утицај пандемије на промене у кинеској спољној
политици, као најдиректнијој алатки за спровођење циљева у
спољном свету, будући да је она одраз унутрашње политичке
динамике и домаћих потреба за стабилношћу и безбедношћу,
не би требало да буде другачији. Иако полазимо од тезе да
до сада није било, те да и надаље неће бити промена главног
курса и средњорочних циљева кинеске спољне политике,
истраживали смо могуће утицаје пандемије на убрзавање или
успоравање текућих токова и потенцијалних модификација
насталих под тим утицајем. Наша анализа је имала за циљ
да идентификује и истражи да ли је до ових промена дошло,
како бисмо проверили нашу почетну претпоставку.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Pandemic’s effects on China’s foreign policy and its global power role, Утицај пандемије на спољну политику НР Кине и њену улогу глобалне силе",
pages = "166-139",
number = "1",
volume = "75",
doi = "10.22182/spm.7512022.7"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2022). Pandemic’s effects on China’s foreign policy and its global power role. in Srpska politička misao
Beograd : Institut za političke studije., 75(1), 139-166.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.7512022.7

Mitrović D. Pandemic’s effects on China’s foreign policy and its global power role. in Srpska politička misao. 2022;75(1):139-166.
doi:10.22182/spm.7512022.7 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Pandemic’s effects on China’s foreign policy and its global power role" in Srpska politička misao, 75, no. 1 (2022):139-166,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.7512022.7 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/630
PB  - Springer Singapore
T2  - The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena: Chinese and European Perspectives
T1  - China's belt and road initiative: Connecting and transforming initiative
EP  - 34
SP  - 17
DO  - 10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_2
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2017",
publisher = "Springer Singapore",
journal = "The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena: Chinese and European Perspectives",
booktitle = "China's belt and road initiative: Connecting and transforming initiative",
pages = "34-17",
doi = "10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_2"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2017). China's belt and road initiative: Connecting and transforming initiative. in The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena: Chinese and European Perspectives
Springer Singapore., 17-34.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_2

Mitrović D. China's belt and road initiative: Connecting and transforming initiative. in The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena: Chinese and European Perspectives. 2017;:17-34.
doi:10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_2 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "China's belt and road initiative: Connecting and transforming initiative" in The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena: Chinese and European Perspectives (2017):17-34,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5921-6_2 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/499
AB  - While apparently preserving general course and framework of Japan’s post-war foreign and security order, Prime Minister Abe has actually initiated complex and controversial changes in their context that have caused simultaneous support, uneasiness and strong criticism at home and abroad. His concept of ‘active contributor to peace’ has added to growing dynamism of ongoing rebalancing of power in Asia-Pacific and on the other hand, emphasized regional and global role of Japan.
AB  - Pokušavajući da sačuva opšti okvir japanske posleratne spoljne i bezbednosne politike, premijer Abe je započeo njihove složene i kontroverzne promene koje su istovremeno izazvale podršku, ali i oštre kritike u zemlji i inostranstvu. Njegov kontekst “aktivnog doprinosa miru” s jedne strane uneo je dinamiku u rebalans moći u azijsko-pacifičkom regionu, a s druge strane naglasio regionalnuiI globalnu ulogu Japana.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd
T2  - Review of International Affairs
T1  - Abe doctrine and Japan’s foreign policy
T1  - Abeova doktrina i japanska spoljna politika
EP  - 26
IS  - 1157
SP  - 5
VL  - 66
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_499
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "While apparently preserving general course and framework of Japan’s post-war foreign and security order, Prime Minister Abe has actually initiated complex and controversial changes in their context that have caused simultaneous support, uneasiness and strong criticism at home and abroad. His concept of ‘active contributor to peace’ has added to growing dynamism of ongoing rebalancing of power in Asia-Pacific and on the other hand, emphasized regional and global role of Japan., Pokušavajući da sačuva opšti okvir japanske posleratne spoljne i bezbednosne politike, premijer Abe je započeo njihove složene i kontroverzne promene koje su istovremeno izazvale podršku, ali i oštre kritike u zemlji i inostranstvu. Njegov kontekst “aktivnog doprinosa miru” s jedne strane uneo je dinamiku u rebalans moći u azijsko-pacifičkom regionu, a s druge strane naglasio regionalnuiI globalnu ulogu Japana.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd",
journal = "Review of International Affairs",
title = "Abe doctrine and Japan’s foreign policy, Abeova doktrina i japanska spoljna politika",
pages = "26-5",
number = "1157",
volume = "66",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_499"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2015). Abe doctrine and Japan’s foreign policy. in Review of International Affairs
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd., 66(1157), 5-26.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_499

Mitrović D. Abe doctrine and Japan’s foreign policy. in Review of International Affairs. 2015;66(1157):5-26.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_499 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Abe doctrine and Japan’s foreign policy" in Review of International Affairs, 66, no. 1157 (2015):5-26,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_499 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2009
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/217
AB  - Asia, which in time of globalization attracts extreme attention of researchers, politicians, businessmen, but also of humanitarian workers, is not only the most dynamic economic region of the world, but also the region inhabited by a billion and eight hundred million the poorest people of the planet, who survive with two American dollars per day. The causes of the phenomenon of absolute poverty in Asian states are generally similar, as well as similar are the consequences which they leave on societies that create them. What is particularly worrying concerning the phenomenon of poverty in Asia is that it is increasing and that some actual processes enhance it, like the acute world economic crisis, increase of prices of food and climatic changes, through the so-called 'triple threat'. Particularly worrying is that high growth of economy does not lead to reduction of poverty, but to extreme inequality, which deepens it, leading in a long run to instability - economic, social and political. And while earlier the phenomenon of poverty in Asia was seen exclusively as a rural phenomenon, i.e. rural poverty, today the phenomenon of urban poverty and urban pauperism is equally the feature of this continent. The reverse side of this phenomenon reflects also in phenomena such are prostitution, including children's one, crime, large number of people ill from contagious and chronicle diseases, high level of death rate of children and newborns, high maternal mortality, rapid aging of population, chaotic urbanization and degradation of the environment, as well as the collapse of traditional social care networks. Although by the end of the 20th century the Southern, Southeast and Eastern Asia experienced accelerated urbanization which is still underway and due to which more than one billion of people already live in cities, even today over 60% of Asian population live in its rural areas, with majority of them in the status of absolute poverty. Therefore, mass of these peasants which are surplus of labour in villages starts the job-search, so that village poverty becomes city poverty. Pressures on weak or non-existing social care networks in Asia are numerous and most often interwoven, encumbering the strategic project of building this network in majority of its states. On the other hand, yet building a firm, universal and sustainable social care network is extremely important for the future of these states and societies.
AB  - Azija, koja u doba globalizacije privlači izuzetnu pažnju istraživača političara, poslovnih ljudi, ali i humanitarnih radnika, nije samo najdinamičniji ekonomski region sveta, već je i region u kome živi jedna milijarda i osam stotina miliona najsiromašnijih ljudi planete, koji opstaju sa dva američka dolara na dan. Uzroci fenomena apsolutnog siromaštva u državama Azije su uglavnom slični, a slične su i posledice koje ostavljaju na društva koja ih čine. Ono što posebno zabrinjava, u vezi fenomena siromaštva u Aziji, je da je ono sve veće i da ga neki aktuelni procesi povećavaju poput akutne svetske ekonomske krize, povećanja cena hrane i klimatske promene, kroz takozvanu 'trostruku pretnju'. Posebno zabrinjava što visoki rast privrede ne dovodi do smanjenja siromaštva, već do izuzetne nejednakosti, koja ga produbljuje, što na duži rok vodi ka nestabilnosti - ekonomske, socijalne i političke. I dok je ranije fenomen siromaštva u Aziji viđen isključivo kao ruralni fenomen, odnosno ruralno siromaštvo, danas je fenomen urbanog siromaštva i urbane sirotinje jednako odlika ovog kontinenta. Naličje ovog fenomena ogleda se i u pojavama kao što su prostitucija uključujući i dečiju, kriminal, veliki broj obolelih od zaraznih i hroničnih bolesti, visoka stopa smrtnosti dece, novorođenčadi i porodilja, naglo starenje stanovništva, haotična urbanizacija i degradacija životne sredine kao i propadanje tradicionalnih mreža socijalnog staranja. Iako su krajem XX veka južna, jugoistočna i istočna Azija iskusile i još uvek prolaze kroz ubrzanu urbanizaciju, usled koje više od milijardu stanovnika već živi u gradovima, i danas preko 60% stanovnika Azije živi u njenim seoskim područjima, i to najveći broj njih u statusu apsolutno siromašnih. Zbog toga masa ovih seljaka, koji čine višak radne snage na selu kreće u potragu za poslom, te tako seoska sirotinja postaje gradska sirotinja. Pritisak na slabe ili nepostojeće mreže socijalne zaštite u Aziji su brojne i najčešće međusobno isprepletane, što otežava strateški projekat izgradnje ove mreže u većini njenih država. Sa druge strane, pak, izgradnja čvrste, univerzalne i održive mreže socijalne zaštite, izuzetno je bitna po budućnost ovih država i društava.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Actual problems for building of social care network in Asia
T1  - Aktuelni problemi izgradnje mreže socijalnog staranja u Aziji
EP  - 601
IS  - 3
SP  - 587
VL  - 3
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_217
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Asia, which in time of globalization attracts extreme attention of researchers, politicians, businessmen, but also of humanitarian workers, is not only the most dynamic economic region of the world, but also the region inhabited by a billion and eight hundred million the poorest people of the planet, who survive with two American dollars per day. The causes of the phenomenon of absolute poverty in Asian states are generally similar, as well as similar are the consequences which they leave on societies that create them. What is particularly worrying concerning the phenomenon of poverty in Asia is that it is increasing and that some actual processes enhance it, like the acute world economic crisis, increase of prices of food and climatic changes, through the so-called 'triple threat'. Particularly worrying is that high growth of economy does not lead to reduction of poverty, but to extreme inequality, which deepens it, leading in a long run to instability - economic, social and political. And while earlier the phenomenon of poverty in Asia was seen exclusively as a rural phenomenon, i.e. rural poverty, today the phenomenon of urban poverty and urban pauperism is equally the feature of this continent. The reverse side of this phenomenon reflects also in phenomena such are prostitution, including children's one, crime, large number of people ill from contagious and chronicle diseases, high level of death rate of children and newborns, high maternal mortality, rapid aging of population, chaotic urbanization and degradation of the environment, as well as the collapse of traditional social care networks. Although by the end of the 20th century the Southern, Southeast and Eastern Asia experienced accelerated urbanization which is still underway and due to which more than one billion of people already live in cities, even today over 60% of Asian population live in its rural areas, with majority of them in the status of absolute poverty. Therefore, mass of these peasants which are surplus of labour in villages starts the job-search, so that village poverty becomes city poverty. Pressures on weak or non-existing social care networks in Asia are numerous and most often interwoven, encumbering the strategic project of building this network in majority of its states. On the other hand, yet building a firm, universal and sustainable social care network is extremely important for the future of these states and societies., Azija, koja u doba globalizacije privlači izuzetnu pažnju istraživača političara, poslovnih ljudi, ali i humanitarnih radnika, nije samo najdinamičniji ekonomski region sveta, već je i region u kome živi jedna milijarda i osam stotina miliona najsiromašnijih ljudi planete, koji opstaju sa dva američka dolara na dan. Uzroci fenomena apsolutnog siromaštva u državama Azije su uglavnom slični, a slične su i posledice koje ostavljaju na društva koja ih čine. Ono što posebno zabrinjava, u vezi fenomena siromaštva u Aziji, je da je ono sve veće i da ga neki aktuelni procesi povećavaju poput akutne svetske ekonomske krize, povećanja cena hrane i klimatske promene, kroz takozvanu 'trostruku pretnju'. Posebno zabrinjava što visoki rast privrede ne dovodi do smanjenja siromaštva, već do izuzetne nejednakosti, koja ga produbljuje, što na duži rok vodi ka nestabilnosti - ekonomske, socijalne i političke. I dok je ranije fenomen siromaštva u Aziji viđen isključivo kao ruralni fenomen, odnosno ruralno siromaštvo, danas je fenomen urbanog siromaštva i urbane sirotinje jednako odlika ovog kontinenta. Naličje ovog fenomena ogleda se i u pojavama kao što su prostitucija uključujući i dečiju, kriminal, veliki broj obolelih od zaraznih i hroničnih bolesti, visoka stopa smrtnosti dece, novorođenčadi i porodilja, naglo starenje stanovništva, haotična urbanizacija i degradacija životne sredine kao i propadanje tradicionalnih mreža socijalnog staranja. Iako su krajem XX veka južna, jugoistočna i istočna Azija iskusile i još uvek prolaze kroz ubrzanu urbanizaciju, usled koje više od milijardu stanovnika već živi u gradovima, i danas preko 60% stanovnika Azije živi u njenim seoskim područjima, i to najveći broj njih u statusu apsolutno siromašnih. Zbog toga masa ovih seljaka, koji čine višak radne snage na selu kreće u potragu za poslom, te tako seoska sirotinja postaje gradska sirotinja. Pritisak na slabe ili nepostojeće mreže socijalne zaštite u Aziji su brojne i najčešće međusobno isprepletane, što otežava strateški projekat izgradnje ove mreže u većini njenih država. Sa druge strane, pak, izgradnja čvrste, univerzalne i održive mreže socijalne zaštite, izuzetno je bitna po budućnost ovih država i društava.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Actual problems for building of social care network in Asia, Aktuelni problemi izgradnje mreže socijalnog staranja u Aziji",
pages = "601-587",
number = "3",
volume = "3",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_217"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2009). Actual problems for building of social care network in Asia. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 3(3), 587-601.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_217

Mitrović D. Actual problems for building of social care network in Asia. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2009;3(3):587-601.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_217 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Actual problems for building of social care network in Asia" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 3, no. 3 (2009):587-601,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_217 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2007
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/129
AB  - Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its' existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment, especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its' members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed, and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its' cooperation and building its' institutional base. Nonetheless, because of the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its' future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players.
AB  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan, i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u Centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. Sa rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu, naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, za sada našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i sa ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. Sa druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih, ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Shanghai cooperation organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in Central Asia
T1  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju - nastanak, ciljevi i dometi nove bezbednosno-ekonomske strukture (centralne) Azije (II)
EP  - 130
IS  - 3-4
SP  - 113
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_129
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2007",
abstract = "Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its' existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment, especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its' members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed, and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its' cooperation and building its' institutional base. Nonetheless, because of the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its' future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players., Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan, i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u Centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. Sa rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu, naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, za sada našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i sa ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. Sa druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih, ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Shanghai cooperation organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in Central Asia, Šangajska organizacija za saradnju - nastanak, ciljevi i dometi nove bezbednosno-ekonomske strukture (centralne) Azije (II)",
pages = "130-113",
number = "3-4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_129"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2007). Shanghai cooperation organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in Central Asia. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(3-4), 113-130.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_129

Mitrović D. Shanghai cooperation organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in Central Asia. in Srpska politička misao. 2007;(3-4):113-130.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_129 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Shanghai cooperation organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in Central Asia" in Srpska politička misao, no. 3-4 (2007):113-130,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_129 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 2007
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/126
AB  - Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as the development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common response to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its cooperation and building its institutional base. Nonetheless due to the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players.
AB  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. S rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica, rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, zasad, našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i s ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. S druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in (Central) Asia (I)
T1  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju - nastanak, ciljevi i dometi nove bezbednosno-ekonomske strukture (centralne) Azije (I)
EP  - 241
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 219
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_126
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "2007",
abstract = "Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as the development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common response to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its cooperation and building its institutional base. Nonetheless due to the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players., Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. S rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica, rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, zasad, našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i s ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. S druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in (Central) Asia (I), Šangajska organizacija za saradnju - nastanak, ciljevi i dometi nove bezbednosno-ekonomske strukture (centralne) Azije (I)",
pages = "241-219",
number = "1-2",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_126"
}

Mitrović, D.. (2007). Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in (Central) Asia (I). in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(1-2), 219-241.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_126

Mitrović D. Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in (Central) Asia (I). in Srpska politička misao. 2007;(1-2):219-241.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_126 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Genesis, aims and objectives of the new security and economic structure in (Central) Asia (I)" in Srpska politička misao, no. 1-2 (2007):219-241,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_126 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 1997
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/47
AB  - Hong Kong will be returned to China on 30 June 1997, after 150 years of British colonial rule. Regarding special status of Hong Kong as one of the world biggest trade and financial centers and a port with the global significance, this question, besides internal, has an international importance, too. How to incorporate one of the most liberal world's economies into political, social, cultural and economic system of PR of China, is going to remain not only one of the most difficult tasks of Chinese reformers, but also the matter of extreme attention of the international economic and political audience.
AB  - Nakon 150 godina britanske kolonijalne uprave Hong Kong će 30. VI 1997. godine biti vraćen matici zemlji. No, s obzirom na poseban status Hong Konga kao jednog od najvećih svetskih trgovačkih i finansijskih centara i luke od svetskog značaja, ovo pitanje pored unutrašnjeg, ima i ogroman međunarodni značaj. Kako uklopiti jednu od najliberalnijih svetskih ekonomija u politički, socijalni, kulturni i ekonomski sistem NR Kine i time oživeti politiku 'jedna zemlja - dva sistema', ostaće ne samo jedan od najtežih zadataka kineskih reformatora, već i predmet izuzetne pažnje međunarodne ekonomske političke javnosti.
PB  - Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Finansije
T1  - The problem of reunion of China and its significance
T1  - Problem ponovnog ujedinjenja Kine i njegov značaj
EP  - 486
IS  - 5-6
SP  - 468
VL  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_47
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "1997",
abstract = "Hong Kong will be returned to China on 30 June 1997, after 150 years of British colonial rule. Regarding special status of Hong Kong as one of the world biggest trade and financial centers and a port with the global significance, this question, besides internal, has an international importance, too. How to incorporate one of the most liberal world's economies into political, social, cultural and economic system of PR of China, is going to remain not only one of the most difficult tasks of Chinese reformers, but also the matter of extreme attention of the international economic and political audience., Nakon 150 godina britanske kolonijalne uprave Hong Kong će 30. VI 1997. godine biti vraćen matici zemlji. No, s obzirom na poseban status Hong Konga kao jednog od najvećih svetskih trgovačkih i finansijskih centara i luke od svetskog značaja, ovo pitanje pored unutrašnjeg, ima i ogroman međunarodni značaj. Kako uklopiti jednu od najliberalnijih svetskih ekonomija u politički, socijalni, kulturni i ekonomski sistem NR Kine i time oživeti politiku 'jedna zemlja - dva sistema', ostaće ne samo jedan od najtežih zadataka kineskih reformatora, već i predmet izuzetne pažnje međunarodne ekonomske političke javnosti.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Finansije",
title = "The problem of reunion of China and its significance, Problem ponovnog ujedinjenja Kine i njegov značaj",
pages = "486-468",
number = "5-6",
volume = "52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_47"
}

Mitrović, D.. (1997). The problem of reunion of China and its significance. in Finansije
Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd., 52(5-6), 468-486.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_47

Mitrović D. The problem of reunion of China and its significance. in Finansije. 1997;52(5-6):468-486.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_47 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "The problem of reunion of China and its significance" in Finansije, 52, no. 5-6 (1997):468-486,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_47 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 1995
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/35
AB  - The economy in China was firmly dependent on her agriculture during the last 45 years. The rate and speed of the whole reconstruction in economy directly have been determined by the agriculture. A central position and clear priority during the first phase of reforming the economic life in China was given to the reform of her agriculture, with emphasis on its strategic importance. Providing legal and practical protection to collective ownership, as well as entitling production units with decision making rights, these were the first two steps in reforming the Chinese countryside reality. The same rights were given to all kinds of contractual production systems, and concurrently incentives were offered for developing market production.
AB  - Primenom novih reforskih mera koje su osiguravale prava vlasništva i prava donošenja odluka kolektivnih ekonomskih jedinica, dovele do razvoja račličitih oblika ugovornih sistema u proizvodnji, kao i stimulisanja razvoja slobodnog tržišta i sistema dodatne proizvodnje na okućnicama postignuti su izvanredni rezultati u prvim godinama primene reformske koncepcije na selu i stvoren prostor za njen nastavak.
PB  - Naučno društvo agrarnih ekonomista Balkana, Beograd, Institut za ekonomiku poljoprivrede, Beograd i Akademija ekonomskih nauka, Bukurešt
T2  - Ekonomika poljoprivrede
T1  - Reform of Chinese agriculture: Basic issues and start of transition (1978-1984)
T1  - Reforma kineske poljoprivrede - osnovni problemi i početak preobražaja (1978-1984)
EP  - 167
IS  - 3
SP  - 157
VL  - 42
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_35
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "1995",
abstract = "The economy in China was firmly dependent on her agriculture during the last 45 years. The rate and speed of the whole reconstruction in economy directly have been determined by the agriculture. A central position and clear priority during the first phase of reforming the economic life in China was given to the reform of her agriculture, with emphasis on its strategic importance. Providing legal and practical protection to collective ownership, as well as entitling production units with decision making rights, these were the first two steps in reforming the Chinese countryside reality. The same rights were given to all kinds of contractual production systems, and concurrently incentives were offered for developing market production., Primenom novih reforskih mera koje su osiguravale prava vlasništva i prava donošenja odluka kolektivnih ekonomskih jedinica, dovele do razvoja račličitih oblika ugovornih sistema u proizvodnji, kao i stimulisanja razvoja slobodnog tržišta i sistema dodatne proizvodnje na okućnicama postignuti su izvanredni rezultati u prvim godinama primene reformske koncepcije na selu i stvoren prostor za njen nastavak.",
publisher = "Naučno društvo agrarnih ekonomista Balkana, Beograd, Institut za ekonomiku poljoprivrede, Beograd i Akademija ekonomskih nauka, Bukurešt",
journal = "Ekonomika poljoprivrede",
title = "Reform of Chinese agriculture: Basic issues and start of transition (1978-1984), Reforma kineske poljoprivrede - osnovni problemi i početak preobražaja (1978-1984)",
pages = "167-157",
number = "3",
volume = "42",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_35"
}

Mitrović, D.. (1995). Reform of Chinese agriculture: Basic issues and start of transition (1978-1984). in Ekonomika poljoprivrede
Naučno društvo agrarnih ekonomista Balkana, Beograd, Institut za ekonomiku poljoprivrede, Beograd i Akademija ekonomskih nauka, Bukurešt., 42(3), 157-167.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_35

Mitrović D. Reform of Chinese agriculture: Basic issues and start of transition (1978-1984). in Ekonomika poljoprivrede. 1995;42(3):157-167.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_35 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Reform of Chinese agriculture: Basic issues and start of transition (1978-1984)" in Ekonomika poljoprivrede, 42, no. 3 (1995):157-167,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_35 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 1995
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/34
AB  - In the last 35 years dependence of the Chinese economy on its' agriculture was obvious as the rate and speed of construction of the whole economy have been directly determined by the agriculture. Long line of economic and political facts shows that the agriculture was the basis of Chinese economy and society. The central place, priority in the first phase of the reform and the strategic importance in the reform of Chinese economic life has had the reform of its' agriculture. Important phenomenon of the agriculture reform, 'rural reform', - is the emergence of village and township enterprises (collective and privates) - industrial, transport, trade, tourist and other services, which have experienced real burst in its' development in the 80-s and have became extremely important part of agricultural production. There are more than 15 million of such enterprises in China. The value of their production was in 1986. 336,4 billion yuan (cc. 87 billion US$) or 48,9% of the total agricultural product value. Total employment in these enterprises has increased to 85 million, or 20% of total rural labor. It is to be expected their important role in absorbing surplus of rural labor. 2/3 of them are private, family business with the 30,6% of total agricultural product value. Their production has been getting more specialized and commercialized, due to their flexibility and sensitivity to market incentives. In 1985. rural enterprises gave 29% of total country coal production, 50% of textile production, 53% of building materials production, 30% of country's total paper production. The same year the value of their export was 4 billion US$. Blooming of rural enterprises' production has changed Chinese peasants centuries long life-style and economic and socio-political reality of Chinese countryside.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Ekonomski fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Ekonomski anali
T1  - Uloga privatnih preduzeća u preobražaju poljoprivrede
EP  - 131
IS  - 124
SP  - 121
VL  - 39
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_34
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "1995",
abstract = "In the last 35 years dependence of the Chinese economy on its' agriculture was obvious as the rate and speed of construction of the whole economy have been directly determined by the agriculture. Long line of economic and political facts shows that the agriculture was the basis of Chinese economy and society. The central place, priority in the first phase of the reform and the strategic importance in the reform of Chinese economic life has had the reform of its' agriculture. Important phenomenon of the agriculture reform, 'rural reform', - is the emergence of village and township enterprises (collective and privates) - industrial, transport, trade, tourist and other services, which have experienced real burst in its' development in the 80-s and have became extremely important part of agricultural production. There are more than 15 million of such enterprises in China. The value of their production was in 1986. 336,4 billion yuan (cc. 87 billion US$) or 48,9% of the total agricultural product value. Total employment in these enterprises has increased to 85 million, or 20% of total rural labor. It is to be expected their important role in absorbing surplus of rural labor. 2/3 of them are private, family business with the 30,6% of total agricultural product value. Their production has been getting more specialized and commercialized, due to their flexibility and sensitivity to market incentives. In 1985. rural enterprises gave 29% of total country coal production, 50% of textile production, 53% of building materials production, 30% of country's total paper production. The same year the value of their export was 4 billion US$. Blooming of rural enterprises' production has changed Chinese peasants centuries long life-style and economic and socio-political reality of Chinese countryside.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Ekonomski fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Ekonomski anali",
title = "Uloga privatnih preduzeća u preobražaju poljoprivrede",
pages = "131-121",
number = "124",
volume = "39",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_34"
}

Mitrović, D.. (1995). Uloga privatnih preduzeća u preobražaju poljoprivrede. in Ekonomski anali
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Ekonomski fakultet, Beograd., 39(124), 121-131.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_34

Mitrović D. Uloga privatnih preduzeća u preobražaju poljoprivrede. in Ekonomski anali. 1995;39(124):121-131.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_34 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Uloga privatnih preduzeća u preobražaju poljoprivrede" in Ekonomski anali, 39, no. 124 (1995):121-131,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_34 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mitrović, Dragana
PY  - 1995
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/28
AB  - After experiencing success in reforming 'rural economy' Chinese reformers shifted their policy target to 'urban economy' in 1984. The basic lever which should had been pushed by this reform was 'awaking' of initiative of the enterprises, as well as of the every individual in production process. The most important basis of 'urban reform', but at the same time, the ideal model of all its' defects of the previous system, as well as the corn of the resistance to the changes, are state industrial enterprises (8.000 giant and medium size enterprises and 85.000 small ones, which gave 70% of total country's industrial product). The main aim of economic reform has been to make every enterprise relatively independent economic unit which takes the responsibility for production's results. Nearly 40% of these enterprises have been producing nothing but losses and their mutual debts worth from 200-300 billion yuan. Shutting them down is crucial economic, political social and ideological question. With the current unemployment of 4% of urban labor force, 'fluctuating population' of rural unemployed of nearly 130 million, serious 'dissatisfaction' of urban population with these, and inflation of 27% in 1984, this problem is emerging as crucial question of 'urban reform' and maybe reform as a whole. In spite of numerous negative cases with selling such unsuccessful enterprises to foreigners and mainland Chinese, it seems to be the only way out of current blockaded situation. Hesitation to make such very decision could have the same negative consequence.
AB  - Posle uspešno sprovedene 'reforme na selu' kineski reformatori su od 1984. usredsredili svoju reformsku politiku na 'gradsku reformu'. Osnovna podloga koju je trebalo da pokrene ova reforma je 'buđenje' inicijative kako preduzeća, tako i svakog pojedinca u proizvodnom procesu. Najvažnije uporište 'gradske reforme', ali u isto vreme, i idealni model svih manjkavosti ranijeg sistema, kao i srž otpora promenama, su državna industrijska preduzeća (8.000 gigantskih i srednjih preduzeća i 85.000 malih, koja daju oko 70% ukupne industrijske proizvodnje zemlje). Glavni cilj ekonomske reforme je da načini svako preduzeće relativno nezavisnim privrednim subjektom koji preuzima odgovornost za proizvodne rezultate. Gotovo 40% ovih preduzeća proizvodi samo gubitke, a njihova međusobna dugovanja iznose između 200 i 300 milijardi juana. Njihovo gašenje je krucijalno ekonomsko, političko, socijalno i ideološko pitanje. Sa sadašnjom stopom nezaposlenih od 4% gradske radne snage, 'lutajućom populacijom' koju čine nezaposleni seljaci od gotovo 130 miliona ljudi, inflacijom od 27% u 1984, ozbiljnim 'nezadovoljstvom' gradskog stanovništva svim ovim, ovaj problem se nameće kao ključno pitanje 'gradske reforme' i možda, reforme uopšte. Uprkos brojnim negativnim slučajevima sa prodajom ovakvih neuspešnih preduzeća strancima i domaćim Kinezima, izgleda daje to jedini put iz trenutne pat-pozicije. Oklevanje da se donese upravo ovakva odluka može imati jednake negativne posledice.
PB  - Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Finansije
T1  - Problems of privatization of state enterprises in PR China
T1  - Problemi privatizacije državnih preduzeća u NR Kini
EP  - 493
IS  - 7-8
SP  - 480
VL  - 50
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_28
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mitrović, Dragana",
year = "1995",
abstract = "After experiencing success in reforming 'rural economy' Chinese reformers shifted their policy target to 'urban economy' in 1984. The basic lever which should had been pushed by this reform was 'awaking' of initiative of the enterprises, as well as of the every individual in production process. The most important basis of 'urban reform', but at the same time, the ideal model of all its' defects of the previous system, as well as the corn of the resistance to the changes, are state industrial enterprises (8.000 giant and medium size enterprises and 85.000 small ones, which gave 70% of total country's industrial product). The main aim of economic reform has been to make every enterprise relatively independent economic unit which takes the responsibility for production's results. Nearly 40% of these enterprises have been producing nothing but losses and their mutual debts worth from 200-300 billion yuan. Shutting them down is crucial economic, political social and ideological question. With the current unemployment of 4% of urban labor force, 'fluctuating population' of rural unemployed of nearly 130 million, serious 'dissatisfaction' of urban population with these, and inflation of 27% in 1984, this problem is emerging as crucial question of 'urban reform' and maybe reform as a whole. In spite of numerous negative cases with selling such unsuccessful enterprises to foreigners and mainland Chinese, it seems to be the only way out of current blockaded situation. Hesitation to make such very decision could have the same negative consequence., Posle uspešno sprovedene 'reforme na selu' kineski reformatori su od 1984. usredsredili svoju reformsku politiku na 'gradsku reformu'. Osnovna podloga koju je trebalo da pokrene ova reforma je 'buđenje' inicijative kako preduzeća, tako i svakog pojedinca u proizvodnom procesu. Najvažnije uporište 'gradske reforme', ali u isto vreme, i idealni model svih manjkavosti ranijeg sistema, kao i srž otpora promenama, su državna industrijska preduzeća (8.000 gigantskih i srednjih preduzeća i 85.000 malih, koja daju oko 70% ukupne industrijske proizvodnje zemlje). Glavni cilj ekonomske reforme je da načini svako preduzeće relativno nezavisnim privrednim subjektom koji preuzima odgovornost za proizvodne rezultate. Gotovo 40% ovih preduzeća proizvodi samo gubitke, a njihova međusobna dugovanja iznose između 200 i 300 milijardi juana. Njihovo gašenje je krucijalno ekonomsko, političko, socijalno i ideološko pitanje. Sa sadašnjom stopom nezaposlenih od 4% gradske radne snage, 'lutajućom populacijom' koju čine nezaposleni seljaci od gotovo 130 miliona ljudi, inflacijom od 27% u 1984, ozbiljnim 'nezadovoljstvom' gradskog stanovništva svim ovim, ovaj problem se nameće kao ključno pitanje 'gradske reforme' i možda, reforme uopšte. Uprkos brojnim negativnim slučajevima sa prodajom ovakvih neuspešnih preduzeća strancima i domaćim Kinezima, izgleda daje to jedini put iz trenutne pat-pozicije. Oklevanje da se donese upravo ovakva odluka može imati jednake negativne posledice.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Finansije",
title = "Problems of privatization of state enterprises in PR China, Problemi privatizacije državnih preduzeća u NR Kini",
pages = "493-480",
number = "7-8",
volume = "50",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_28"
}

Mitrović, D.. (1995). Problems of privatization of state enterprises in PR China. in Finansije
Ministarstvo finansija Republike Srbije, Beograd., 50(7-8), 480-493.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_28

Mitrović D. Problems of privatization of state enterprises in PR China. in Finansije. 1995;50(7-8):480-493.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_28 .

Mitrović, Dragana, "Problems of privatization of state enterprises in PR China" in Finansije, 50, no. 7-8 (1995):480-493,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_28 .