TY  - JOUR
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/748
AB  - The main position of the article is that the last parliamentary election of the EU took place under the sign of politicization of significant pubic policies issues. Electoral campaign demonstrated the polarization of actors along the systemic/nonsystemic viewpoints line, i.e. programmes. The election outcomes show the fragmentation of the prosystemic party groups, as well as a relative strengthening of the nosystemic groups. Due to this fragmentation, it is expected that at least three party groups would be sufficient to achieving a decision, whereas for crucial decisions all four would be required. The Parliament has for the first time got majority and opposition; such clear division could dynamize its work. The author, however, considers that that EP has a principle problem with its own representation capacity; the permanent declination of the turnout is a significant indicator. The inclining turnout percentage at the last election (7%) is the consequence of the public scene polarization process within the member states, as well as at the EU level. It will not change constitutionally weak position of the EP within the EU system of government; however, the new EP composition might be a medium of necessary public debate on the crisis exit path.
AB  - Zastupa se stav da su poslednji izbori za Evropski parlament prošli u znaku politizacije pitanja iz oblasti značajnih evropskih javnih politika. izborna kampanja pokazala je polarizaciju učesnika po liniji sistemska/nesistemska stanovišta, tj. programi. Po rezultatima izbora, došlo je do fragmentacije pro-sistemskih stranačkih grupacija i relativnog jačanja grupacija koje zahtevaju dublje promene sistema. Zbog te fragmentacije za očekivati je da će u pribavljanju većina za parlamentarne odluke biti potrebne tri, a za važnije odluke i sve četiri prosistemske grupacije. Parlament je prvi put dobio većinu i opoziciju, što će dinamizovati njegov rad. inače, autor smatra da EP ima načelan problem sa svojim predstavljačkim kapacitetom, o čemu svedoči stalno opadajući trend izlaznosti. na poslednjim izborima povećani procenat izlaznosti (7%) posledica je procesa politizacije javne scene u državama članicama i u Evropskoj uniji kao celini. To neće promeniti ustavno slab položaj Parlamenta u sistemu vlasti, ali novi sastav EP može biti medijum potrebne javne debate o putevima izlaska iz krize.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - An ostensible parliament or a political arena?
T1  - Prividni parlament ili politička arena?
EP  - 28
IS  - spec br
SP  - 13
VL  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_748
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The main position of the article is that the last parliamentary election of the EU took place under the sign of politicization of significant pubic policies issues. Electoral campaign demonstrated the polarization of actors along the systemic/nonsystemic viewpoints line, i.e. programmes. The election outcomes show the fragmentation of the prosystemic party groups, as well as a relative strengthening of the nosystemic groups. Due to this fragmentation, it is expected that at least three party groups would be sufficient to achieving a decision, whereas for crucial decisions all four would be required. The Parliament has for the first time got majority and opposition; such clear division could dynamize its work. The author, however, considers that that EP has a principle problem with its own representation capacity; the permanent declination of the turnout is a significant indicator. The inclining turnout percentage at the last election (7%) is the consequence of the public scene polarization process within the member states, as well as at the EU level. It will not change constitutionally weak position of the EP within the EU system of government; however, the new EP composition might be a medium of necessary public debate on the crisis exit path., Zastupa se stav da su poslednji izbori za Evropski parlament prošli u znaku politizacije pitanja iz oblasti značajnih evropskih javnih politika. izborna kampanja pokazala je polarizaciju učesnika po liniji sistemska/nesistemska stanovišta, tj. programi. Po rezultatima izbora, došlo je do fragmentacije pro-sistemskih stranačkih grupacija i relativnog jačanja grupacija koje zahtevaju dublje promene sistema. Zbog te fragmentacije za očekivati je da će u pribavljanju većina za parlamentarne odluke biti potrebne tri, a za važnije odluke i sve četiri prosistemske grupacije. Parlament je prvi put dobio većinu i opoziciju, što će dinamizovati njegov rad. inače, autor smatra da EP ima načelan problem sa svojim predstavljačkim kapacitetom, o čemu svedoči stalno opadajući trend izlaznosti. na poslednjim izborima povećani procenat izlaznosti (7%) posledica je procesa politizacije javne scene u državama članicama i u Evropskoj uniji kao celini. To neće promeniti ustavno slab položaj Parlamenta u sistemu vlasti, ali novi sastav EP može biti medijum potrebne javne debate o putevima izlaska iz krize.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "An ostensible parliament or a political arena?, Prividni parlament ili politička arena?",
pages = "28-13",
number = "spec br",
volume = "13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_748"
}

Samardžić, S.. (2019). An ostensible parliament or a political arena?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 13(spec br), 13-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_748

Samardžić S. An ostensible parliament or a political arena?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2019;13(spec br):13-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_748 .

Samardžić, Slobodan, "An ostensible parliament or a political arena?" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 13, no. spec br (2019):13-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_748 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/511
AB  - In contrast to modern federations, the federalization of the EU has taken place without a constitutional answer to the question of the system's democratic legitimacy. The process of compound polity building under the shadow of the dilemma of the Union's finalite politique can be described as "hidden federalism". The major consequence of this process has been a gradual migration of decision-making from an intergovernmental toward a supra-governmental power-holder. On the one hand, due to an excessive Europeanization of governing tasks, national democratic institutions have lost the political autonomy necessary for shaping the relation between state and society, politics and the market, and individual and collective autonomy within member states. On the other hand, reforming the EU by creating democratically suspicious control mechanisms within its members' budget policies has not substituted the absence of the EU's governance autonomy to regulate politically sensitive fields such as fiscal, employment and social policies. With the escalation of the Eurozone crisis it has become evident that neither member states nor the EU have a sufficient level of autonomy to make policy choices related to the most sensitive issues of distributive justice. The implementation of the Fiscal Compact will decisively affect economic and social life in Europe; yet it is hardly possible to discern who should take credit or the blame for the nontransparent penalty mechanism embedded in this contract and aimed at regaining the Eurozone's stability. In this new historical context, institutions of constitutional democracy, being present on the national and to an extent on the European level, have been deprived of their original purpose. Instead of making power visible and accountable, they have actually enlarged the scope of an unaccountable power by maintaining the illusion that citizens can still determine their collective destiny through the political process.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism
EP  - 31
IS  - 4-5
SP  - 9
VL  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan and Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "In contrast to modern federations, the federalization of the EU has taken place without a constitutional answer to the question of the system's democratic legitimacy. The process of compound polity building under the shadow of the dilemma of the Union's finalite politique can be described as "hidden federalism". The major consequence of this process has been a gradual migration of decision-making from an intergovernmental toward a supra-governmental power-holder. On the one hand, due to an excessive Europeanization of governing tasks, national democratic institutions have lost the political autonomy necessary for shaping the relation between state and society, politics and the market, and individual and collective autonomy within member states. On the other hand, reforming the EU by creating democratically suspicious control mechanisms within its members' budget policies has not substituted the absence of the EU's governance autonomy to regulate politically sensitive fields such as fiscal, employment and social policies. With the escalation of the Eurozone crisis it has become evident that neither member states nor the EU have a sufficient level of autonomy to make policy choices related to the most sensitive issues of distributive justice. The implementation of the Fiscal Compact will decisively affect economic and social life in Europe; yet it is hardly possible to discern who should take credit or the blame for the nontransparent penalty mechanism embedded in this contract and aimed at regaining the Eurozone's stability. In this new historical context, institutions of constitutional democracy, being present on the national and to an extent on the European level, have been deprived of their original purpose. Instead of making power visible and accountable, they have actually enlarged the scope of an unaccountable power by maintaining the illusion that citizens can still determine their collective destiny through the political process.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism",
pages = "31-9",
number = "4-5",
volume = "52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511"
}

Kovačević, B.,& Samardžić, S.. (2015). Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 52(4-5), 9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511

Kovačević B, Samardžić S. Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism. in Politička misao. 2015;52(4-5):9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511 .

Kovačević, Bojan, Samardžić, Slobodan, "Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism" in Politička misao, 52, no. 4-5 (2015):9-31,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/498
AB  - The main subject of the work is the outcomes of the last elections for the European Parliament (May 2014), as well as the political consequences of the event. The main thesis emphasizes that in spite of some changes and innovations introduces by the Lisbon Treaty the structural strengthening of the EP within the institutional system of the EU did not take place. The thesis is tested through two cases: the issue of the representation and the issue of the accountability. In the second part of the article the subject-matter is contextualized within the frame of structural constrains of democracy in the EU. It's overwhelming systemic integration is not familiar with democratic governance. In the present circumstances of crises this undemocratic inclination of the system is getting more problematic. The authoritarian tendencies of governing can easily be noticed, which unable some democratic attempts of collaboration between the EP and the national parliaments.
AB  - U radu se analiziraju ishodi poslednjih izbora za Evropski parlament i posebno političke posledice. Tvrdi se da i pored određenih izbornih promena i inovacija nije došlo do strukturnog jačanja EP u institucionalnom sistemu EU. To se testira i pokazuje na dva primera: na pitanju reprezentativnosti EP i na pitanju njegove odgovornosti. U drugom delu ovaj problem se stavlja u širi kontekst pitanja o strukturnim ograničenjima demokratije u EU. Njena preovlađujuća sistemska integracija nije sklona demokratskom upravljanju. Problem se dodatno usložnjava u današnjem vremenu velike krize Evropske unije, gde se uočavaju autoritarne tendencije vlasti pored kojih i pokušaji saradnje EP sa nacionalnim parlamentima nemaju demokratske izglede.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Powerless parliament in the crisis time
T1  - Nemoćni parlament u vremenu krize
EP  - 22
IS  - 13
SP  - 9
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1513009S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The main subject of the work is the outcomes of the last elections for the European Parliament (May 2014), as well as the political consequences of the event. The main thesis emphasizes that in spite of some changes and innovations introduces by the Lisbon Treaty the structural strengthening of the EP within the institutional system of the EU did not take place. The thesis is tested through two cases: the issue of the representation and the issue of the accountability. In the second part of the article the subject-matter is contextualized within the frame of structural constrains of democracy in the EU. It's overwhelming systemic integration is not familiar with democratic governance. In the present circumstances of crises this undemocratic inclination of the system is getting more problematic. The authoritarian tendencies of governing can easily be noticed, which unable some democratic attempts of collaboration between the EP and the national parliaments., U radu se analiziraju ishodi poslednjih izbora za Evropski parlament i posebno političke posledice. Tvrdi se da i pored određenih izbornih promena i inovacija nije došlo do strukturnog jačanja EP u institucionalnom sistemu EU. To se testira i pokazuje na dva primera: na pitanju reprezentativnosti EP i na pitanju njegove odgovornosti. U drugom delu ovaj problem se stavlja u širi kontekst pitanja o strukturnim ograničenjima demokratije u EU. Njena preovlađujuća sistemska integracija nije sklona demokratskom upravljanju. Problem se dodatno usložnjava u današnjem vremenu velike krize Evropske unije, gde se uočavaju autoritarne tendencije vlasti pored kojih i pokušaji saradnje EP sa nacionalnim parlamentima nemaju demokratske izglede.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Powerless parliament in the crisis time, Nemoćni parlament u vremenu krize",
pages = "22-9",
number = "13",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1513009S"
}

Samardžić, S.. (2015). Powerless parliament in the crisis time. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(13), 9-22.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513009S

Samardžić S. Powerless parliament in the crisis time. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(13):9-22.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1513009S .

Samardžić, Slobodan, "Powerless parliament in the crisis time" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 13 (2015):9-22,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513009S . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/487
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Čedomir Antić (ur.): Dosije - Autonomna Pokrajina Vojvodina, Napredni klub, Beograd, 2014
EP  - 249
IS  - 1
SP  - 246
VL  - 62
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_487
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2014",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Čedomir Antić (ur.): Dosije - Autonomna Pokrajina Vojvodina, Napredni klub, Beograd, 2014",
pages = "249-246",
number = "1",
volume = "62",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_487"
}

Samardžić, S.. (2014). Čedomir Antić (ur.): Dosije - Autonomna Pokrajina Vojvodina, Napredni klub, Beograd, 2014. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 62(1), 246-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_487

Samardžić S. Čedomir Antić (ur.): Dosije - Autonomna Pokrajina Vojvodina, Napredni klub, Beograd, 2014. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2014;62(1):246-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_487 .

Samardžić, Slobodan, "Čedomir Antić (ur.): Dosije - Autonomna Pokrajina Vojvodina, Napredni klub, Beograd, 2014" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 62, no. 1 (2014):246-249,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_487 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/169
AB  - The starting point of this article is that in recent years Kosovo proved to be a good testing ground for checking the capability of the international community, readiness of both Serbs and Albanians to make compromise and the values underlying the modern political order, especially the one established in Europe. In that sense, the author analyzes the notion of 'precedent', distinguishing the negative meaning of precedent in international relations and its positive meaning, which refers to a possible way of settling internal relations. The argument that the 'precedent character' of the Kosovo issue should in no way be interpreted as 'precedent' in its primary sense is given through an analysis of the Kosovo case as a classic example of secession, i.e. through the political/legal fact that the dispute between the Serbs and Albanians is a conflict between sovereignty and secession. Starting with the fact that there is a conflict between the right of a state to claim its sovereignty and the right of an ethnic community to self-determination, in the other part of the paper the author elaborates on the legal-normative and the theory-based approaches. He concludes that in both senses the question of secession faces both formal and material difficulties and that the consequences of Kosovo's secession, as a 'precedent' in its negative meaning, will permanently have a conflicting character and an impact on the future and stability of the Balkans. .
AB  - U ovom članku autor polazi od činjenice da je proteklih godina na Kosovu i Metohiji na proveri istovremeno bila sposobnost međunarodne zajednice, spremnost Srba i Albanaca da postignu kompromis, kao i pitanje smisla vrednosti na kojima počiva savremeni politički, naročito evropski, poredak. U tom kontekstu, autor analizira ideju o 'presedanu', razlikujući negativno značenje presedana u međunarodnim odnosima i pozitivno značenje, kao mogući način uređenja unutrašnjih odnosa. Argument da se 'precedentni karakter' kosovskog problema ni na koji način ne treba razumeti kao 'presedan' u prvom smislu autor izlaže kroz analizu 'kosovskog slučaja' kao klasičnog slučaja zahteva za secesijom, tj. kroz političko-pravnu činjenicu da je spor između Srba i Albanaca sukob između suverenosti i secesije. U drugom delu, polazeći od uvida je reč o sukobu između prava na suverenost države i prava na samoopredeljenje jedne etničke zajednice, razmatraju se pravnonormativni pristup i teorijski pristup ovom problemu. Autor zaključuje da se u oba smisla pitanje opravdanosti secesije suočava sa teškoćama i formalne i materijalne prirode, kao i da su posledice secesije Kosova i Metohije, kao 'presedana' u negativnom značenju, trajno konfliktnog karaktera u pogledu budućnosti i stabilnosti Balkana. .
PB  - IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd
T2  - Nova srpska politička misao
T1  - Sovereignty, self-determination, secession
T1  - Suverenost - samoopredeljenje - secesija
EP  - 49
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 33
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_169
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The starting point of this article is that in recent years Kosovo proved to be a good testing ground for checking the capability of the international community, readiness of both Serbs and Albanians to make compromise and the values underlying the modern political order, especially the one established in Europe. In that sense, the author analyzes the notion of 'precedent', distinguishing the negative meaning of precedent in international relations and its positive meaning, which refers to a possible way of settling internal relations. The argument that the 'precedent character' of the Kosovo issue should in no way be interpreted as 'precedent' in its primary sense is given through an analysis of the Kosovo case as a classic example of secession, i.e. through the political/legal fact that the dispute between the Serbs and Albanians is a conflict between sovereignty and secession. Starting with the fact that there is a conflict between the right of a state to claim its sovereignty and the right of an ethnic community to self-determination, in the other part of the paper the author elaborates on the legal-normative and the theory-based approaches. He concludes that in both senses the question of secession faces both formal and material difficulties and that the consequences of Kosovo's secession, as a 'precedent' in its negative meaning, will permanently have a conflicting character and an impact on the future and stability of the Balkans. ., U ovom članku autor polazi od činjenice da je proteklih godina na Kosovu i Metohiji na proveri istovremeno bila sposobnost međunarodne zajednice, spremnost Srba i Albanaca da postignu kompromis, kao i pitanje smisla vrednosti na kojima počiva savremeni politički, naročito evropski, poredak. U tom kontekstu, autor analizira ideju o 'presedanu', razlikujući negativno značenje presedana u međunarodnim odnosima i pozitivno značenje, kao mogući način uređenja unutrašnjih odnosa. Argument da se 'precedentni karakter' kosovskog problema ni na koji način ne treba razumeti kao 'presedan' u prvom smislu autor izlaže kroz analizu 'kosovskog slučaja' kao klasičnog slučaja zahteva za secesijom, tj. kroz političko-pravnu činjenicu da je spor između Srba i Albanaca sukob između suverenosti i secesije. U drugom delu, polazeći od uvida je reč o sukobu između prava na suverenost države i prava na samoopredeljenje jedne etničke zajednice, razmatraju se pravnonormativni pristup i teorijski pristup ovom problemu. Autor zaključuje da se u oba smisla pitanje opravdanosti secesije suočava sa teškoćama i formalne i materijalne prirode, kao i da su posledice secesije Kosova i Metohije, kao 'presedana' u negativnom značenju, trajno konfliktnog karaktera u pogledu budućnosti i stabilnosti Balkana. .",
publisher = "IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd",
journal = "Nova srpska politička misao",
title = "Sovereignty, self-determination, secession, Suverenost - samoopredeljenje - secesija",
pages = "49-33",
number = "1-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_169"
}

Samardžić, S.. (2008). Sovereignty, self-determination, secession. in Nova srpska politička misao
IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd., 16(1-2), 33-49.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_169

Samardžić S. Sovereignty, self-determination, secession. in Nova srpska politička misao. 2008;16(1-2):33-49.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_169 .

Samardžić, Slobodan, "Sovereignty, self-determination, secession" in Nova srpska politička misao, 16, no. 1-2 (2008):33-49,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_169 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
AU  - Špadijer, Balša S.
PY  - 1994
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/22
AB  - It is essential, as the author of the present contribution points out, for the analysis of the federal model of the Yugoslav Constitution, to consider the position of the republics - members of the federation, as well as their relations with the federation. Although there is no 'pure' model of federation, there exist common elements making the notion of a federal State. The Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia remains within the limits of a federal State. However, it contains many elements of confederalism, which, if extended in the future, especially in implementing the Constitution, could lead to disfunctioning of the federation. This, according to the author, concerns a series of provisions in the Constitution, and more particularly the following: provisions concerning the representation of the federal units in the bodies of power in the federation, those relating to the way of electing members of the federal parliament, the way of decision-making in the Federal Assembly, as well as provisions concerning the position of members in the Chamber of the Republics, but also those relating to the procedure of amending the Constitution, and the like. The confederal elements may cause a danger to be interpreted as such, as well as accordingly applied, so that they could become factors of conflict and blockade. In such cases the resulting problems could not be solved in institutional and legal way, instead being a cause of an open political crisis. This is true even more since the federation is composed of only two, members, out of which one is rather different than the other in size, number of inhabitants, economic strength, etc. Rather significant for the functioning of the federation are the role and the conduct of political parties. These parties are for the time being republic, regional or parties of national minorities. To promote further development of the federal State, it is necessary to proceed with the coordination between the republic constitutions and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia. It is essential for the future of federalism in Yugoslavia to fully implement the substance of relevant provisions of the Constitution. which means that all bodies and agencies of the federation function normally. It also means that all necessary federal laws be enacted in the Parliament, that free movement of people, goods and capital be realized, that the Federal Assembly becomes a center where the policy is created, as well as control over other bodies and agencies, etc. The Republic of Serbia and Montenegro are not connected only with common history, tradition, closeness, but also by long-term and real interests. This is why they belong to a common federal State, which is a condition for their survival in the Balkans.
AB  - Autor sa gledišta opšteprihvaćenog modela federalne države, ističe da je za analizu Ustava Jugoslavije bitno kakva je pozicija republika, članica federacije i njihovi odnosi sa federacijom. Ustav SR Jugoslavije, ostaje u granicama federalne države, međutim sadrži mnoge elemente konfederalizma, koji ukoliko bi se širili, naročito prilikom primene Ustava, doveli bi u pitanje funkcionisanje federalne države. Navode se brojni primeri iz analize Ustava koji pokazuju postojanje konfederalnih elemenata (način izbora poslanika, odlučivanje u Skupštini, način promene Ustava itd.). U pitanju je dvočlana federacija u kojoj postoje velike razlike između dve članice, Srbije i Crne Gore (veličina, broj stanovnika, ekonomski potencijal). Za budućnost federalne države u ovom momentu je bitno da se ostvare odredbe Ustava o federalnoj državi, donesu savezni zakon i slično, jer je to jedini put u sadašnjoj konstelaciji snaga, da se prevaziđu elementi konfederalizma. Republiku Srbiju i Crnu Goru ne vezuje samo zajednička istorija, tradicija, bliskost, vera i slično, već realni, dugoročni strategijski interesi.
PB  - Savez udruženja pravnika Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke
T1  - The federal model and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia
T1  - Federalni model i ustav SR Jugoslavije
EP  - 313
IS  - 2
SP  - 301
VL  - 80
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_22
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Samardžić, Slobodan and Špadijer, Balša S.",
year = "1994",
abstract = "It is essential, as the author of the present contribution points out, for the analysis of the federal model of the Yugoslav Constitution, to consider the position of the republics - members of the federation, as well as their relations with the federation. Although there is no 'pure' model of federation, there exist common elements making the notion of a federal State. The Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia remains within the limits of a federal State. However, it contains many elements of confederalism, which, if extended in the future, especially in implementing the Constitution, could lead to disfunctioning of the federation. This, according to the author, concerns a series of provisions in the Constitution, and more particularly the following: provisions concerning the representation of the federal units in the bodies of power in the federation, those relating to the way of electing members of the federal parliament, the way of decision-making in the Federal Assembly, as well as provisions concerning the position of members in the Chamber of the Republics, but also those relating to the procedure of amending the Constitution, and the like. The confederal elements may cause a danger to be interpreted as such, as well as accordingly applied, so that they could become factors of conflict and blockade. In such cases the resulting problems could not be solved in institutional and legal way, instead being a cause of an open political crisis. This is true even more since the federation is composed of only two, members, out of which one is rather different than the other in size, number of inhabitants, economic strength, etc. Rather significant for the functioning of the federation are the role and the conduct of political parties. These parties are for the time being republic, regional or parties of national minorities. To promote further development of the federal State, it is necessary to proceed with the coordination between the republic constitutions and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia. It is essential for the future of federalism in Yugoslavia to fully implement the substance of relevant provisions of the Constitution. which means that all bodies and agencies of the federation function normally. It also means that all necessary federal laws be enacted in the Parliament, that free movement of people, goods and capital be realized, that the Federal Assembly becomes a center where the policy is created, as well as control over other bodies and agencies, etc. The Republic of Serbia and Montenegro are not connected only with common history, tradition, closeness, but also by long-term and real interests. This is why they belong to a common federal State, which is a condition for their survival in the Balkans., Autor sa gledišta opšteprihvaćenog modela federalne države, ističe da je za analizu Ustava Jugoslavije bitno kakva je pozicija republika, članica federacije i njihovi odnosi sa federacijom. Ustav SR Jugoslavije, ostaje u granicama federalne države, međutim sadrži mnoge elemente konfederalizma, koji ukoliko bi se širili, naročito prilikom primene Ustava, doveli bi u pitanje funkcionisanje federalne države. Navode se brojni primeri iz analize Ustava koji pokazuju postojanje konfederalnih elemenata (način izbora poslanika, odlučivanje u Skupštini, način promene Ustava itd.). U pitanju je dvočlana federacija u kojoj postoje velike razlike između dve članice, Srbije i Crne Gore (veličina, broj stanovnika, ekonomski potencijal). Za budućnost federalne države u ovom momentu je bitno da se ostvare odredbe Ustava o federalnoj državi, donesu savezni zakon i slično, jer je to jedini put u sadašnjoj konstelaciji snaga, da se prevaziđu elementi konfederalizma. Republiku Srbiju i Crnu Goru ne vezuje samo zajednička istorija, tradicija, bliskost, vera i slično, već realni, dugoročni strategijski interesi.",
publisher = "Savez udruženja pravnika Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke",
title = "The federal model and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia, Federalni model i ustav SR Jugoslavije",
pages = "313-301",
number = "2",
volume = "80",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_22"
}

Samardžić, S.,& Špadijer, B. S.. (1994). The federal model and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia. in Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke
Savez udruženja pravnika Srbije, Beograd., 80(2), 301-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_22

Samardžić S, Špadijer BS. The federal model and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia. in Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke. 1994;80(2):301-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_22 .

Samardžić, Slobodan, Špadijer, Balša S., "The federal model and the Constitution of the FR of Yugoslavia" in Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke, 80, no. 2 (1994):301-313,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_22 .