TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/798
AB  - In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake
EP  - 59
IS  - 3
SP  - 31
VL  - 57
DO  - 10.20901/pm.57.3.02
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan and Simendić, Marko",
year = "2020",
abstract = "In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake",
pages = "59-31",
number = "3",
volume = "57",
doi = "10.20901/pm.57.3.02"
}

Kovačević, B.,& Simendić, M.. (2020). Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 57(3), 31-59.
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.3.02

Kovačević B, Simendić M. Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake. in Politička misao. 2020;57(3):31-59.
doi:10.20901/pm.57.3.02 .

Kovačević, Bojan, Simendić, Marko, "Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake" in Politička misao, 57, no. 3 (2020):31-59,
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.3.02 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/755
AB  - In this paper the author claims that the history of European drama and theater contains an original answer to the classical political question of relation between an order and change. The theater's fundamental goal is preservation of a common world in the absence of which the theater itself becomes meaningless. Confronting us at first with the abyss of searching for the meaning of life, the great dramatists than help us return to the normality by providing us with an answer whispered in their ear by the spiritual, historic and political circumstances of their age. Those among them aiming to preserve the existing order, such as Aeschylus, Moliere and Racine, artistically revealed to the audiences the order's grounding idea. For others, such as Goethe and Schiller, whose artistic genius recognized in the history signs of a development towards a republic of autonomous citizens, theater was a place for esthetic education of an elite expected to accelerate the process of coming into being of a new common world. Authors of revolutionary periods, such as Brecht and Pirandello, used theater to inspire radical change of all existing social and political institutions. Finally, to the authors such as Euripides, Ibsen, Chekhov and Strindberg, theater made it possible to cry out for an old common world that no longer has a grounding idea and therefore disappears.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Politics and theater as guardians of a common world
EP  - 115
IS  - 2
SP  - 87
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.20901/pm.56.2.04
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In this paper the author claims that the history of European drama and theater contains an original answer to the classical political question of relation between an order and change. The theater's fundamental goal is preservation of a common world in the absence of which the theater itself becomes meaningless. Confronting us at first with the abyss of searching for the meaning of life, the great dramatists than help us return to the normality by providing us with an answer whispered in their ear by the spiritual, historic and political circumstances of their age. Those among them aiming to preserve the existing order, such as Aeschylus, Moliere and Racine, artistically revealed to the audiences the order's grounding idea. For others, such as Goethe and Schiller, whose artistic genius recognized in the history signs of a development towards a republic of autonomous citizens, theater was a place for esthetic education of an elite expected to accelerate the process of coming into being of a new common world. Authors of revolutionary periods, such as Brecht and Pirandello, used theater to inspire radical change of all existing social and political institutions. Finally, to the authors such as Euripides, Ibsen, Chekhov and Strindberg, theater made it possible to cry out for an old common world that no longer has a grounding idea and therefore disappears.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Politics and theater as guardians of a common world",
pages = "115-87",
number = "2",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.20901/pm.56.2.04"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2019). Politics and theater as guardians of a common world. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 56(2), 87-115.
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.2.04

Kovačević B. Politics and theater as guardians of a common world. in Politička misao. 2019;56(2):87-115.
doi:10.20901/pm.56.2.04 .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Politics and theater as guardians of a common world" in Politička misao, 56, no. 2 (2019):87-115,
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.2.04 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/746
AB  - What links the French "Gilet Jaunes" movement with the latest elections for the European parliament? Article aims at answering this question. The major argument is that the European elections function as a mask used by the Monnet integration method in order to hide the disintegration of a common world's constitutional foundations within the EU member states. Survival of the European order depends on a decision that will resolve the threatening either-or conflict between member states and their societies. Elections for the EP will maintain their functional justification so long as they remain able to cover the real decision maker and his accountability.
AB  - Kakva je veza između pokreta "Žutih prsluka" i izbora za Evropski parlament? U radu tražimo odgovor na ovo pitanje. Osnovna teza je da izbori za Evropski parlament predstavljaju samo deo maske koju stvara Moneov metod integracije kako bi prikrio urušavanje temelja zajedničkog sveta u državama članicama. Opstanak evropskog poretka zavisiće od odluke koja će razrešiti tinjajući ili-ili sukob država članica i njihovih društava. Izbori za Evropski parlament ostaće svrsishodni samo u meri u kojoj budu uspeli da zamagle stvarnog donosioca te odluke i njegovu odgovornost
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Elections for the European Parliament in the "Gilet Jaunes" epoc
T1  - Izbori za Evropski parlament u vremenu "Žutih prsluka" (Gilet jaune)
EP  - 53
IS  - spec br
SP  - 29
VL  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_746
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "What links the French "Gilet Jaunes" movement with the latest elections for the European parliament? Article aims at answering this question. The major argument is that the European elections function as a mask used by the Monnet integration method in order to hide the disintegration of a common world's constitutional foundations within the EU member states. Survival of the European order depends on a decision that will resolve the threatening either-or conflict between member states and their societies. Elections for the EP will maintain their functional justification so long as they remain able to cover the real decision maker and his accountability., Kakva je veza između pokreta "Žutih prsluka" i izbora za Evropski parlament? U radu tražimo odgovor na ovo pitanje. Osnovna teza je da izbori za Evropski parlament predstavljaju samo deo maske koju stvara Moneov metod integracije kako bi prikrio urušavanje temelja zajedničkog sveta u državama članicama. Opstanak evropskog poretka zavisiće od odluke koja će razrešiti tinjajući ili-ili sukob država članica i njihovih društava. Izbori za Evropski parlament ostaće svrsishodni samo u meri u kojoj budu uspeli da zamagle stvarnog donosioca te odluke i njegovu odgovornost",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Elections for the European Parliament in the "Gilet Jaunes" epoc, Izbori za Evropski parlament u vremenu "Žutih prsluka" (Gilet jaune)",
pages = "53-29",
number = "spec br",
volume = "13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_746"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2019). Elections for the European Parliament in the "Gilet Jaunes" epoc. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 13(spec br), 29-53.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_746

Kovačević B. Elections for the European Parliament in the "Gilet Jaunes" epoc. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2019;13(spec br):29-53.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_746 .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Elections for the European Parliament in the "Gilet Jaunes" epoc" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 13, no. spec br (2019):29-53,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_746 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/700
AB  - After the Second World War a new idea of a European order was born in the minds of today's EU founding fathers. The way it has provided statesman a rare opportunity for political action, the European integration has given to scholars a chance to learn something new about the old problem of building of an order. Still, maybe there is not anything new that the experience of the integration process among European states teaches us. Maybe, it is needed only to unveil the old truth that what it takes to establish an order is always a decision of a sovereign ruler unrestrained by society's conflicting demands. Who to believe, Kant or Carl Schmitt? Is there anything historically new that the European integration tells us about political community building or are Bodin and his insights into the nature of state and law still all it takes for understanding the old problem? In this article we search an answer to these questions.
AB  - Nakon Drugog svetskog rata, nova ideja o evropskom poretku začela se u glavama idejnih tvoraca današnje EU. Kao što je državnicima ukazala priliku za delovanje, koju istorija inače retko ukazuje, evropska integracija je i teoretičarima pružila šansu da nauče nešto novo o starom problemu izgradnje poretka. Možda, ipak, i nema ničeg novog što se iz iskustva posleratne integracije evropskih država može naučiti. Možda je samo potrebno razgrnuti naslage novog vremena sa stare istine o uspostavljanju poretka odlukom suverena oslobođenog zahteva posađanog društva. Ko je u pravu, Kant ili Šmit? Ima li nečeg istorijski novog što nas evropska integracija uči o izgradnji političke zajednice ili su nam za razumevanje tog starog problema i dalje dovoljni uvidi do kojih je u XVI veku došao Boden? U članku se traga za odgovorom na ovo pitanje
PB  - Srpsko filozofsko društvo, Beograd
T2  - Theoria
T1  - Hidden European federalism as an instrument for building an order without political freedom
T1  - Skriveni evropski federalizam u službi izgradnje poretka bez političke slobode
EP  - 80
IS  - 2
SP  - 63
VL  - 61
DO  - 10.2298/THEO1802063K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "After the Second World War a new idea of a European order was born in the minds of today's EU founding fathers. The way it has provided statesman a rare opportunity for political action, the European integration has given to scholars a chance to learn something new about the old problem of building of an order. Still, maybe there is not anything new that the experience of the integration process among European states teaches us. Maybe, it is needed only to unveil the old truth that what it takes to establish an order is always a decision of a sovereign ruler unrestrained by society's conflicting demands. Who to believe, Kant or Carl Schmitt? Is there anything historically new that the European integration tells us about political community building or are Bodin and his insights into the nature of state and law still all it takes for understanding the old problem? In this article we search an answer to these questions., Nakon Drugog svetskog rata, nova ideja o evropskom poretku začela se u glavama idejnih tvoraca današnje EU. Kao što je državnicima ukazala priliku za delovanje, koju istorija inače retko ukazuje, evropska integracija je i teoretičarima pružila šansu da nauče nešto novo o starom problemu izgradnje poretka. Možda, ipak, i nema ničeg novog što se iz iskustva posleratne integracije evropskih država može naučiti. Možda je samo potrebno razgrnuti naslage novog vremena sa stare istine o uspostavljanju poretka odlukom suverena oslobođenog zahteva posađanog društva. Ko je u pravu, Kant ili Šmit? Ima li nečeg istorijski novog što nas evropska integracija uči o izgradnji političke zajednice ili su nam za razumevanje tog starog problema i dalje dovoljni uvidi do kojih je u XVI veku došao Boden? U članku se traga za odgovorom na ovo pitanje",
publisher = "Srpsko filozofsko društvo, Beograd",
journal = "Theoria",
title = "Hidden European federalism as an instrument for building an order without political freedom, Skriveni evropski federalizam u službi izgradnje poretka bez političke slobode",
pages = "80-63",
number = "2",
volume = "61",
doi = "10.2298/THEO1802063K"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2018). Hidden European federalism as an instrument for building an order without political freedom. in Theoria
Srpsko filozofsko društvo, Beograd., 61(2), 63-80.
https://doi.org/10.2298/THEO1802063K

Kovačević B. Hidden European federalism as an instrument for building an order without political freedom. in Theoria. 2018;61(2):63-80.
doi:10.2298/THEO1802063K .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Hidden European federalism as an instrument for building an order without political freedom" in Theoria, 61, no. 2 (2018):63-80,
https://doi.org/10.2298/THEO1802063K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/666
AB  - The main idea behind this article is that in order to understand the meaning that Kant's political philosophy is rendered to by the given socio-historical context of a community we need to turn for help to artistic genius whose subjective "I" holds a general feeling of the world and life. It is in this sense that authors of great novels can help us in two ways. First, their works summarise for our imagination artistic truth about man's capacity for humanity, the very thing that Kant considers to be the scientifically improvable "fact of reason'. Second, works of great writers offer for our insight destinies of individuals who decide to pursue moral dictate in a society, thus actualising the potential that lies hidden in all of us, making us worthy of respect. As we lack objective scientific standard of measurement, artist's universal feeling of the world is impressed upon us through a narrative about a man who, in a given society and in a given moment, decides to exercise his autonomy and seek the divine in himself. Contemporary social scientists' attempts to prove historical progress is characterised by the very lack of humbleness. Referring to the great novelists' works in this article is aimed to remind scientists of restraint and self-control demanded from them by the citizen of Konigsberg.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history's advance towards actualising Kant's vision of freedom
EP  - 585
IS  - 4
SP  - 567
VL  - 29
DO  - 10.2298/FID1804567K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan and Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The main idea behind this article is that in order to understand the meaning that Kant's political philosophy is rendered to by the given socio-historical context of a community we need to turn for help to artistic genius whose subjective "I" holds a general feeling of the world and life. It is in this sense that authors of great novels can help us in two ways. First, their works summarise for our imagination artistic truth about man's capacity for humanity, the very thing that Kant considers to be the scientifically improvable "fact of reason'. Second, works of great writers offer for our insight destinies of individuals who decide to pursue moral dictate in a society, thus actualising the potential that lies hidden in all of us, making us worthy of respect. As we lack objective scientific standard of measurement, artist's universal feeling of the world is impressed upon us through a narrative about a man who, in a given society and in a given moment, decides to exercise his autonomy and seek the divine in himself. Contemporary social scientists' attempts to prove historical progress is characterised by the very lack of humbleness. Referring to the great novelists' works in this article is aimed to remind scientists of restraint and self-control demanded from them by the citizen of Konigsberg.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history's advance towards actualising Kant's vision of freedom",
pages = "585-567",
number = "4",
volume = "29",
doi = "10.2298/FID1804567K"
}

Kovačević, B.,& Kovačević, B.. (2018). Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history's advance towards actualising Kant's vision of freedom. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 29(4), 567-585.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1804567K

Kovačević B, Kovačević B. Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history's advance towards actualising Kant's vision of freedom. in Filozofija i društvo. 2018;29(4):567-585.
doi:10.2298/FID1804567K .

Kovačević, Bojan, Kovačević, Bojan, "Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history's advance towards actualising Kant's vision of freedom" in Filozofija i društvo, 29, no. 4 (2018):567-585,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1804567K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/648
AB  - Most of contemporary constitutional lawyers investigating federalism focus only on the system's normal functioning. In contrast to this mainstream approach in this article we argue that in order to understand true challenges of compound communities in today's epoch of crisis a scholar has to look for the ways a federation caught in the trap of exceptional situation deals with the either/or decisionist dilemma. The article is divided in three parts. In the first part we ask the three major questions: Who is guardian of the federal constitution? What enables the parallel political coexistence of a federation and its composing parts? What is the relationship between federalism and democracy? In the second part, we present some of todays most distinguished federal scholars' arguments that negate the importance of whether-or decisionistic dilemma for understanding compound communities' constitutional nature. In the last part, we land from the sky of theoretical discussions to the realm of history in order to look for the answers to Schmitt's questions in concrete experience of compound political communities.
AB  - Nasuprot preovlađujućem pristupu današnjih ustavnih pravnika koje zanima isključivo normalno funkcionisanje federalnih sistema, u članku tvrdimo da je proučavanje načina na koji se federacija, uhvaćena u zamku vanrednog stanja, suočava sa decizionističkim ili-ili, pitanjem od odlučujućeg značaja za razumevanje izazova složenih političkih zajednica u epohi krize. Članak je podeljen na tri dela. U prvom delu analiziramo tri osnovna pitanja koja klasični teoretičar decizionizma Karl Šmit (Carl Schmitt) upućuje federalistima: ko je čuvar federalnog ustava, šta obezbeđuje paralelnu političku egzistenciju federacije i njenih sastavnih jedinica i kakav je odnos između federalizma i demokratije? U drugom delu predstavljamo argumente nekih od najvažnijih savremenih teoretičara federalizma koji negiraju značaj decizionističkog ili-ili pitanja za razumevanje ustavne prirode složenih političkih zajednica. Na kraju se spuštamo sa visina teorijskih rasprava na čvrsto tlo istorije kako bismo odgovor na pitanje utemeljenosti decizionističkog i federalističkog pristupa potražili u konkretnom iskustvu složenih političkih zajednica. .
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Federalism and constituting of an order: Decision or process?
T1  - Federalizam i izgradnja poretka - proces ili odluka?
EP  - 234
IS  - 3
SP  - 210
VL  - 66
DO  - 10.5937/AnaliPFB1803210K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Most of contemporary constitutional lawyers investigating federalism focus only on the system's normal functioning. In contrast to this mainstream approach in this article we argue that in order to understand true challenges of compound communities in today's epoch of crisis a scholar has to look for the ways a federation caught in the trap of exceptional situation deals with the either/or decisionist dilemma. The article is divided in three parts. In the first part we ask the three major questions: Who is guardian of the federal constitution? What enables the parallel political coexistence of a federation and its composing parts? What is the relationship between federalism and democracy? In the second part, we present some of todays most distinguished federal scholars' arguments that negate the importance of whether-or decisionistic dilemma for understanding compound communities' constitutional nature. In the last part, we land from the sky of theoretical discussions to the realm of history in order to look for the answers to Schmitt's questions in concrete experience of compound political communities., Nasuprot preovlađujućem pristupu današnjih ustavnih pravnika koje zanima isključivo normalno funkcionisanje federalnih sistema, u članku tvrdimo da je proučavanje načina na koji se federacija, uhvaćena u zamku vanrednog stanja, suočava sa decizionističkim ili-ili, pitanjem od odlučujućeg značaja za razumevanje izazova složenih političkih zajednica u epohi krize. Članak je podeljen na tri dela. U prvom delu analiziramo tri osnovna pitanja koja klasični teoretičar decizionizma Karl Šmit (Carl Schmitt) upućuje federalistima: ko je čuvar federalnog ustava, šta obezbeđuje paralelnu političku egzistenciju federacije i njenih sastavnih jedinica i kakav je odnos između federalizma i demokratije? U drugom delu predstavljamo argumente nekih od najvažnijih savremenih teoretičara federalizma koji negiraju značaj decizionističkog ili-ili pitanja za razumevanje ustavne prirode složenih političkih zajednica. Na kraju se spuštamo sa visina teorijskih rasprava na čvrsto tlo istorije kako bismo odgovor na pitanje utemeljenosti decizionističkog i federalističkog pristupa potražili u konkretnom iskustvu složenih političkih zajednica. .",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Federalism and constituting of an order: Decision or process?, Federalizam i izgradnja poretka - proces ili odluka?",
pages = "234-210",
number = "3",
volume = "66",
doi = "10.5937/AnaliPFB1803210K"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2018). Federalism and constituting of an order: Decision or process?. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 66(3), 210-234.
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1803210K

Kovačević B. Federalism and constituting of an order: Decision or process?. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2018;66(3):210-234.
doi:10.5937/AnaliPFB1803210K .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Federalism and constituting of an order: Decision or process?" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 66, no. 3 (2018):210-234,
https://doi.org/10.5937/AnaliPFB1803210K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
AU  - Samardžić, Slobodan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/511
AB  - In contrast to modern federations, the federalization of the EU has taken place without a constitutional answer to the question of the system's democratic legitimacy. The process of compound polity building under the shadow of the dilemma of the Union's finalite politique can be described as "hidden federalism". The major consequence of this process has been a gradual migration of decision-making from an intergovernmental toward a supra-governmental power-holder. On the one hand, due to an excessive Europeanization of governing tasks, national democratic institutions have lost the political autonomy necessary for shaping the relation between state and society, politics and the market, and individual and collective autonomy within member states. On the other hand, reforming the EU by creating democratically suspicious control mechanisms within its members' budget policies has not substituted the absence of the EU's governance autonomy to regulate politically sensitive fields such as fiscal, employment and social policies. With the escalation of the Eurozone crisis it has become evident that neither member states nor the EU have a sufficient level of autonomy to make policy choices related to the most sensitive issues of distributive justice. The implementation of the Fiscal Compact will decisively affect economic and social life in Europe; yet it is hardly possible to discern who should take credit or the blame for the nontransparent penalty mechanism embedded in this contract and aimed at regaining the Eurozone's stability. In this new historical context, institutions of constitutional democracy, being present on the national and to an extent on the European level, have been deprived of their original purpose. Instead of making power visible and accountable, they have actually enlarged the scope of an unaccountable power by maintaining the illusion that citizens can still determine their collective destiny through the political process.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism
EP  - 31
IS  - 4-5
SP  - 9
VL  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan and Samardžić, Slobodan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "In contrast to modern federations, the federalization of the EU has taken place without a constitutional answer to the question of the system's democratic legitimacy. The process of compound polity building under the shadow of the dilemma of the Union's finalite politique can be described as "hidden federalism". The major consequence of this process has been a gradual migration of decision-making from an intergovernmental toward a supra-governmental power-holder. On the one hand, due to an excessive Europeanization of governing tasks, national democratic institutions have lost the political autonomy necessary for shaping the relation between state and society, politics and the market, and individual and collective autonomy within member states. On the other hand, reforming the EU by creating democratically suspicious control mechanisms within its members' budget policies has not substituted the absence of the EU's governance autonomy to regulate politically sensitive fields such as fiscal, employment and social policies. With the escalation of the Eurozone crisis it has become evident that neither member states nor the EU have a sufficient level of autonomy to make policy choices related to the most sensitive issues of distributive justice. The implementation of the Fiscal Compact will decisively affect economic and social life in Europe; yet it is hardly possible to discern who should take credit or the blame for the nontransparent penalty mechanism embedded in this contract and aimed at regaining the Eurozone's stability. In this new historical context, institutions of constitutional democracy, being present on the national and to an extent on the European level, have been deprived of their original purpose. Instead of making power visible and accountable, they have actually enlarged the scope of an unaccountable power by maintaining the illusion that citizens can still determine their collective destiny through the political process.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism",
pages = "31-9",
number = "4-5",
volume = "52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511"
}

Kovačević, B.,& Samardžić, S.. (2015). Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 52(4-5), 9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511

Kovačević B, Samardžić S. Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism. in Politička misao. 2015;52(4-5):9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511 .

Kovačević, Bojan, Samardžić, Slobodan, "Emergent Invisible Power in EU Federalism" in Politička misao, 52, no. 4-5 (2015):9-31,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_511 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/497
AB  - The major argument of this article is that the European elections 2014, that for the first time provided voters opportunity to actually choose European Commission's future political leadership, came too late. The elections took place in the moment when the decision on the best way of dealing with the crisis had already been made. Therefore, new democratic legitimacy of the European Commission should be seen first and foremost as an excuse for uninhibited implementation of a concrete political vision, which the EU's most powerful member states previously determined and secured by adopting Fiscal compact. The EU's governing elites' major assumption is that the novelties in the way the Commission is elected will at least to a certain degree bring back the lost illusion of the EU's democratic nature and thus undermine the growing dissatisfaction and resistance of citizens to the so far established anti-crisis policy. If this strategy proves to be successful the EU would regain stability at the expense of further destruction of member states' constitutional democracy. It is, however, not probable that this attempt to simulate transfer of the party government model to the European level will bring back stability to the Union. Instead it may turn out that this latest democratic disguise of the European project will have as an unintended consequence further deviation from the road toward the 'ever closer Union among European peoples'.
AB  - Osnovna teza članka je da su evropski izbori 2014. godine, na kojima su birači po prvi put dobili priliku da biraju između konkretnih kandidata za predsednika Komisije i njihovih političkih vizija, stigli prekasno. Izbori su održani u trenutku kada je odluka o najboljem načinu rešavanja krize već uveliko bila doneta. Utoliko i novi demokratski legitimitet Komisije treba posmatrati prevashodno kao izgovor za neometano sprovođenje sasvim određene političke vizije, koju su prethodno utvrdile i donošenjem Ugovora o stabilnosti trajno zaštitile najmoćnije države članice EU. Pretpostavka evropskih upravljačkih elita bila je da će nov način izbora Komisije makar donekle povratiti izgubljenu iluziju o demokratskoj prirodi EU i na taj način oslabiti rastući otpor građana dosadašnjoj antikriznoj politici. Uspeh ove strategije značio bi učvršćivanje stabilnosti Unije u njenom današnjem nedemokratskom obliku i dodatno urušavanje ustavne demokratije u državama članicama. Malo je, međutim, izvesno da će simuliranje prenošenja koncepta partijske vladavine na evropski nivo doneti Uniji stabilnost. Umesto toga, nanošenje ovog najnovijeg sloja demokratske fasade preko evropskog projekta mogao bi za nenameravanu posledicu imati još veće skretanje sa puta ka 'sve bližoj uniji naroda Evrope'.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Does the United Europe need a parliament ?
T1  - Da li je ujedinjenoj Evropi potreban parlament?
EP  - 43
IS  - 13
SP  - 23
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1513023K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The major argument of this article is that the European elections 2014, that for the first time provided voters opportunity to actually choose European Commission's future political leadership, came too late. The elections took place in the moment when the decision on the best way of dealing with the crisis had already been made. Therefore, new democratic legitimacy of the European Commission should be seen first and foremost as an excuse for uninhibited implementation of a concrete political vision, which the EU's most powerful member states previously determined and secured by adopting Fiscal compact. The EU's governing elites' major assumption is that the novelties in the way the Commission is elected will at least to a certain degree bring back the lost illusion of the EU's democratic nature and thus undermine the growing dissatisfaction and resistance of citizens to the so far established anti-crisis policy. If this strategy proves to be successful the EU would regain stability at the expense of further destruction of member states' constitutional democracy. It is, however, not probable that this attempt to simulate transfer of the party government model to the European level will bring back stability to the Union. Instead it may turn out that this latest democratic disguise of the European project will have as an unintended consequence further deviation from the road toward the 'ever closer Union among European peoples'., Osnovna teza članka je da su evropski izbori 2014. godine, na kojima su birači po prvi put dobili priliku da biraju između konkretnih kandidata za predsednika Komisije i njihovih političkih vizija, stigli prekasno. Izbori su održani u trenutku kada je odluka o najboljem načinu rešavanja krize već uveliko bila doneta. Utoliko i novi demokratski legitimitet Komisije treba posmatrati prevashodno kao izgovor za neometano sprovođenje sasvim određene političke vizije, koju su prethodno utvrdile i donošenjem Ugovora o stabilnosti trajno zaštitile najmoćnije države članice EU. Pretpostavka evropskih upravljačkih elita bila je da će nov način izbora Komisije makar donekle povratiti izgubljenu iluziju o demokratskoj prirodi EU i na taj način oslabiti rastući otpor građana dosadašnjoj antikriznoj politici. Uspeh ove strategije značio bi učvršćivanje stabilnosti Unije u njenom današnjem nedemokratskom obliku i dodatno urušavanje ustavne demokratije u državama članicama. Malo je, međutim, izvesno da će simuliranje prenošenja koncepta partijske vladavine na evropski nivo doneti Uniji stabilnost. Umesto toga, nanošenje ovog najnovijeg sloja demokratske fasade preko evropskog projekta mogao bi za nenameravanu posledicu imati još veće skretanje sa puta ka 'sve bližoj uniji naroda Evrope'.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Does the United Europe need a parliament ?, Da li je ujedinjenoj Evropi potreban parlament?",
pages = "43-23",
number = "13",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1513023K"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2015). Does the United Europe need a parliament ?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(13), 23-43.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513023K

Kovačević B. Does the United Europe need a parliament ?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(13):23-43.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1513023K .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Does the United Europe need a parliament ?" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 13 (2015):23-43,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513023K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/450
AB  - This paper analyzes the rise of secessionism in the EU member states in light of constitutional and political transformations of the EU and its member states in the course of the European integration process. The main argument is that the rise of secessionism should be seen as an unintended consequence of the EU federalization process under the mask of market integration and in the absence of a constitutional answer to the question of finalité politique. However, the author demonstrates that present-day secessionist demands by the Catalans, Scots, Flemish, or Venetians hardly have anything in common with the original historical and philosophical meaning of the 'self-determination' concept. As a direct consequence of the European integration process, necessary prerequisites for the actualization of the popular sovereignty have disappeared on both the national and the European level. Therefore, the idea that internal secession of the EU would enable citizens of newly established states to autonomously shape their collective destiny is no longer grounded in socio-political reality.
AB  - U članku se jačanje secesionističkih pokreta u državama članicama Evropske unije analizira u svetlu ustavnih i političkih preobražaja kroz koje su Unija i njene članice prošli u dosadašnjem toku integracije. Osnovna teza je da nagli rast secesionizma predstavlja jednu od nenameravanih posledica procesa federalizacije EU pod maskom tržišne integracije i u odsustvu odgovora na pitanje političkog finaliteta. Autor, međutim, pokazuje da zahtevi današnjih Katalonaca, Škota, Flamanaca ili Venecijanaca za 'samoopredeljenje naroda' suštinski odudaraju od filozofskog i istorijskog smisla tog pojma. Evropska integracija proishodila je postepenim ukidanjem neophodnih pretpostavki ostvarenja načela vladavine naroda rođenog sa Francuskom revolucijom. Time je i stanovište da će unutrašnja secesija EU omogućiti građanima novonastalih država da sami oblikuju svoju kolektivnu sudbinu izgubilo uporište u društvenopolitičkoj stvarnosti.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - Growing secessionism in the EU member states as an unintended consequence of the European integration process
T1  - Jačanje separatizma u državama članicama EU kao nenameravana posledica evropske integracije
EP  - 1760
IS  - 4
SP  - 1735
VL  - 38
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_450
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2014",
abstract = "This paper analyzes the rise of secessionism in the EU member states in light of constitutional and political transformations of the EU and its member states in the course of the European integration process. The main argument is that the rise of secessionism should be seen as an unintended consequence of the EU federalization process under the mask of market integration and in the absence of a constitutional answer to the question of finalité politique. However, the author demonstrates that present-day secessionist demands by the Catalans, Scots, Flemish, or Venetians hardly have anything in common with the original historical and philosophical meaning of the 'self-determination' concept. As a direct consequence of the European integration process, necessary prerequisites for the actualization of the popular sovereignty have disappeared on both the national and the European level. Therefore, the idea that internal secession of the EU would enable citizens of newly established states to autonomously shape their collective destiny is no longer grounded in socio-political reality., U članku se jačanje secesionističkih pokreta u državama članicama Evropske unije analizira u svetlu ustavnih i političkih preobražaja kroz koje su Unija i njene članice prošli u dosadašnjem toku integracije. Osnovna teza je da nagli rast secesionizma predstavlja jednu od nenameravanih posledica procesa federalizacije EU pod maskom tržišne integracije i u odsustvu odgovora na pitanje političkog finaliteta. Autor, međutim, pokazuje da zahtevi današnjih Katalonaca, Škota, Flamanaca ili Venecijanaca za 'samoopredeljenje naroda' suštinski odudaraju od filozofskog i istorijskog smisla tog pojma. Evropska integracija proishodila je postepenim ukidanjem neophodnih pretpostavki ostvarenja načela vladavine naroda rođenog sa Francuskom revolucijom. Time je i stanovište da će unutrašnja secesija EU omogućiti građanima novonastalih država da sami oblikuju svoju kolektivnu sudbinu izgubilo uporište u društvenopolitičkoj stvarnosti.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "Growing secessionism in the EU member states as an unintended consequence of the European integration process, Jačanje separatizma u državama članicama EU kao nenameravana posledica evropske integracije",
pages = "1760-1735",
number = "4",
volume = "38",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_450"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2014). Growing secessionism in the EU member states as an unintended consequence of the European integration process. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 38(4), 1735-1760.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_450

Kovačević B. Growing secessionism in the EU member states as an unintended consequence of the European integration process. in Teme. 2014;38(4):1735-1760.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_450 .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Growing secessionism in the EU member states as an unintended consequence of the European integration process" in Teme, 38, no. 4 (2014):1735-1760,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_450 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/253
AB  - In the context of European integration process, which has for more than a half of century successfully avoided the dilemma of its finalite politique the following question arises: How close have the two seemingly confronted ideas of constitution become, the one of an irrevocable decision of democratic sovereign who is aware of his own political existence, and the other of an open and never-ending process of deliberation and consensus-seeking among the territorially and non-territorially organized communities of interests? This paper demonstrates that the two theoretical positions captured in the treaty-constitution antinomy - the one proclaiming that the European treaties have already been replaced by a European Constitution, the masters of which have become European citizens and the other arguing that the European treaties are but simply international treaties in a classical sense, the masters of which firmly remain member states - tend to mistreat the facts of this historically unprecedented political functioning of federal community. In addition, the paper shows that the ideas of pacte federatif and treaty federalism, the concepts which on theoretical level supersede the 'masters of the treaties' dilemma represent more adequate theoretical tool for understanding the constitutional and institutional functioning of the EC/EU, in an epoch of peace and political stability, and in times of fruitful economic integration. However, when the enlarged EU confronts the problems of essentially political nature, the idea of treaty based integration, through horizontal deliberations and a quest for consensus between equal and politically existing entities, starts to reveal its inherent limitations.
AB  - U kontekstu izučavanja procesa evropske integracije, čija empirijska stvarnost već više od pola veka uspešno izbegava da ponudi odgovor na dilemu svog političkog finaliteta, ovaj rad nastoji da rasvetli značaj sledećeg pitanja koliko su se približila dva naizgled antinomijska koncepta federalnog ustava - federalni ustav kao odluka demokratskog suverena koji je kroz istoriju postao svestan svoje političke egzistencije, i federalni ustav shvaćen dinamički, kao otvoreni neprekidni proces deliberiranja i potrage za konsenzusom između teritorijalno i neteritorijalno organizovanih zajednica interesa? S jedne strane, pokazuje se da antinomija ugovor-ustav ostaje skučena u logici čuvene federalne dileme Džona Kalhuna - kome i na osnovu čega građani, u krajnjoj instanci, duguju vernost i poslušnost u okviru jedne federalne zajednice? Praksa evropskog ujedinjavanja, koje već više od pola veka uporno nastoji da izađe iz orbite tog pitanja, postaje sve teže uhvatljiva za ovu tradicionalnu teorijsku distinkciju. S druge strane razmotrene su nedostatnosti, kao i emancipatorski potencijali alternativnih teorijskih koncepata federalnog pakta i ugovornog federalizma, koji stoje s one strane dileme 'čuvara evropskih ugovora'. U vremenu izgradnje pretpostavki trajnog mira i plodotvorne ekonomske integracije u Evropi ideja 'federalizma bez ustavnosti' odgovarala je iznijansiranoj političkoj zbilji procesa integracije. No, jednom kada se proširena EU suočila sa problemima koji više nisu samo ekonomski, već i ujedno suštinski politički po svojoj prirodi, ova ideja je sve više počela da se premešta u sferu utopije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd
T2  - Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
T1  - Theoretical dilemma over the European Federal Constitution in the absence of European democratic sovereign
T1  - Teorijske dileme na putu izgradnje evropskog ustava u odsustvu kontinentalnog demokratskog suverena
EP  - 259
IS  - 2
SP  - 235
VL  - 58
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_253
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan",
year = "2010",
abstract = "In the context of European integration process, which has for more than a half of century successfully avoided the dilemma of its finalite politique the following question arises: How close have the two seemingly confronted ideas of constitution become, the one of an irrevocable decision of democratic sovereign who is aware of his own political existence, and the other of an open and never-ending process of deliberation and consensus-seeking among the territorially and non-territorially organized communities of interests? This paper demonstrates that the two theoretical positions captured in the treaty-constitution antinomy - the one proclaiming that the European treaties have already been replaced by a European Constitution, the masters of which have become European citizens and the other arguing that the European treaties are but simply international treaties in a classical sense, the masters of which firmly remain member states - tend to mistreat the facts of this historically unprecedented political functioning of federal community. In addition, the paper shows that the ideas of pacte federatif and treaty federalism, the concepts which on theoretical level supersede the 'masters of the treaties' dilemma represent more adequate theoretical tool for understanding the constitutional and institutional functioning of the EC/EU, in an epoch of peace and political stability, and in times of fruitful economic integration. However, when the enlarged EU confronts the problems of essentially political nature, the idea of treaty based integration, through horizontal deliberations and a quest for consensus between equal and politically existing entities, starts to reveal its inherent limitations., U kontekstu izučavanja procesa evropske integracije, čija empirijska stvarnost već više od pola veka uspešno izbegava da ponudi odgovor na dilemu svog političkog finaliteta, ovaj rad nastoji da rasvetli značaj sledećeg pitanja koliko su se približila dva naizgled antinomijska koncepta federalnog ustava - federalni ustav kao odluka demokratskog suverena koji je kroz istoriju postao svestan svoje političke egzistencije, i federalni ustav shvaćen dinamički, kao otvoreni neprekidni proces deliberiranja i potrage za konsenzusom između teritorijalno i neteritorijalno organizovanih zajednica interesa? S jedne strane, pokazuje se da antinomija ugovor-ustav ostaje skučena u logici čuvene federalne dileme Džona Kalhuna - kome i na osnovu čega građani, u krajnjoj instanci, duguju vernost i poslušnost u okviru jedne federalne zajednice? Praksa evropskog ujedinjavanja, koje već više od pola veka uporno nastoji da izađe iz orbite tog pitanja, postaje sve teže uhvatljiva za ovu tradicionalnu teorijsku distinkciju. S druge strane razmotrene su nedostatnosti, kao i emancipatorski potencijali alternativnih teorijskih koncepata federalnog pakta i ugovornog federalizma, koji stoje s one strane dileme 'čuvara evropskih ugovora'. U vremenu izgradnje pretpostavki trajnog mira i plodotvorne ekonomske integracije u Evropi ideja 'federalizma bez ustavnosti' odgovarala je iznijansiranoj političkoj zbilji procesa integracije. No, jednom kada se proširena EU suočila sa problemima koji više nisu samo ekonomski, već i ujedno suštinski politički po svojoj prirodi, ova ideja je sve više počela da se premešta u sferu utopije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd",
journal = "Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu",
title = "Theoretical dilemma over the European Federal Constitution in the absence of European democratic sovereign, Teorijske dileme na putu izgradnje evropskog ustava u odsustvu kontinentalnog demokratskog suverena",
pages = "259-235",
number = "2",
volume = "58",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_253"
}

Kovačević, B.. (2010). Theoretical dilemma over the European Federal Constitution in the absence of European democratic sovereign. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Pravni fakultet, Beograd., 58(2), 235-259.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_253

Kovačević B. Theoretical dilemma over the European Federal Constitution in the absence of European democratic sovereign. in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu. 2010;58(2):235-259.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_253 .

Kovačević, Bojan, "Theoretical dilemma over the European Federal Constitution in the absence of European democratic sovereign" in Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, 58, no. 2 (2010):235-259,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_253 .