TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/597
AB  - The article deals with the aristocratic thesis about the character of the elections in representative governments, which has been widely discussed in political theory in previous decades. According to the thesis, the elections have two faces - they are in the same time aristocratic and democratic by nature. As a mixture of democratic and aristocratic principle, representative democracy remains a mixed form of government. The main difference between this form of government and the older form of mixed republic is that general elections have become a method of legitimating the government. This form of government is allied with democratic elitism in their effects, despite the differences in justification of the essential role of elections in democratic processes. According to critics, the aristocratic element in contemporary democracies is more like oligarchic or plutocratic in traditional sense of the word. These critics occasionally refer to this state of affairs as a state of postdemocracy. The main thesis of the article is that differentiation between the two faces of elections is a powerful toll for analysis of contemporary democracies. The author does not defend the aristocratic thesis itself.
AB  - U tekstu se razmatra aristokratska teza o izborima o kojoj se široko raspravlja u poslednjih nekoliko decenija. Prema ovoj tezi izbori imaju dvostruki karakter, oni su istovremeno i demokratski i aristokratski. Predstavnička vladavina, prema ovom gledištu, jeste mešoviti oblik vladavine koji se od starijih oblika republika razlikuje po tome što postoje opšti izbori kao metod legitimacije. Ovaj oblik vladavine je srodan demokratskom elitizmu prema ishodima, mada postoje razlike u tome kako se opravdava središnja ustanova izbora. Kritičari ove teze tvrde da se aristokratski element u savremenim demokratijama dobio oligarhijsku ili plutokratsku formu. Na ovu kritiku demokratije ponekad se referiše kao na stanje postdemokratije. U tekstu se tvrdi da je teza o dvostrukom karakteru izbora moćno analitičko sredstvo za dijagnozu stanja savremenih demokratija, ali autor ne zastupa tezu o aristokratskom karakteru izbora.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Aristocratic thesis
T1  - Aristokratska teza
EP  - 24
IS  - 16
SP  - 9
VL  - 10
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_597
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The article deals with the aristocratic thesis about the character of the elections in representative governments, which has been widely discussed in political theory in previous decades. According to the thesis, the elections have two faces - they are in the same time aristocratic and democratic by nature. As a mixture of democratic and aristocratic principle, representative democracy remains a mixed form of government. The main difference between this form of government and the older form of mixed republic is that general elections have become a method of legitimating the government. This form of government is allied with democratic elitism in their effects, despite the differences in justification of the essential role of elections in democratic processes. According to critics, the aristocratic element in contemporary democracies is more like oligarchic or plutocratic in traditional sense of the word. These critics occasionally refer to this state of affairs as a state of postdemocracy. The main thesis of the article is that differentiation between the two faces of elections is a powerful toll for analysis of contemporary democracies. The author does not defend the aristocratic thesis itself., U tekstu se razmatra aristokratska teza o izborima o kojoj se široko raspravlja u poslednjih nekoliko decenija. Prema ovoj tezi izbori imaju dvostruki karakter, oni su istovremeno i demokratski i aristokratski. Predstavnička vladavina, prema ovom gledištu, jeste mešoviti oblik vladavine koji se od starijih oblika republika razlikuje po tome što postoje opšti izbori kao metod legitimacije. Ovaj oblik vladavine je srodan demokratskom elitizmu prema ishodima, mada postoje razlike u tome kako se opravdava središnja ustanova izbora. Kritičari ove teze tvrde da se aristokratski element u savremenim demokratijama dobio oligarhijsku ili plutokratsku formu. Na ovu kritiku demokratije ponekad se referiše kao na stanje postdemokratije. U tekstu se tvrdi da je teza o dvostrukom karakteru izbora moćno analitičko sredstvo za dijagnozu stanja savremenih demokratija, ali autor ne zastupa tezu o aristokratskom karakteru izbora.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Aristocratic thesis, Aristokratska teza",
pages = "24-9",
number = "16",
volume = "10",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_597"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2016). Aristocratic thesis. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 10(16), 9-24.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_597

Pavićević Đ. Aristocratic thesis. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2016;10(16):9-24.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_597 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Aristocratic thesis" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 10, no. 16 (2016):9-24,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_597 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/580
AB  - The article reconsiders analytical value of the concept of post-democracy. The thesis of the article is that significance of the concept of post-democracy lies in its ability to be used as a tool of conceptual criticism, not in its informative value for criticism of democratic regimes. The question is: whether it is possible, from post-democratic perspective, to claim that realistic judgment on particular, democratic practices" could be wrong judgement on democracy? Three different conceptions of postdemocracy are offered as answers to the question. They are considered as reaction to self-proclaimed, triumph" of democracy and universalization of minimalistic conception of democracy. The first is the conception of English sociologist Colin Crouch which is based on criticism of participation failure and electoral policies of existing democracies. The second is Sheldon Wolin's conception which is suspicious of representativeness of representative democracy. Third conception is based on Jacques Ranciere's critique of legitimacy scheme of liberal democracy. These three critiques suggest that democracy is in bad shape as well as that the meaning of the notion of democracy is hooked by economic and political elites. The conclusion is that the concept of post-democracy is more useful as a platform of critical reconsideration of democracy than more frequently used concepts of crisis, deficit, decline or transformation. The question of adequacy of particular conceptions of post-democracy is not raised in this article.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Post-democratic Critique of Democracy: transformation or collapse of democracy
EP  - 524
IS  - 4
SP  - 505
VL  - 58
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1604505P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The article reconsiders analytical value of the concept of post-democracy. The thesis of the article is that significance of the concept of post-democracy lies in its ability to be used as a tool of conceptual criticism, not in its informative value for criticism of democratic regimes. The question is: whether it is possible, from post-democratic perspective, to claim that realistic judgment on particular, democratic practices" could be wrong judgement on democracy? Three different conceptions of postdemocracy are offered as answers to the question. They are considered as reaction to self-proclaimed, triumph" of democracy and universalization of minimalistic conception of democracy. The first is the conception of English sociologist Colin Crouch which is based on criticism of participation failure and electoral policies of existing democracies. The second is Sheldon Wolin's conception which is suspicious of representativeness of representative democracy. Third conception is based on Jacques Ranciere's critique of legitimacy scheme of liberal democracy. These three critiques suggest that democracy is in bad shape as well as that the meaning of the notion of democracy is hooked by economic and political elites. The conclusion is that the concept of post-democracy is more useful as a platform of critical reconsideration of democracy than more frequently used concepts of crisis, deficit, decline or transformation. The question of adequacy of particular conceptions of post-democracy is not raised in this article.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Post-democratic Critique of Democracy: transformation or collapse of democracy",
pages = "524-505",
number = "4",
volume = "58",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1604505P"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2016). Post-democratic Critique of Democracy: transformation or collapse of democracy. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 58(4), 505-524.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1604505P

Pavićević Đ. Post-democratic Critique of Democracy: transformation or collapse of democracy. in Sociologija. 2016;58(4):505-524.
doi:10.2298/SOC1604505P .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Post-democratic Critique of Democracy: transformation or collapse of democracy" in Sociologija, 58, no. 4 (2016):505-524,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1604505P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/574
AB  - The article deals with the relation of political messianism to ongoing debate on the crisis of democracy. The conceptual framework of political messianism is the convenient analytical tool because it makes the concept of crisis a starting point for formulating a different politics of redemption. Three conceptions of political messianism are being analyzed: as a revolutionary policies, as critical tool, as well as open possibility of radical changes. It shows in all three cases that deep beliefs play an important role in politics and that it is not possible to immunize political order from them. The second part of the paper points to the significance of these insights for understanding the discourse on the crisis of democracy which important part represents the loss of faith in the ability of democratic institutions to formulate a framework for meaningful political actions of citizens. As a result, there has been a transformation of the concept of democracy which now sees political actions of citizens-amateurs as a nuisance. Such a condition produces tensions which are burdening the functioning of democratic regimes. In conclusion, it is noted that contemporary democracies are not able to restore faith in the fundamentals of its existence as long as they insist on the primacy of the form of democracy, which in the meantime has become the norm, but fails to convince the citizens in their intrinsic values.
AB  - Tekst se bavi odnosom političkog mesijanizma i rasprava o krizi demokratije. Pojmovni okvir političkog mesijanizma je pogodno analitičko oruđe jer u njemu pojam krize čini polaznu tačku na osnovu koje se formulišu različite politike izbavljenja. Analizirana su tri shvatanja političkog mesijanizma: kao revolucionarne politike, kako kritičkog oruđa i kao otvorene mogućnosti radikalne promene. U sva tri slučaja pokazuje se da duboka uverenja imaju važnu ulogu u politici i da nije moguće imunizovati politički poredak od njih. U drugom delu teksta ukazuje se na značaj ovih uvida za razumevanje diskursa o krizi demokratije čiji važan deo čini gubitak vere u sposobnost demokratskih ustanova da formulišu okvir za smisaono političko delovanje građana. Usled toga, došlo je do transformacije pojma demokratije koji sada političko delovanje građana-amatera vidi kao smetnju. Takvo stanje proizvodi napetosti koji opterećuju funkcionisanje demokratskih režima. U zaključku se konstatuje da savremene demokratije nisu u stanju da obnove veru u osnove svog postojanja sve dok insistiraju na primatu forme demokratije, koja je u međuvremenu postala norma, a koja nije u stanju da uveri građane u svoje intrinsične vrednosti.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Political messianism and democracy: On possibility of political self-transformation of democracy
T1  - Politički mesijanizam i demokratija - o mogućnosti političke samotransformacije demokratije
EP  - 663
IS  - 3
SP  - 644
VL  - 27
DO  - 10.2298/FID1603650P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe and Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The article deals with the relation of political messianism to ongoing debate on the crisis of democracy. The conceptual framework of political messianism is the convenient analytical tool because it makes the concept of crisis a starting point for formulating a different politics of redemption. Three conceptions of political messianism are being analyzed: as a revolutionary policies, as critical tool, as well as open possibility of radical changes. It shows in all three cases that deep beliefs play an important role in politics and that it is not possible to immunize political order from them. The second part of the paper points to the significance of these insights for understanding the discourse on the crisis of democracy which important part represents the loss of faith in the ability of democratic institutions to formulate a framework for meaningful political actions of citizens. As a result, there has been a transformation of the concept of democracy which now sees political actions of citizens-amateurs as a nuisance. Such a condition produces tensions which are burdening the functioning of democratic regimes. In conclusion, it is noted that contemporary democracies are not able to restore faith in the fundamentals of its existence as long as they insist on the primacy of the form of democracy, which in the meantime has become the norm, but fails to convince the citizens in their intrinsic values., Tekst se bavi odnosom političkog mesijanizma i rasprava o krizi demokratije. Pojmovni okvir političkog mesijanizma je pogodno analitičko oruđe jer u njemu pojam krize čini polaznu tačku na osnovu koje se formulišu različite politike izbavljenja. Analizirana su tri shvatanja političkog mesijanizma: kao revolucionarne politike, kako kritičkog oruđa i kao otvorene mogućnosti radikalne promene. U sva tri slučaja pokazuje se da duboka uverenja imaju važnu ulogu u politici i da nije moguće imunizovati politički poredak od njih. U drugom delu teksta ukazuje se na značaj ovih uvida za razumevanje diskursa o krizi demokratije čiji važan deo čini gubitak vere u sposobnost demokratskih ustanova da formulišu okvir za smisaono političko delovanje građana. Usled toga, došlo je do transformacije pojma demokratije koji sada političko delovanje građana-amatera vidi kao smetnju. Takvo stanje proizvodi napetosti koji opterećuju funkcionisanje demokratskih režima. U zaključku se konstatuje da savremene demokratije nisu u stanju da obnove veru u osnove svog postojanja sve dok insistiraju na primatu forme demokratije, koja je u međuvremenu postala norma, a koja nije u stanju da uveri građane u svoje intrinsične vrednosti.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Political messianism and democracy: On possibility of political self-transformation of democracy, Politički mesijanizam i demokratija - o mogućnosti političke samotransformacije demokratije",
pages = "663-644",
number = "3",
volume = "27",
doi = "10.2298/FID1603650P"
}

Pavićević, Đ.,& Pavićević, Đ.. (2016). Political messianism and democracy: On possibility of political self-transformation of democracy. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 27(3), 644-663.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1603650P

Pavićević Đ, Pavićević Đ. Political messianism and democracy: On possibility of political self-transformation of democracy. in Filozofija i društvo. 2016;27(3):644-663.
doi:10.2298/FID1603650P .

Pavićević, Đorđe, Pavićević, Đorđe, "Political messianism and democracy: On possibility of political self-transformation of democracy" in Filozofija i društvo, 27, no. 3 (2016):644-663,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1603650P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/543
AB  - The article deals with the nature of obligations toward alleviation of state of poverty. Starting points in the analysis are Kant's distinction between perfect and imperfect duties and reinterpretation of the distinction in Onora O'Neill's ethics of obligations. Obligations toward alleviation of poverty are generally considered as imperfect, because it is impossible to specify correlative right to goods and services we are obliged to provide to the poor. For this reason, these obligations are classified as a part of ethics of virtues, not ethics of rights. According to this view, conditions of implementation are inherent part of justification of obligation. This interpretation of conditions of implementation is rejected and relaxed in theories of Thomas Pogge and Amarya Sen. According to author of the article, flaws in the architecture of analyzed theories, as well as, undeveloped insights of their authors suggest that the best way to articulate obligations toward alleviation of poverty is to understand them as indirect perfect obligations.
AB  - Tekst se bavi karakterom obaveza prema smanjenju siromaštva. Polazne tačka u analizi su Kantovo razlikovanje potpunih i nepotpunih dužnosti i rekonceptualizacija ovog razlikovanja unutar etike dužnosti Onore O'Nil. Obaveze prema siromašnima smatraju se nesavršenim obavezama jer ne može se potpuno specifikovati korelativno pravo siromašnih na obezbeđivanje dobara i usluga. Zbog toga obaveze prema siromašnima spadaju u etiku vrlina, ne etiku prava. Prema ovom shvatanju, uslovi ispunjenja su sastavni deo opravdanja obaveze. Ovako protumačen uslov ispunjenja obaveza osporen je i relaksiran u teorijama Tomasa Pogea i Amartje Sena. Prema autoru, nedostaci u arhitektonici analiziranih teorija, kao i nedorečeni sporadični uvidi analiziranih autora ukazuju da je smanjenje siromaštva najbolje formulisati kao indirektnu savršenu obavezu.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Perfect and imperfect obligations towards poverty
T1  - Savršene i nesavršene obaveze prema siromašnima
EP  - 53
IS  - 14
SP  - 35
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1514035P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The article deals with the nature of obligations toward alleviation of state of poverty. Starting points in the analysis are Kant's distinction between perfect and imperfect duties and reinterpretation of the distinction in Onora O'Neill's ethics of obligations. Obligations toward alleviation of poverty are generally considered as imperfect, because it is impossible to specify correlative right to goods and services we are obliged to provide to the poor. For this reason, these obligations are classified as a part of ethics of virtues, not ethics of rights. According to this view, conditions of implementation are inherent part of justification of obligation. This interpretation of conditions of implementation is rejected and relaxed in theories of Thomas Pogge and Amarya Sen. According to author of the article, flaws in the architecture of analyzed theories, as well as, undeveloped insights of their authors suggest that the best way to articulate obligations toward alleviation of poverty is to understand them as indirect perfect obligations., Tekst se bavi karakterom obaveza prema smanjenju siromaštva. Polazne tačka u analizi su Kantovo razlikovanje potpunih i nepotpunih dužnosti i rekonceptualizacija ovog razlikovanja unutar etike dužnosti Onore O'Nil. Obaveze prema siromašnima smatraju se nesavršenim obavezama jer ne može se potpuno specifikovati korelativno pravo siromašnih na obezbeđivanje dobara i usluga. Zbog toga obaveze prema siromašnima spadaju u etiku vrlina, ne etiku prava. Prema ovom shvatanju, uslovi ispunjenja su sastavni deo opravdanja obaveze. Ovako protumačen uslov ispunjenja obaveza osporen je i relaksiran u teorijama Tomasa Pogea i Amartje Sena. Prema autoru, nedostaci u arhitektonici analiziranih teorija, kao i nedorečeni sporadični uvidi analiziranih autora ukazuju da je smanjenje siromaštva najbolje formulisati kao indirektnu savršenu obavezu.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Perfect and imperfect obligations towards poverty, Savršene i nesavršene obaveze prema siromašnima",
pages = "53-35",
number = "14",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1514035P"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2015). Perfect and imperfect obligations towards poverty. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(14), 35-53.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1514035P

Pavićević Đ. Perfect and imperfect obligations towards poverty. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(14):35-53.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1514035P .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Perfect and imperfect obligations towards poverty" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 14 (2015):35-53,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1514035P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/407
AB  - The paper deals with the importance of common knowledge based on shared memory for the character of social cooperation. The findings are based on the background of Serbian experience with dealing with the past. The stabilization of a common stock of knowledge is valuable for establishing sustainable patterns of cooperation. The nexus between shared knowledge and different modalities of action is elaborated. Fearful and trustful actions are taken as basic modalities. Both are concerned with uncertainty over time and coping with the freedom of others as independent agents, but they evoke different expectations concerning the prospects of possible cooperation. The common assumptions of mutual expectations are crucial for the choice of cooperative strategy. Trustful cooperation is based on relying on others, while fearful action is based on an apprehension of threat. A "history of play" informs parties on mutual expectations. The irreducibility of shared memories shows that institutional incentives and signals are not able to stabilize shared knowledge on mutual expectations. The paper suggests that different conceptualizations are linked to different modalities of action and that rebuilding damaged relations requires shared reconstruction of a history of mutual relations. The thesis relies on a substantive argument about the particularity of common knowledge and a general argument based on the formal structure of social cooperation.
T2  - Southeastern Europe
T1  - Memory, trust and fear in post-conflict societies
EP  - 199
IS  - 2
SP  - 179
VL  - 37
DO  - 10.1163/18763332-03702004
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The paper deals with the importance of common knowledge based on shared memory for the character of social cooperation. The findings are based on the background of Serbian experience with dealing with the past. The stabilization of a common stock of knowledge is valuable for establishing sustainable patterns of cooperation. The nexus between shared knowledge and different modalities of action is elaborated. Fearful and trustful actions are taken as basic modalities. Both are concerned with uncertainty over time and coping with the freedom of others as independent agents, but they evoke different expectations concerning the prospects of possible cooperation. The common assumptions of mutual expectations are crucial for the choice of cooperative strategy. Trustful cooperation is based on relying on others, while fearful action is based on an apprehension of threat. A "history of play" informs parties on mutual expectations. The irreducibility of shared memories shows that institutional incentives and signals are not able to stabilize shared knowledge on mutual expectations. The paper suggests that different conceptualizations are linked to different modalities of action and that rebuilding damaged relations requires shared reconstruction of a history of mutual relations. The thesis relies on a substantive argument about the particularity of common knowledge and a general argument based on the formal structure of social cooperation.",
journal = "Southeastern Europe",
title = "Memory, trust and fear in post-conflict societies",
pages = "199-179",
number = "2",
volume = "37",
doi = "10.1163/18763332-03702004"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2013). Memory, trust and fear in post-conflict societies. in Southeastern Europe, 37(2), 179-199.
https://doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03702004

Pavićević Đ. Memory, trust and fear in post-conflict societies. in Southeastern Europe. 2013;37(2):179-199.
doi:10.1163/18763332-03702004 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Memory, trust and fear in post-conflict societies" in Southeastern Europe, 37, no. 2 (2013):179-199,
https://doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03702004 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
AU  - Đurović, S.
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/358
PB  - Ashgate Publishing Ltd
T2  - Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts: Representations of Self and Other
T1  - Relations between Montenegro and Serbia from 1991 to 2006: An analysis of media discourse
EP  - 152
SP  - 129
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_358
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe and Đurović, S.",
year = "2012",
publisher = "Ashgate Publishing Ltd",
journal = "Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts: Representations of Self and Other",
booktitle = "Relations between Montenegro and Serbia from 1991 to 2006: An analysis of media discourse",
pages = "152-129",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_358"
}

Pavićević, Đ.,& Đurović, S.. (2012). Relations between Montenegro and Serbia from 1991 to 2006: An analysis of media discourse. in Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts: Representations of Self and Other
Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 129-152.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_358

Pavićević Đ, Đurović S. Relations between Montenegro and Serbia from 1991 to 2006: An analysis of media discourse. in Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts: Representations of Self and Other. 2012;:129-152.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_358 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, Đurović, S., "Relations between Montenegro and Serbia from 1991 to 2006: An analysis of media discourse" in Media Discourse and the Yugoslav Conflicts: Representations of Self and Other (2012):129-152,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_358 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/294
AB  - The text analysis the history of the critical theory of society of the Frankfurt philosophy school. The history of the original project is observed through three phases. The first is the phase of the project formulation and interdisciplinary implementation of the fundamental ideas. The second phase pertains to the reformulation of this project after the World War Two when the critical theory digressed to pessimism and messianism. The third phase considers 'the second generation' of theoreticians, primarily Apel and Habermas, who attempted to fasten the normative bases of the critical theory. The thesis here is that the critical theory never managed to connect the fundamental levels of analysis formulated already in the original project. This is about the cognitive-theoretic conditions and about the linking of the formal conditions of rationality with the reconstruction of various forms of social practice.
AB  - U tekstu se analizira istorijat kritičke teorije frankfurtskog kruga mislilaca. Istorijat prvobitnog projekta se prati kroz tri faze. Prva je faza formulacije projekta i interdisciplinarnog sprovođenja osnovnih ideja. Druga faza je reformulacija ovog projekta nakon Drugog svetskog rata kada je kritička teorija 'skrenula' u pesimizam i mesijanstvo. U trećoj fazi se razmatra 'druga generacija' teoretičara, pre svega Apel i Habermas, koji su pokušali da učvrste normativne osnove kritičke teorije. Teza koja se zastupa jeste da kritička teorija nikada nije uspela da poveže osnovne nivoe analize formulisana još u prvobitnom projektu. Radi se o saznajno-teorijskom uslovima važenja sa jedne i povezivanju formalnih uslova racionalnosti sa rekonstrukcijom različitih oblika društvene prakse.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school
T1  - Kritička teorija društva Frankfurtske škole
EP  - 66
IS  - 5
SP  - 49
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The text analysis the history of the critical theory of society of the Frankfurt philosophy school. The history of the original project is observed through three phases. The first is the phase of the project formulation and interdisciplinary implementation of the fundamental ideas. The second phase pertains to the reformulation of this project after the World War Two when the critical theory digressed to pessimism and messianism. The third phase considers 'the second generation' of theoreticians, primarily Apel and Habermas, who attempted to fasten the normative bases of the critical theory. The thesis here is that the critical theory never managed to connect the fundamental levels of analysis formulated already in the original project. This is about the cognitive-theoretic conditions and about the linking of the formal conditions of rationality with the reconstruction of various forms of social practice., U tekstu se analizira istorijat kritičke teorije frankfurtskog kruga mislilaca. Istorijat prvobitnog projekta se prati kroz tri faze. Prva je faza formulacije projekta i interdisciplinarnog sprovođenja osnovnih ideja. Druga faza je reformulacija ovog projekta nakon Drugog svetskog rata kada je kritička teorija 'skrenula' u pesimizam i mesijanstvo. U trećoj fazi se razmatra 'druga generacija' teoretičara, pre svega Apel i Habermas, koji su pokušali da učvrste normativne osnove kritičke teorije. Teza koja se zastupa jeste da kritička teorija nikada nije uspela da poveže osnovne nivoe analize formulisana još u prvobitnom projektu. Radi se o saznajno-teorijskom uslovima važenja sa jedne i povezivanju formalnih uslova racionalnosti sa rekonstrukcijom različitih oblika društvene prakse.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school, Kritička teorija društva Frankfurtske škole",
pages = "66-49",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2011). Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 49-66.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294

Pavićević Đ. Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):49-66.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):49-66,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2007
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/131
AB  - The article dealt with Rawlsian idea of public reason as a convergence point of his conception of political liberalism. The idea of public reason is taken as a norm of political justification a as well as a political ideal. Major lines of criticism of the Rawls' conception are also discussed in the article. The conclusion is that is possible to defend major elements of Rawls' conception against criticism along Rawlsian lines of argumentation. The thesis advocated through the text is that it is significant legacy of Rawls' conception of public reason that it discloses limitations of political ideal of liberal democracy. It is argued that one important consequence is that liberalism has to disclaim its own moral superiority in order to make political ideal viable. The other is that any particular society has to find its moral bases in public reason of particular society, that is burdened with peculiar culture and history. .
AB  - Tekst razmatra Rolsovu ideju javnog uma kao središnji deo njegove koncepcije političkog liberalizma. Ideja javnog uma je shvaćena dvostruko, kao norma opravdanja i kao politički ideal. U tekstu su takođe razmotrene neke kritike Rolsove koncepcije i naznačeni mogući načini na koji se Rols može odbraniti od njih. Osnovne teze u tekstu su da se Rolsova koncepcija javnog uma može odbraniti od standardnih kritika, ali i da sama razotkriva ograničenja političkog ideala liberalne demokratije. Dosledno shvaćen, politički ideal liberalne demokratije mora se odreći pretenzija na moralnu superiornost i oslanjati se na moralni konsenzus koji može biti potvrđen javnim umom političkog društva. .
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Public reason as a political ideal: John Rawls’s conception
T1  - Javni um kao politički ideal - shvatanje Džona Rolsa
EP  - 234
IS  - 2
SP  - 209
VL  - 18
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_131
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2007",
abstract = "The article dealt with Rawlsian idea of public reason as a convergence point of his conception of political liberalism. The idea of public reason is taken as a norm of political justification a as well as a political ideal. Major lines of criticism of the Rawls' conception are also discussed in the article. The conclusion is that is possible to defend major elements of Rawls' conception against criticism along Rawlsian lines of argumentation. The thesis advocated through the text is that it is significant legacy of Rawls' conception of public reason that it discloses limitations of political ideal of liberal democracy. It is argued that one important consequence is that liberalism has to disclaim its own moral superiority in order to make political ideal viable. The other is that any particular society has to find its moral bases in public reason of particular society, that is burdened with peculiar culture and history. ., Tekst razmatra Rolsovu ideju javnog uma kao središnji deo njegove koncepcije političkog liberalizma. Ideja javnog uma je shvaćena dvostruko, kao norma opravdanja i kao politički ideal. U tekstu su takođe razmotrene neke kritike Rolsove koncepcije i naznačeni mogući načini na koji se Rols može odbraniti od njih. Osnovne teze u tekstu su da se Rolsova koncepcija javnog uma može odbraniti od standardnih kritika, ali i da sama razotkriva ograničenja političkog ideala liberalne demokratije. Dosledno shvaćen, politički ideal liberalne demokratije mora se odreći pretenzija na moralnu superiornost i oslanjati se na moralni konsenzus koji može biti potvrđen javnim umom političkog društva. .",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Public reason as a political ideal: John Rawls’s conception, Javni um kao politički ideal - shvatanje Džona Rolsa",
pages = "234-209",
number = "2",
volume = "18",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_131"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2007). Public reason as a political ideal: John Rawls’s conception. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 18(2), 209-234.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_131

Pavićević Đ. Public reason as a political ideal: John Rawls’s conception. in Filozofija i društvo. 2007;18(2):209-234.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_131 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Public reason as a political ideal: John Rawls’s conception" in Filozofija i društvo, 18, no. 2 (2007):209-234,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_131 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2001
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/74
AB  - The article has been written as an entry for the Critical Dictionary of Civil Society. In the first part of the paper defining components of the notion of public sphere are examined. Public sphere is related to two social phenomena a) making deliberate efforts to develop an art of persuasion and to produce systematic spreading of publicity; b) arranging a set of institutions that are establishing public accessibility. Therefore, the definition of the public sphere is ambiguous: a) in the first meaning it is opposed to the secret and refers to the open, and visible, and accessible; b) in the second meaning it is opposed to the private and refers to a conceptual and physical area established by institutions. In each of the two meaning the focus is on the political relevance of the public sphere. The second part of the paper is a brief historical reconstruction of the different conceptions developed over time. In the third part some issues raised in current discussions on the significance and structure of the public sphere are introduced.
AB  - Javnost se odnosi a) na činjenje smišljenih napora u pravcu razvijanja veštine ubeđivanja i sistematskog širenja publiciteta, koje je pratio i b) na odgovarajući razvoj ustanova Pojam javnosti ima dvostruko značenje: u jednom smislu on se suprostavlja pojmu tajnog i odnosi se na ono što je otvoreno vidljivo, pristupačno drugim ljudima, u drugom smislu on označava poseban konceptualni i fizički prostor uređen ustanovama koji je suprostavljen pojmu privatnog, kao sferi diskrecionog odlučivanja pojedinca. Posebna pažnja, u oba slučaja, posvećena je političkom značaju pojma javnosti. Drugi deo teksta sastoji se od kratke istorijske rekonstrukcije promena u razumevanju pojma javnosti. U trećem delu teksta su izloženi neki problemi iz savremenih rasprava koji se tiču značaja i strukture sfere javnosti.
PB  - IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd
T2  - Nova srpska politička misao
T1  - Public sphere
T1  - Javnost
EP  - 207
IS  - 1-4
SP  - 183
VL  - 8
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_74
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2001",
abstract = "The article has been written as an entry for the Critical Dictionary of Civil Society. In the first part of the paper defining components of the notion of public sphere are examined. Public sphere is related to two social phenomena a) making deliberate efforts to develop an art of persuasion and to produce systematic spreading of publicity; b) arranging a set of institutions that are establishing public accessibility. Therefore, the definition of the public sphere is ambiguous: a) in the first meaning it is opposed to the secret and refers to the open, and visible, and accessible; b) in the second meaning it is opposed to the private and refers to a conceptual and physical area established by institutions. In each of the two meaning the focus is on the political relevance of the public sphere. The second part of the paper is a brief historical reconstruction of the different conceptions developed over time. In the third part some issues raised in current discussions on the significance and structure of the public sphere are introduced., Javnost se odnosi a) na činjenje smišljenih napora u pravcu razvijanja veštine ubeđivanja i sistematskog širenja publiciteta, koje je pratio i b) na odgovarajući razvoj ustanova Pojam javnosti ima dvostruko značenje: u jednom smislu on se suprostavlja pojmu tajnog i odnosi se na ono što je otvoreno vidljivo, pristupačno drugim ljudima, u drugom smislu on označava poseban konceptualni i fizički prostor uređen ustanovama koji je suprostavljen pojmu privatnog, kao sferi diskrecionog odlučivanja pojedinca. Posebna pažnja, u oba slučaja, posvećena je političkom značaju pojma javnosti. Drugi deo teksta sastoji se od kratke istorijske rekonstrukcije promena u razumevanju pojma javnosti. U trećem delu teksta su izloženi neki problemi iz savremenih rasprava koji se tiču značaja i strukture sfere javnosti.",
publisher = "IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd",
journal = "Nova srpska politička misao",
title = "Public sphere, Javnost",
pages = "207-183",
number = "1-4",
volume = "8",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_74"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2001). Public sphere. in Nova srpska politička misao
IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd., 8(1-4), 183-207.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_74

Pavićević Đ. Public sphere. in Nova srpska politička misao. 2001;8(1-4):183-207.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_74 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Public sphere" in Nova srpska politička misao, 8, no. 1-4 (2001):183-207,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_74 .