TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1104
AB  - Rad predstavlja pokušaj da se, uprkos fragmentiranosti i oskudnosti izvora,
ocrtaju osnovne karakteristike Antifontove političke misli. Antifont nudi
hedonističko shvatanje ljudske prirode, a čovek treba da pronađe način da,
okružen životnim teškoćama i obdaren razumom i mogućnošću da raspozna prijatno od neprijatnog, živi najmanje lošim životom. Život u političkim
zajednicama dodatno usložnjava ovu situaciju i otkriva napetost između zakona i prirode. Antifont kritikuje zakone zbog njihove neprirodnosti i mogućnosti da nanesu neopravdani bol nevinim ljudima. Ova kritika se odnosi
pre svega na zakone u atinskoj demokratiji koji su postepeno potiskivali običajne norme karakteristične za aristokratsku prošlost ovog polisa. Za razliku
od (makar nekih) zakona, stari običaji podrazumevali su da je recipročnost
neraskidiva od pravičnosti i svoj su izraz pronalazili u principu da treba pomagati prijateljima i nanositi štetu neprijateljima. Moguće je da je Antifont
bio pristalica upravo ovakvog viđenja pravičnosti
AB  - This paper is an attempt at sketching some basic characteristics of Antiphon’s
political thought, even though the primary sources are both lacking and
fragmented. It is argued that Antiphon, although having a hedonistic account of human nature, views human condition as very difficult. People,
guided by reason and led by their ability to distinguish between the pleasant
and the unpleasant, need to find ways to cope with their unfortunate predicament and live least unhappy lives. Living in political communities complicates this situation further and reveals tensions between law and nature.
Antiphon criticizes laws, as their incompatibility with nature fuels the tendency to inflict pain on innocent people. This particularly applies to laws in
democratic Athens which had suppressed and replaced traditions that were a
part of the polis’s aristocratic past. In contrast to (at least some) laws, old traditions saw reciprocity as inextricably linked to justice. An important reflection of this principle was the maxim that one should help friends and harm
enemies. It is possible that Antiphon was one of the sophists who supported
this particular definition of justice.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Godišnjak
T1  - Antifontove političke ideje: jedna rekonstrukcija
T1  - Antiphon’s political ideas: a reconstruction
EP  - 78
IS  - 26
SP  - 59
VL  - 15
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1104
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Rad predstavlja pokušaj da se, uprkos fragmentiranosti i oskudnosti izvora,
ocrtaju osnovne karakteristike Antifontove političke misli. Antifont nudi
hedonističko shvatanje ljudske prirode, a čovek treba da pronađe način da,
okružen životnim teškoćama i obdaren razumom i mogućnošću da raspozna prijatno od neprijatnog, živi najmanje lošim životom. Život u političkim
zajednicama dodatno usložnjava ovu situaciju i otkriva napetost između zakona i prirode. Antifont kritikuje zakone zbog njihove neprirodnosti i mogućnosti da nanesu neopravdani bol nevinim ljudima. Ova kritika se odnosi
pre svega na zakone u atinskoj demokratiji koji su postepeno potiskivali običajne norme karakteristične za aristokratsku prošlost ovog polisa. Za razliku
od (makar nekih) zakona, stari običaji podrazumevali su da je recipročnost
neraskidiva od pravičnosti i svoj su izraz pronalazili u principu da treba pomagati prijateljima i nanositi štetu neprijateljima. Moguće je da je Antifont
bio pristalica upravo ovakvog viđenja pravičnosti, This paper is an attempt at sketching some basic characteristics of Antiphon’s
political thought, even though the primary sources are both lacking and
fragmented. It is argued that Antiphon, although having a hedonistic account of human nature, views human condition as very difficult. People,
guided by reason and led by their ability to distinguish between the pleasant
and the unpleasant, need to find ways to cope with their unfortunate predicament and live least unhappy lives. Living in political communities complicates this situation further and reveals tensions between law and nature.
Antiphon criticizes laws, as their incompatibility with nature fuels the tendency to inflict pain on innocent people. This particularly applies to laws in
democratic Athens which had suppressed and replaced traditions that were a
part of the polis’s aristocratic past. In contrast to (at least some) laws, old traditions saw reciprocity as inextricably linked to justice. An important reflection of this principle was the maxim that one should help friends and harm
enemies. It is possible that Antiphon was one of the sophists who supported
this particular definition of justice.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Godišnjak",
title = "Antifontove političke ideje: jedna rekonstrukcija, Antiphon’s political ideas: a reconstruction",
pages = "78-59",
number = "26",
volume = "15",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1104"
}

Simendić, M.. (2021). Antifontove političke ideje: jedna rekonstrukcija. in Godišnjak
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 15(26), 59-78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1104

Simendić M. Antifontove političke ideje: jedna rekonstrukcija. in Godišnjak. 2021;15(26):59-78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1104 .

Simendić, Marko, "Antifontove političke ideje: jedna rekonstrukcija" in Godišnjak, 15, no. 26 (2021):59-78,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1104 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1105
AB  - John of Salisbury is the most prominent Medieval author who wrote about
one’s right to kill a tyrant. Some recent commentators, however, have pointed
out that Salisbury is unclear about the conditions that justify tyrannicide. In a
sense, they are right. Salisbury indeed cautions his readers that not all wrong-
doings make king a tyrant, but he does not offer a list of misconducts that do.
Instead, he simply puts forward examples of tyrants dying for their crimes. Here
I would like to argue that the lack of clear justificatory criteria does not render
Salisbury’s theory incomplete. There is a public duty to murder a tyrant but the
decision to act on it is purely personal because its rightness can only be established retrospectively. Salisbury’s blending of republicanism with Christianity
thus paints a picture of an agent almost forgotten in today’s politics. This is
someone who acts on their beliefs and is prepared to bear any consequence: to
be venerated as a hero or despised as a murderer, earn bliss, or suffer damnation.
AB  - Jovan Solsberijski je najpoznatiji srednjovekovni autor koji je pisao o dužnosti
da se ubije tiranin. Ipak, pojedini savremeni autori istakli su da Solsberijski ne
navodi jasno uslove pod kojima bi se mogao opravdati tiranicid. U određenom
smislu, u pravu su. Solsberijski zaista upozorava svoje čitaoce da kralja tiraninom ne čini bilo koji prekršaj ali ne navodi spisak zlodela koja određuju tiranina. Umesto toga, on izlaže primere koji svedoče o tome da tirani stradaju zbog
svojih zločina. U ovom radu nastojim da pokažem da nedostatak jasnih krite-
rijuma kojima bi se opravdao tiranicid ne čini teoriju ovog srednjovekovnog
autora nepotpunom. Po njegovom mišljenju, postoji javna dužnost da se ubije tiranin, ali je odluka o postupanju u skladu s njom sasvim lična. Ispravnost
takve odluke može se utvrditi samo retrospektivno. Jovan Solsberijski sjedinjuje klasični republikanizam sa hrišćanstvom i opisuje političkog aktera koji
je skoro zaboravljen u današnjem svetu. To je osoba koja postupa u skladu sa
svojim verovanjima i spremna je da snosi bilo koju posledicu svog političkog
čina: da bude slavljena kao junak ili prezrena kao ubica, da zasluži blaženstvo
ili trpi večne muke.
PB  - Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
C3  - Građani u doba dezinformacija : zbornik radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 25-26. 09. 2021. u Beogradu
T1  - Righteous murder as a leap of faith: John of Salisbury on tyrannicide
T1  - Opravdano ubistvo kao iskorak u nepoznato: Jovan Solsberijski o tiranicidu
EP  - 153
SP  - 145
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1105
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2021",
abstract = "John of Salisbury is the most prominent Medieval author who wrote about
one’s right to kill a tyrant. Some recent commentators, however, have pointed
out that Salisbury is unclear about the conditions that justify tyrannicide. In a
sense, they are right. Salisbury indeed cautions his readers that not all wrong-
doings make king a tyrant, but he does not offer a list of misconducts that do.
Instead, he simply puts forward examples of tyrants dying for their crimes. Here
I would like to argue that the lack of clear justificatory criteria does not render
Salisbury’s theory incomplete. There is a public duty to murder a tyrant but the
decision to act on it is purely personal because its rightness can only be established retrospectively. Salisbury’s blending of republicanism with Christianity
thus paints a picture of an agent almost forgotten in today’s politics. This is
someone who acts on their beliefs and is prepared to bear any consequence: to
be venerated as a hero or despised as a murderer, earn bliss, or suffer damnation., Jovan Solsberijski je najpoznatiji srednjovekovni autor koji je pisao o dužnosti
da se ubije tiranin. Ipak, pojedini savremeni autori istakli su da Solsberijski ne
navodi jasno uslove pod kojima bi se mogao opravdati tiranicid. U određenom
smislu, u pravu su. Solsberijski zaista upozorava svoje čitaoce da kralja tiraninom ne čini bilo koji prekršaj ali ne navodi spisak zlodela koja određuju tiranina. Umesto toga, on izlaže primere koji svedoče o tome da tirani stradaju zbog
svojih zločina. U ovom radu nastojim da pokažem da nedostatak jasnih krite-
rijuma kojima bi se opravdao tiranicid ne čini teoriju ovog srednjovekovnog
autora nepotpunom. Po njegovom mišljenju, postoji javna dužnost da se ubije tiranin, ali je odluka o postupanju u skladu s njom sasvim lična. Ispravnost
takve odluke može se utvrditi samo retrospektivno. Jovan Solsberijski sjedinjuje klasični republikanizam sa hrišćanstvom i opisuje političkog aktera koji
je skoro zaboravljen u današnjem svetu. To je osoba koja postupa u skladu sa
svojim verovanjima i spremna je da snosi bilo koju posledicu svog političkog
čina: da bude slavljena kao junak ili prezrena kao ubica, da zasluži blaženstvo
ili trpi večne muke.",
publisher = "Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije, Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Građani u doba dezinformacija : zbornik radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 25-26. 09. 2021. u Beogradu",
title = "Righteous murder as a leap of faith: John of Salisbury on tyrannicide, Opravdano ubistvo kao iskorak u nepoznato: Jovan Solsberijski o tiranicidu",
pages = "153-145",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1105"
}

Simendić, M.. (2021). Righteous murder as a leap of faith: John of Salisbury on tyrannicide. in Građani u doba dezinformacija : zbornik radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 25-26. 09. 2021. u Beogradu
Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije., 145-153.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1105

Simendić M. Righteous murder as a leap of faith: John of Salisbury on tyrannicide. in Građani u doba dezinformacija : zbornik radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 25-26. 09. 2021. u Beogradu. 2021;:145-153.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1105 .

Simendić, Marko, "Righteous murder as a leap of faith: John of Salisbury on tyrannicide" in Građani u doba dezinformacija : zbornik radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 25-26. 09. 2021. u Beogradu (2021):145-153,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1105 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Bojan
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/798
AB  - In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake
EP  - 59
IS  - 3
SP  - 31
VL  - 57
DO  - 10.20901/pm.57.3.02
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Bojan and Simendić, Marko",
year = "2020",
abstract = "In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake",
pages = "59-31",
number = "3",
volume = "57",
doi = "10.20901/pm.57.3.02"
}

Kovačević, B.,& Simendić, M.. (2020). Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 57(3), 31-59.
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.3.02

Kovačević B, Simendić M. Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake. in Politička misao. 2020;57(3):31-59.
doi:10.20901/pm.57.3.02 .

Kovačević, Bojan, Simendić, Marko, "Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake" in Politička misao, 57, no. 3 (2020):31-59,
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.3.02 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/599
AB  - Thomas Hobbes is notorious for his arguments in favour of the sovereign’s absolute authority. Throughout various reiterations of his argument, from Elements of Law to Leviathan, Hobbes’s central contention remains the same: in order to be effective at keeping peace and, thus, at securing the foundations for the wellbeing of its subjects, the sovereign should be the only person (be it a group or an individual) that is endowed with absolute authority over everything except the bare lives of his subjects. The sovereign’s will is the law and, thus, it becomes the will of his every subject. In fact, the very essence of the state is in the sovereign endowed with absolute authority; he is commonwealth’s condition sine qua non. His will is the glue that keeps the disjointed individuals together and unites them in a single state. This “reall Unitie of them all” (Hobbes 1651: 87) comes from the subjects submitting their particular, different and conflicting wills to the singular will of the sovereign. Hobbes’s remedy for the dangerous state of (naturally) conflicting individual wills is in the commonwealth, which rests on their externally enforced uniformity.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
T1  - Unity and diversity in a Hobbesian commonwealth
EP  - 42
SP  - 29
DO  - 10.4324/9781315516370
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Thomas Hobbes is notorious for his arguments in favour of the sovereign’s absolute authority. Throughout various reiterations of his argument, from Elements of Law to Leviathan, Hobbes’s central contention remains the same: in order to be effective at keeping peace and, thus, at securing the foundations for the wellbeing of its subjects, the sovereign should be the only person (be it a group or an individual) that is endowed with absolute authority over everything except the bare lives of his subjects. The sovereign’s will is the law and, thus, it becomes the will of his every subject. In fact, the very essence of the state is in the sovereign endowed with absolute authority; he is commonwealth’s condition sine qua non. His will is the glue that keeps the disjointed individuals together and unites them in a single state. This “reall Unitie of them all” (Hobbes 1651: 87) comes from the subjects submitting their particular, different and conflicting wills to the singular will of the sovereign. Hobbes’s remedy for the dangerous state of (naturally) conflicting individual wills is in the commonwealth, which rests on their externally enforced uniformity.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism",
booktitle = "Unity and diversity in a Hobbesian commonwealth",
pages = "42-29",
doi = "10.4324/9781315516370"
}

Simendić, M.. (2016). Unity and diversity in a Hobbesian commonwealth. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
Taylor and Francis., 29-42.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370

Simendić M. Unity and diversity in a Hobbesian commonwealth. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism. 2016;:29-42.
doi:10.4324/9781315516370 .

Simendić, Marko, "Unity and diversity in a Hobbesian commonwealth" in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism (2016):29-42,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L.
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/586
AB  - The dramatic disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, which retrospectively seems to have been almost inevitable, caught both Yugoslav and international scholars and publics by surprise. While genocide ravaged Rwanda, Yugoslav, European and North American attention focused on the violent collapse of an at- leastnominally secular European federal state. To many, if not most, it was inconceivable that the SFRY, consolidated in 1944 by Marshall Tito out of the fragments of the earlier Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, could dissolve into fratricidal civil war. Yugoslav scholars encountered in Yugoslavia by one of the two editors of this volume in the early days of the war (24 June–4 July 1991) were nearly unanimous in their opposition to ethnic nationalism and their support for socialist federation; a year later, during a conference held in Canterbury in August 1992, the same academics had almost without exception sided passionately with their national constituencies.1 Yugoslavia’s transformations, although perhaps not exceptional when compared globally, are nonetheless exemplary in demonstrating to Western audiences the speed with which changes in politics, in social structures, in ideologies and in identities can occur under the conditions of modernity. The editors of this volume, one a historian with a long familiarity with the region and the other an anthropologist with an expertise in Israel/Palestine, were inspired by this mutability and by their involvement with the region to draw together a number of academics, journalists and politicians from Former Yugoslavia to reflect on those changes and their implications in the wake of the ‘normalisation’ that drew the wider world’s attention away from Yugoslavia’s ‘successor states’.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
T1  - Introduction
EP  - 12
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.4324/9781315516370
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L. and Simendić, Marko",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The dramatic disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, which retrospectively seems to have been almost inevitable, caught both Yugoslav and international scholars and publics by surprise. While genocide ravaged Rwanda, Yugoslav, European and North American attention focused on the violent collapse of an at- leastnominally secular European federal state. To many, if not most, it was inconceivable that the SFRY, consolidated in 1944 by Marshall Tito out of the fragments of the earlier Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, could dissolve into fratricidal civil war. Yugoslav scholars encountered in Yugoslavia by one of the two editors of this volume in the early days of the war (24 June–4 July 1991) were nearly unanimous in their opposition to ethnic nationalism and their support for socialist federation; a year later, during a conference held in Canterbury in August 1992, the same academics had almost without exception sided passionately with their national constituencies.1 Yugoslavia’s transformations, although perhaps not exceptional when compared globally, are nonetheless exemplary in demonstrating to Western audiences the speed with which changes in politics, in social structures, in ideologies and in identities can occur under the conditions of modernity. The editors of this volume, one a historian with a long familiarity with the region and the other an anthropologist with an expertise in Israel/Palestine, were inspired by this mutability and by their involvement with the region to draw together a number of academics, journalists and politicians from Former Yugoslavia to reflect on those changes and their implications in the wake of the ‘normalisation’ that drew the wider world’s attention away from Yugoslavia’s ‘successor states’.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism",
title = "Introduction",
pages = "12-1",
doi = "10.4324/9781315516370"
}

Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L.,& Simendić, M.. (2016). Introduction. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
Taylor and Francis., 1-12.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370

Cordeiro-Rodrigues L, Simendić M. Introduction. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism. 2016;:1-12.
doi:10.4324/9781315516370 .

Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L., Simendić, Marko, "Introduction" in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism (2016):1-12,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370 . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L.
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/575
AB  - This edited collection offers a comparative approach to the topic of multiculturalism, including different authors with contrasting arguments from different philosophical traditions and ideologies. It puts together perspectives that have been largely neglected as valid normative ways to address the political and moral questions that arise from the coexistence of different cultures in the same geographical space. The essays in this volume cover both historical perspectives, taking in the work of Hobbes, Tocqueville and Nietzsche among others, and contemporary Eastern and Western approaches, including Marxism, anarchism, Islam, Daoism, Indian and African philosophies.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
T1  - Philosophies of multiculturalism: Beyond liberalism
EP  - 231
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.4324/9781315516370
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L. and Simendić, Marko",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This edited collection offers a comparative approach to the topic of multiculturalism, including different authors with contrasting arguments from different philosophical traditions and ideologies. It puts together perspectives that have been largely neglected as valid normative ways to address the political and moral questions that arise from the coexistence of different cultures in the same geographical space. The essays in this volume cover both historical perspectives, taking in the work of Hobbes, Tocqueville and Nietzsche among others, and contemporary Eastern and Western approaches, including Marxism, anarchism, Islam, Daoism, Indian and African philosophies.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism",
title = "Philosophies of multiculturalism: Beyond liberalism",
pages = "231-1",
doi = "10.4324/9781315516370"
}

Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L.,& Simendić, M.. (2016). Philosophies of multiculturalism: Beyond liberalism. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism
Taylor and Francis., 1-231.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370

Cordeiro-Rodrigues L, Simendić M. Philosophies of multiculturalism: Beyond liberalism. in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism. 2016;:1-231.
doi:10.4324/9781315516370 .

Cordeiro-Rodrigues, L., Simendić, Marko, "Philosophies of multiculturalism: Beyond liberalism" in Philosophies of Multiculturalism: Beyond Liberalism (2016):1-231,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315516370 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/568
AB  - The article explores Polybius's view from Book Six of Histories in which he argues that the Roman constitution was superior to other mixed systems of government because it evolved naturally. The novelty of Polybius's approach within the wider classical tradition is examined by contrasting his account with Plato's and Aristotle's. The architecture of the two kinds of mixed constitutions is then compared: the Spartan government is taken as a model of a good planned constitution and the Roman constitution as the best naturally evolving system of government. The main be nefit of the natural constitution over all other constitutions, simple and mixed, is its stability, and the final part of the paper addresses a plausible way in which Polybius thought such a constitution was reached in Rome and situates this historical account within his theory of anacyclosis.
PB  - University of Zagreb, Faculty of Political Sciences
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - Natural is better than planned: two models of a mixed constitution from polybius's histories
EP  - 101
IS  - 2
SP  - 87
VL  - 53
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_568
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The article explores Polybius's view from Book Six of Histories in which he argues that the Roman constitution was superior to other mixed systems of government because it evolved naturally. The novelty of Polybius's approach within the wider classical tradition is examined by contrasting his account with Plato's and Aristotle's. The architecture of the two kinds of mixed constitutions is then compared: the Spartan government is taken as a model of a good planned constitution and the Roman constitution as the best naturally evolving system of government. The main be nefit of the natural constitution over all other constitutions, simple and mixed, is its stability, and the final part of the paper addresses a plausible way in which Polybius thought such a constitution was reached in Rome and situates this historical account within his theory of anacyclosis.",
publisher = "University of Zagreb, Faculty of Political Sciences",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "Natural is better than planned: two models of a mixed constitution from polybius's histories",
pages = "101-87",
number = "2",
volume = "53",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_568"
}

Simendić, M.. (2016). Natural is better than planned: two models of a mixed constitution from polybius's histories. in Politička misao
University of Zagreb, Faculty of Political Sciences., 53(2), 87-101.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_568

Simendić M. Natural is better than planned: two models of a mixed constitution from polybius's histories. in Politička misao. 2016;53(2):87-101.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_568 .

Simendić, Marko, "Natural is better than planned: two models of a mixed constitution from polybius's histories" in Politička misao, 53, no. 2 (2016):87-101,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_568 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/562
AB  - This paper argues that Thomas Hobbes's theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sovereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove 'external violence' as a cause of 'the dissolution of a commonwealth' while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the 'internal' causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes's description of the Kingdom of God from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompassing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ.
AB  - Argument ovog rada je da teorija Tomasa Hobsa sadrži ideju progresivnog ukrupnjavanja i ujedinjenja moći koju prati napredovanje ljudskog razuma. Ukoliko je napuštanje prirodnog stanja i potčinjavanje suverenu posledica ljudske prirode, slično bi trebalo da važi i za same suverene, pošto Hobs smatra da oni i dalje žive u prirodnom stanju. Prema tome, odnosi među suverenima trebalo bi takođe da vode do ukrupnjavanja političke vlasti, kako osvajanjem, tako i miroljubivom predajom vlasti. Eventualna potpuna defragmentacija moći može takođe imati i eshatološke posledice, pošto bi objedinjena moć jednog čoveka nad celim svetom uklonila nasilje koje je pretilo od drugih suverena kao razlog raspadanja države, dok bi napredak razuma postepeno uklonio njene unutrašnje nesavršenosti. Ova bi hipotetička situacija mogla povezati Hobsov opis carstva Božjeg iz Levijatana sa njegovom širom političkom teorijom: jedinstveni suvereni predstavnik (sada) besmrtnog i sveobuhvatnog levijatana bi se mogao smatrati Antihristom, što bi najavilo drugi Hristov dolazak.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Nature, civility and eschatology: Thomas Hobbes's progress in three acts
T1  - Priroda, građansko stanje i eshatologija - Hobsova ideja napretka u tri čina
EP  - 900
IS  - 4
SP  - 884
VL  - 27
DO  - 10.2298/FID1604884S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko and Simendić, Marko",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This paper argues that Thomas Hobbes's theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sovereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove 'external violence' as a cause of 'the dissolution of a commonwealth' while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the 'internal' causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes's description of the Kingdom of God from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompassing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ., Argument ovog rada je da teorija Tomasa Hobsa sadrži ideju progresivnog ukrupnjavanja i ujedinjenja moći koju prati napredovanje ljudskog razuma. Ukoliko je napuštanje prirodnog stanja i potčinjavanje suverenu posledica ljudske prirode, slično bi trebalo da važi i za same suverene, pošto Hobs smatra da oni i dalje žive u prirodnom stanju. Prema tome, odnosi među suverenima trebalo bi takođe da vode do ukrupnjavanja političke vlasti, kako osvajanjem, tako i miroljubivom predajom vlasti. Eventualna potpuna defragmentacija moći može takođe imati i eshatološke posledice, pošto bi objedinjena moć jednog čoveka nad celim svetom uklonila nasilje koje je pretilo od drugih suverena kao razlog raspadanja države, dok bi napredak razuma postepeno uklonio njene unutrašnje nesavršenosti. Ova bi hipotetička situacija mogla povezati Hobsov opis carstva Božjeg iz Levijatana sa njegovom širom političkom teorijom: jedinstveni suvereni predstavnik (sada) besmrtnog i sveobuhvatnog levijatana bi se mogao smatrati Antihristom, što bi najavilo drugi Hristov dolazak.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Nature, civility and eschatology: Thomas Hobbes's progress in three acts, Priroda, građansko stanje i eshatologija - Hobsova ideja napretka u tri čina",
pages = "900-884",
number = "4",
volume = "27",
doi = "10.2298/FID1604884S"
}

Simendić, M.,& Simendić, M.. (2016). Nature, civility and eschatology: Thomas Hobbes's progress in three acts. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 27(4), 884-900.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1604884S

Simendić M, Simendić M. Nature, civility and eschatology: Thomas Hobbes's progress in three acts. in Filozofija i društvo. 2016;27(4):884-900.
doi:10.2298/FID1604884S .

Simendić, Marko, Simendić, Marko, "Nature, civility and eschatology: Thomas Hobbes's progress in three acts" in Filozofija i društvo, 27, no. 4 (2016):884-900,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1604884S . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/540
AB  - The paper examines Marcus Tullius Cicero's definition of the state (res publica) as it is presented in his work On the Commonwealth. After discussing some of the key terms (res publica, civitas, ius, lex), the paper focuses on two chief elements which make Cicero's definition of the state and, within it, his definition of the people: community of interest (utilitas communione) and agreement on law (iuris consensus). It is argued that Cicero's view of the state is reinforced by his account of natural law and natural human order. The state is seen as a kind of natural partnership in which all members have to play their social roles and are given authority, responsibilities, and rewards according to their social standing.
AB  - Rad se bavi određenjem države (res publica) koje u svom delu Država nudi Marko Tulije Ciceron. Pored razmatranja nekoliko ključnih pojmova (res publica, civitas, ius, lex), u radu se analiziraju dva glavna elementa koja čine Ciceronovu definiciju države i, unutar nje, naroda: zajednička korist (utilitas communione) i saglasnost u pravu (iuris consensus). Ciceronovo shvatanje države podržano je njegovim viđenjem prirodnog prava i prirodnog ljudskog poretka. Država se posmatra kao vrsta prirodnog partnerstva u kome svi članovi imaju obavezu da učestvuju, ali gde dobijaju ovlašćenja, odgovornosti i nagrade u skladu sa svojim društvenim statusom.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Cicero's state: Between law, utility and duty
T1  - Ciceronova država - između prava, korisnosti i dužnosti
EP  - 69
IS  - 14
SP  - 55
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1514055S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The paper examines Marcus Tullius Cicero's definition of the state (res publica) as it is presented in his work On the Commonwealth. After discussing some of the key terms (res publica, civitas, ius, lex), the paper focuses on two chief elements which make Cicero's definition of the state and, within it, his definition of the people: community of interest (utilitas communione) and agreement on law (iuris consensus). It is argued that Cicero's view of the state is reinforced by his account of natural law and natural human order. The state is seen as a kind of natural partnership in which all members have to play their social roles and are given authority, responsibilities, and rewards according to their social standing., Rad se bavi određenjem države (res publica) koje u svom delu Država nudi Marko Tulije Ciceron. Pored razmatranja nekoliko ključnih pojmova (res publica, civitas, ius, lex), u radu se analiziraju dva glavna elementa koja čine Ciceronovu definiciju države i, unutar nje, naroda: zajednička korist (utilitas communione) i saglasnost u pravu (iuris consensus). Ciceronovo shvatanje države podržano je njegovim viđenjem prirodnog prava i prirodnog ljudskog poretka. Država se posmatra kao vrsta prirodnog partnerstva u kome svi članovi imaju obavezu da učestvuju, ali gde dobijaju ovlašćenja, odgovornosti i nagrade u skladu sa svojim društvenim statusom.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Cicero's state: Between law, utility and duty, Ciceronova država - između prava, korisnosti i dužnosti",
pages = "69-55",
number = "14",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1514055S"
}

Simendić, M.. (2015). Cicero's state: Between law, utility and duty. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(14), 55-69.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1514055S

Simendić M. Cicero's state: Between law, utility and duty. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(14):55-69.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1514055S .

Simendić, Marko, "Cicero's state: Between law, utility and duty" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 14 (2015):55-69,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1514055S . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/331
AB  - This paper deals with the coherence of the tripartite criterion that makes the representative government the best form of government in John Stuart Mill's political philosophy. The first part of the paper presents the tripartite criterion for distinguishing Mill's optimal form of government: progressiveness, utility - maximising rule and good institutions. The second and the third part of the paper examine some of the possible tensions between these three elements, as well as certain problems that might arise in their practical application. Finally, this paper offers an interpretation that, by taking Mill's anthropology and psychology into account, aims (1) to resolve the internal tensions that might appear to exist between the three features of Mill's account of representative government and (2) to solve some of the more practical concerns related to their implementation.
AB  - Ovaj se rad bavi usklađenošću kriterijuma koji čine predstavničku vladu najpoželjnijim oblikom vladavine u političkoj filozofiji Džona Stjuarta Mila. U prvom delu rada predstavljene su tri osnovne odlike Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine. Za Mila, to su: posvećenost napretku, vladavina u skladu sa korisnošću i dobro uređene ustanove. U drugom i trećem delu rada ispitane su napetosti između ova tri kriterijuma, kao i problemi koji mogu nastati njihovom praktičnom primenom. Predstavljeno je tumačenje koje, uzimajući u obzir Milovu antropološku i psihološku teoriju, nudi jedan od načina na koji se neke od napetosti između elemenata Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine mogu prevazići.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill
T1  - Predstavnička vlada kao najbolji oblik vladavine u delu Dž. S. Mila
EP  - 249
IS  - 6
SP  - 237
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper deals with the coherence of the tripartite criterion that makes the representative government the best form of government in John Stuart Mill's political philosophy. The first part of the paper presents the tripartite criterion for distinguishing Mill's optimal form of government: progressiveness, utility - maximising rule and good institutions. The second and the third part of the paper examine some of the possible tensions between these three elements, as well as certain problems that might arise in their practical application. Finally, this paper offers an interpretation that, by taking Mill's anthropology and psychology into account, aims (1) to resolve the internal tensions that might appear to exist between the three features of Mill's account of representative government and (2) to solve some of the more practical concerns related to their implementation., Ovaj se rad bavi usklađenošću kriterijuma koji čine predstavničku vladu najpoželjnijim oblikom vladavine u političkoj filozofiji Džona Stjuarta Mila. U prvom delu rada predstavljene su tri osnovne odlike Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine. Za Mila, to su: posvećenost napretku, vladavina u skladu sa korisnošću i dobro uređene ustanove. U drugom i trećem delu rada ispitane su napetosti između ova tri kriterijuma, kao i problemi koji mogu nastati njihovom praktičnom primenom. Predstavljeno je tumačenje koje, uzimajući u obzir Milovu antropološku i psihološku teoriju, nudi jedan od načina na koji se neke od napetosti između elemenata Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine mogu prevazići.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill, Predstavnička vlada kao najbolji oblik vladavine u delu Dž. S. Mila",
pages = "249-237",
number = "6",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331"
}

Simendić, M.. (2011). Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(6), 237-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331

Simendić M. Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(6):237-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331 .

Simendić, Marko, "Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 6 (2011):237-249,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/315
AB  - This paper examines the possibility of morality in Theodor Adorno's ethics in two aspects. Firstly, it deals with his claim about the impossibility of leading a right life within the radically evil social world. The second issue that is addressed is the viability of Adornian normative ethics. It is concluded that, although the state of affairs of contemporary society does not allow truly moral agency, there is still a way of distinguishing between the right and wrong moral choices. This is examined by comparing the examples Adorno gives in his lectures - the moral decisions of Gregers Werle (one of Henrik Ibsen's protagonist) and the anonymous officer who was among the conspirators of the 20 July plot to assassinate Adolph Hitler. Furthermore, it is argued that Adorno offers a thin normative, deontological and particularistic account of morality that puts the emphasis on the dialectical and critical approach to examining the moral facts and making a moral decision.
AB  - Ovaj rad na dva načina ispituje mogućnost postojanja moralnosti u etici Teodora Adorna. Prvo, razmatra njegovu tvrdnju o nemogućnosti vođenja ispravnog života u radikalno zlom društvenom svetu. Drugo, rad se bavi normativnošću Adornove etike. Zaključuje se da, iako stanje stvari u savremenom društvu ne omogućava istinsko moralno postupanje, ipak postoji način na koji je moguće razlikovati ispravne od neispravnih moralnih izbora. Ovaj je zaključak podržan poređenjem primera koje Adorno nudi u svojim predavanjima - moralnih odluka Gregersa Verla (jednog od protagonista Henrika Ibzena) i anonimnog oficira koji je učestvovao u događajima 20. jula 1944. godine, zaveri koja je za cilj imala atentat na Adolfa Hitlera. Na kraju, tvrdi se da Adorno nudi ograničeno normativno, deontološko i partikularističko viđenje moralnosti koje naglašava dijalektički i kritički pristup ispitivanju moralnih činjenica i donošenju moralnih odluka.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Is morality possible for Theodor Adorno
T1  - Da li je moralnost moguća za Teodora Adorna?
EP  - 199
IS  - 5
SP  - 187
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_315
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper examines the possibility of morality in Theodor Adorno's ethics in two aspects. Firstly, it deals with his claim about the impossibility of leading a right life within the radically evil social world. The second issue that is addressed is the viability of Adornian normative ethics. It is concluded that, although the state of affairs of contemporary society does not allow truly moral agency, there is still a way of distinguishing between the right and wrong moral choices. This is examined by comparing the examples Adorno gives in his lectures - the moral decisions of Gregers Werle (one of Henrik Ibsen's protagonist) and the anonymous officer who was among the conspirators of the 20 July plot to assassinate Adolph Hitler. Furthermore, it is argued that Adorno offers a thin normative, deontological and particularistic account of morality that puts the emphasis on the dialectical and critical approach to examining the moral facts and making a moral decision., Ovaj rad na dva načina ispituje mogućnost postojanja moralnosti u etici Teodora Adorna. Prvo, razmatra njegovu tvrdnju o nemogućnosti vođenja ispravnog života u radikalno zlom društvenom svetu. Drugo, rad se bavi normativnošću Adornove etike. Zaključuje se da, iako stanje stvari u savremenom društvu ne omogućava istinsko moralno postupanje, ipak postoji način na koji je moguće razlikovati ispravne od neispravnih moralnih izbora. Ovaj je zaključak podržan poređenjem primera koje Adorno nudi u svojim predavanjima - moralnih odluka Gregersa Verla (jednog od protagonista Henrika Ibzena) i anonimnog oficira koji je učestvovao u događajima 20. jula 1944. godine, zaveri koja je za cilj imala atentat na Adolfa Hitlera. Na kraju, tvrdi se da Adorno nudi ograničeno normativno, deontološko i partikularističko viđenje moralnosti koje naglašava dijalektički i kritički pristup ispitivanju moralnih činjenica i donošenju moralnih odluka.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Is morality possible for Theodor Adorno, Da li je moralnost moguća za Teodora Adorna?",
pages = "199-187",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_315"
}

Simendić, M.. (2011). Is morality possible for Theodor Adorno. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 187-199.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_315

Simendić M. Is morality possible for Theodor Adorno. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):187-199.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_315 .

Simendić, Marko, "Is morality possible for Theodor Adorno" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):187-199,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_315 .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2002
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1103
PB  - Београд : Универзитет у Београду - Факултет политичких наука
T1  - Аспекти историје модерне политичке мисли : класици и нека њихова питања
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1103
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2002",
publisher = "Београд : Универзитет у Београду - Факултет политичких наука",
title = "Аспекти историје модерне политичке мисли : класици и нека њихова питања",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1103"
}

Simendić, M.. (2002). Аспекти историје модерне политичке мисли : класици и нека њихова питања. 
Београд : Универзитет у Београду - Факултет политичких наука..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1103

Simendić M. Аспекти историје модерне политичке мисли : класици и нека њихова питања. 2002;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1103 .

Simendić, Marko, "Аспекти историје модерне политичке мисли : класици и нека њихова питања" (2002),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1103 .