Orlović, Slaviša

Link to this page

Authority KeyName Variants
orcid::0000-0002-5256-7979
  • Orlović, Slaviša (8)
Projects

Author's Bibliography

Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia

Orlović, Slaviša; Kovačević, Despot

(Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2024)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2024
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1183
AB  - While the surge of populism in the West has attracted considerable public attention, countries often considered to be on Europe’s ‘periphery’ have largely escaped both scholarly and general interest. Political developments in Armenia, Albania, Bosnia, Georgia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are poorly understood politically and often opaque to non-specialists. Yet the societies, economies, politics and the aspirations of the people in these countries remain closely intertwined with the rest of Europe and its development. From the perspectives of scholars from the region, this book offers an informed assessment of the role, causes and political consequences of populism in areas that are important but often ignored parts of the European political landscape.
PB  - Baden-Baden : Nomos
T2  - Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”
T1  - Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia
EP  - 268
SP  - 247
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša and Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2024",
abstract = "While the surge of populism in the West has attracted considerable public attention, countries often considered to be on Europe’s ‘periphery’ have largely escaped both scholarly and general interest. Political developments in Armenia, Albania, Bosnia, Georgia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are poorly understood politically and often opaque to non-specialists. Yet the societies, economies, politics and the aspirations of the people in these countries remain closely intertwined with the rest of Europe and its development. From the perspectives of scholars from the region, this book offers an informed assessment of the role, causes and political consequences of populism in areas that are important but often ignored parts of the European political landscape.",
publisher = "Baden-Baden : Nomos",
journal = "Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”",
booktitle = "Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia",
pages = "268-247",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183"
}
Orlović, S.,& Kovačević, D.. (2024). Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia. in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”
Baden-Baden : Nomos., 247-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183
Orlović S, Kovačević D. Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia. in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”. 2024;:247-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183 .
Orlović, Slaviša, Kovačević, Despot, "Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia" in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery” (2024):247-268,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183 .

Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy

Orlović, Slaviša

(Wiley, Hoboken, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/714
AB  - Like Serbian politics in general, informal ways of conducting political business also characterize the country's contemporary interest group system. This is largely due to decades of authoritarian rule and less than 30 years' experience with pluralist democracy. Added to this, the period following the end of socialist Yugoslavia, particularly the authoritarian rule of Slobodan Milosevic and Serbia's involvement in war, undermined the development of a pluralist group system. Despite these setbacks, and in the face of continuing constraints, several elements of a modern group system have begun to emerge. This development has contributed to the advancement of Serbia's brand of majoritarian democracy.
PB  - Wiley, Hoboken
T2  - Journal of Public Affairs
T1  - Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy
IS  - 2
VL  - 19
DO  - 10.1002/pa.1719
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Like Serbian politics in general, informal ways of conducting political business also characterize the country's contemporary interest group system. This is largely due to decades of authoritarian rule and less than 30 years' experience with pluralist democracy. Added to this, the period following the end of socialist Yugoslavia, particularly the authoritarian rule of Slobodan Milosevic and Serbia's involvement in war, undermined the development of a pluralist group system. Despite these setbacks, and in the face of continuing constraints, several elements of a modern group system have begun to emerge. This development has contributed to the advancement of Serbia's brand of majoritarian democracy.",
publisher = "Wiley, Hoboken",
journal = "Journal of Public Affairs",
title = "Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy",
number = "2",
volume = "19",
doi = "10.1002/pa.1719"
}
Orlović, S.. (2019). Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy. in Journal of Public Affairs
Wiley, Hoboken., 19(2).
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1719
Orlović S. Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy. in Journal of Public Affairs. 2019;19(2).
doi:10.1002/pa.1719 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy" in Journal of Public Affairs, 19, no. 2 (2019),
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1719 . .
1
1
3

Interest groups

Orlović, Slaviša

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/636
AB  - In this paper I discuss the concept of interest groups - the term, the types, the ways they operate, their relations with other actors and their significance for democracy. An interest group is any organized actor with an aim to influence shaping of public policy. Different theories explain interest groups (pluralism, Marxism, elitism and corporatism). The relations among interest groups are relations of power, they accompany power and unmistakably know where the centers of power are. The operation of interest groups depends on the extent to which they are organized, the kind of resources they dispose of, the kind of aims they are trying to attain and whom they represent. The advantages in the work of interest groups are that some important tasks can be performed faster and more efficiently, that they imprint real relations on society, that they often articulate certain interests in a more systematic way, that they offer solutions that are frequently a check on the government and that they enable shortcuts for faster making of decisions and creation of policies. The disadvantages are that they pursue narrower rather than broader interests, that they influence policy without having obtained a mandate to do so from the citizens, often lacking both legality and legitimacy and in a manner which is non-transparent. There is no agreement about whether interest groups sustain or undermine democracy. In this paper I discuss Olson's 'logic of collective action' and its criticism. With the process of democratization and consolidation of institutions, the power of informal groups declines and becomes more formal and the process of policy-making becomes more transparent. The power of interest groups and powerful groups is weakened in the process of democratization.
AB  - U ovom radu razmatram koncept interesnih grupa - pojam, vrste, načine delovanja i odnose sa drugim akterima i njihov značaj za demokratiju. Interesna grupa je svaki organizovani akter koji ima za cilj da utiče na oblikovanje javne politike. Različite teorije objašnjavaju interesne grupe (pluralistički, marksistički, elitistički i korporativni pristup). Odnosi među interesnim grupama su odnosi moći, one slede moć i nepogrešivo znaju gde su sedišta moći. Delovanje interesnih grupa zavisi od toga koliko su organizovane, kakvim resursima raspolažu, kakve ciljeve žele da postignu i koga zastupaju. Prednosti u delovanju interesnih grupa su što se pojedini važni poslovi mogu ubrzati i efikasnije obaviti, što nameću nekakav realan odnos u društvu, što često na sistematičniji način artikulišu određene interese, nude rešenja kojima bivaju korektiv vlastima i omogućavaju prečice da se brže donose odluke i kreira politika. Nedostaci su što nastoje da ostvare uži a ne širi interes, utiču na politiku bez mandata od strane građana, često i bez legaliteta i bez legitimiteta i netransparentno. Ne postoji saglasnost oko toga da li interesne grupe održavaju ili potkopavaju demokratiju. U tekstu se bavim Olsonovom "Logikom kolektivnog delovanja" i kritikama. Procesom demokratizacije i konsolidacije institucija opadaju neformalne grupe i postaju formalnije, proces kreiranja politike postaje transparentniji. Moć grupa i moćne grupe slabe procesom demokratizacije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Interest groups
T1  - Interesne grupe
EP  - 34
IS  - 17
SP  - 9
VL  - 11
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_636
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2017",
abstract = "In this paper I discuss the concept of interest groups - the term, the types, the ways they operate, their relations with other actors and their significance for democracy. An interest group is any organized actor with an aim to influence shaping of public policy. Different theories explain interest groups (pluralism, Marxism, elitism and corporatism). The relations among interest groups are relations of power, they accompany power and unmistakably know where the centers of power are. The operation of interest groups depends on the extent to which they are organized, the kind of resources they dispose of, the kind of aims they are trying to attain and whom they represent. The advantages in the work of interest groups are that some important tasks can be performed faster and more efficiently, that they imprint real relations on society, that they often articulate certain interests in a more systematic way, that they offer solutions that are frequently a check on the government and that they enable shortcuts for faster making of decisions and creation of policies. The disadvantages are that they pursue narrower rather than broader interests, that they influence policy without having obtained a mandate to do so from the citizens, often lacking both legality and legitimacy and in a manner which is non-transparent. There is no agreement about whether interest groups sustain or undermine democracy. In this paper I discuss Olson's 'logic of collective action' and its criticism. With the process of democratization and consolidation of institutions, the power of informal groups declines and becomes more formal and the process of policy-making becomes more transparent. The power of interest groups and powerful groups is weakened in the process of democratization., U ovom radu razmatram koncept interesnih grupa - pojam, vrste, načine delovanja i odnose sa drugim akterima i njihov značaj za demokratiju. Interesna grupa je svaki organizovani akter koji ima za cilj da utiče na oblikovanje javne politike. Različite teorije objašnjavaju interesne grupe (pluralistički, marksistički, elitistički i korporativni pristup). Odnosi među interesnim grupama su odnosi moći, one slede moć i nepogrešivo znaju gde su sedišta moći. Delovanje interesnih grupa zavisi od toga koliko su organizovane, kakvim resursima raspolažu, kakve ciljeve žele da postignu i koga zastupaju. Prednosti u delovanju interesnih grupa su što se pojedini važni poslovi mogu ubrzati i efikasnije obaviti, što nameću nekakav realan odnos u društvu, što često na sistematičniji način artikulišu određene interese, nude rešenja kojima bivaju korektiv vlastima i omogućavaju prečice da se brže donose odluke i kreira politika. Nedostaci su što nastoje da ostvare uži a ne širi interes, utiču na politiku bez mandata od strane građana, često i bez legaliteta i bez legitimiteta i netransparentno. Ne postoji saglasnost oko toga da li interesne grupe održavaju ili potkopavaju demokratiju. U tekstu se bavim Olsonovom "Logikom kolektivnog delovanja" i kritikama. Procesom demokratizacije i konsolidacije institucija opadaju neformalne grupe i postaju formalnije, proces kreiranja politike postaje transparentniji. Moć grupa i moćne grupe slabe procesom demokratizacije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Interest groups, Interesne grupe",
pages = "34-9",
number = "17",
volume = "11",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_636"
}
Orlović, S.. (2017). Interest groups. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 11(17), 9-34.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_636
Orlović S. Interest groups. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2017;11(17):9-34.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_636 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Interest groups" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 11, no. 17 (2017):9-34,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_636 .

President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas

Orlović, Slaviša

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/545
AB  - After twenty five years since the introduction of the semi-presidential system in Serbia and in the region, this text attempt to reassess its performance, achievements and limits. It analyses the factors which the power of the directly elected president depends on (constitutional competences, manner of election, whether he is a party president, whether his party has majority in the parliament). The text explains the origin of the concept and institution, reasons for introduction, criteria for maximalist and minimalist understandings of semi-presidentialism. In new democracies the semi-presidential system faces additional challenges and temptations: 'the third mandate', absence of reelection-related incentives in the second mandate, manner of inclusion in/exclusion from the creation of politics and whether the directly elected president is in the same time the party president. Possible redesign of this political institution would require taking care that the manner of election is only one of the dimensions important for functioning of this system. The issue of the level of competences is of no less importance. The key is in the careful balance of power among the three branches of power, but above else between the president of the state and the prime minister.
AB  - U ovom tekstu, nakon dvadeset pet godina od uvođenja polupredsedničkog sistema u Srbiji i regionu, nastojim da preispitam njegove učinke, domete i ograničenja. U tekstu razmatram od čega zavisi moć neposredno izabranog predsednika (ustavna ovlašćenja, način izbora, da li je predsednik partije, da li njegova partija ima većinu u parlamentu). U tekstu objašnjavam poreklo pojma i institucije, razloge za njeno uvođenje, kriterijume na osnovu kojih postoje maksimalistička i minimalistička shvatanja semiprezidencijalizma. U novim demokratijama polupredsednički sistem ima dodatne izazove i iskušenja: 'treći mandat', odsustvo podsticaja tokom drugog mandata koji nosi potreba reizbora, način uključenosti/isključenosti u kreiranju politike, kao i da li je neposredno izabrani predsednik istovremeno i predsednik stranke. Prilikom eventualnog redizajniranja ove političke institucije valjalo bi voditi računa o tome da je način izbora samo jedna dimenzija važna za funkcionisanje ovog sistema. Ništa manje nije važno ni pitanje stepena nadležnosti. Ključ je u pažljivoj ravnoteži moći u pitanjima 'značajnih ovlašćenja' između tri grane vlasti, ali pre svega između predsednika države i premijera.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas
T1  - Predsednik republike - konstitucionalno-institucionalne dileme
EP  - 164
IS  - 13
SP  - 151
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1513151O
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2015",
abstract = "After twenty five years since the introduction of the semi-presidential system in Serbia and in the region, this text attempt to reassess its performance, achievements and limits. It analyses the factors which the power of the directly elected president depends on (constitutional competences, manner of election, whether he is a party president, whether his party has majority in the parliament). The text explains the origin of the concept and institution, reasons for introduction, criteria for maximalist and minimalist understandings of semi-presidentialism. In new democracies the semi-presidential system faces additional challenges and temptations: 'the third mandate', absence of reelection-related incentives in the second mandate, manner of inclusion in/exclusion from the creation of politics and whether the directly elected president is in the same time the party president. Possible redesign of this political institution would require taking care that the manner of election is only one of the dimensions important for functioning of this system. The issue of the level of competences is of no less importance. The key is in the careful balance of power among the three branches of power, but above else between the president of the state and the prime minister., U ovom tekstu, nakon dvadeset pet godina od uvođenja polupredsedničkog sistema u Srbiji i regionu, nastojim da preispitam njegove učinke, domete i ograničenja. U tekstu razmatram od čega zavisi moć neposredno izabranog predsednika (ustavna ovlašćenja, način izbora, da li je predsednik partije, da li njegova partija ima većinu u parlamentu). U tekstu objašnjavam poreklo pojma i institucije, razloge za njeno uvođenje, kriterijume na osnovu kojih postoje maksimalistička i minimalistička shvatanja semiprezidencijalizma. U novim demokratijama polupredsednički sistem ima dodatne izazove i iskušenja: 'treći mandat', odsustvo podsticaja tokom drugog mandata koji nosi potreba reizbora, način uključenosti/isključenosti u kreiranju politike, kao i da li je neposredno izabrani predsednik istovremeno i predsednik stranke. Prilikom eventualnog redizajniranja ove političke institucije valjalo bi voditi računa o tome da je način izbora samo jedna dimenzija važna za funkcionisanje ovog sistema. Ništa manje nije važno ni pitanje stepena nadležnosti. Ključ je u pažljivoj ravnoteži moći u pitanjima 'značajnih ovlašćenja' između tri grane vlasti, ali pre svega između predsednika države i premijera.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas, Predsednik republike - konstitucionalno-institucionalne dileme",
pages = "164-151",
number = "13",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1513151O"
}
Orlović, S.. (2015). President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(13), 151-164.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513151O
Orlović S. President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(13):151-164.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1513151O .
Orlović, Slaviša, "President of the Republic : Constitutional-institutional dilemmas" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 13 (2015):151-164,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513151O . .
1

Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u komparativnoj perspektivi

Orlović, Slaviša

(Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/278
PB  - Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies
T2  - Migracijske i etniĉke teme
T1  - Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u
komparativnoj perspektivi
EP  - 417
IS  - 3
SP  - 393
VL  - 27
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_278
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2011",
publisher = "Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies",
journal = "Migracijske i etniĉke teme",
title = "Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u
komparativnoj perspektivi",
pages = "417-393",
number = "3",
volume = "27",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_278"
}
Orlović, S.. (2011). Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u
komparativnoj perspektivi. in Migracijske i etniĉke teme
Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies., 27(3), 393-417.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_278
Orlović S. Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u
komparativnoj perspektivi. in Migracijske i etniĉke teme. 2011;27(3):393-417.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_278 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Političko predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina – Srbija u
komparativnoj perspektivi" in Migracijske i etniĉke teme, 27, no. 3 (2011):393-417,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_278 .

Theory of coalitions and formation of government

Orlović, Slaviša

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2010)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/239
AB  - Formation of government is one of the most important issues in parliamentary democracies. The text elaborates propositions of the theory of coalitions. It enumerates the factors influencing the formation of coalitions. Formation of excessively large coalitions derives from potential unreliability of certain partners, in 'extraordinary' circumstances, when there are some external or internal threats, when the two-third majority rule is required, for some decisions: constitutional amendments, budget, for larger legitimacy and due to insecurity of certain partners and reduction of risk. Minority government can be a single-party minority government and a minority government composed of several partners. In negotiations on formation of government, care is taken of harmonization of policy and distribution of resources. Parties often set one eye on the government and another on the mood of their members and supporters. Ministerial posts are observed quantitatively and qualitatively. Successful negotiations about the formation of government result in coalition agreement. It can be formal and informal, for internal use or publicly announced. Coalition negotiations depend on institutional and behavioral factors. Coalition governments have their advantages: broader representation in executive power; increased level of agreement, negotiation and compromises in executive power; flexibility and adjustability. Critics of coalition governments are as follows: majority coalition governments are most often the result of post-electoral coalitions, frequent secret negotiations of party leaders unclear and non-transparent for citizens, as being led behind closed door, and therefore the connection between elections and formation of government is weak; it is thought that coalition governments take less care of pre-electoral promises due to the need for mutual adjustment and achievement of compromise, but also because one party is hiding behind another; small parties can have disproportional higher influence in executive power than is their electoral support; coalition government can be inefficient as it requires agreement of all coalition partners which is not always easy to achieve; coalition governments are potentially unstable. In fragmented multiparty systems, derivation of the will of voters from the electoral results it is not easy at all. Coalition negotiations decide about who will rule more than the elections. In formation of ruling coalitions, will of voters expressed at elections is often changed. Coalition is, above else, a compromise without losers and winners, with an aim to make everybody satisfied.
AB  - Formiranje vlade je jedno od najvažnijih pitanja u parlamentarnim demokratijama. U tekstu su elaborirane propozicije teorije koalicija. Navedeni su faktori koji utiču na formiranje koalicija. Formiranje prevelikih koalicija proizlazi iz potencijalne nepouzdanosti pojedinih partnera, u 'vanrednim' okolnostima, kada postoje neke spoljašnje ili unutrašnje pretnje, kada se zahteva pravilo dvotrećinske većine, za neke odluke: ustavni amandmani, budžet, zbog većeg legitimiteta i zbog nesigurnosti pojedinih partnera i smanjenja rizika. Manjinska vlada može biti jednopartijska manjinska vlada i manjinska vlada sastavljena od više partnera. Kod pregovora o formiranju vlade vodi se računa o usaglašavanju politike i raspodeli resora. Partije su često jednim okom zagledane u vlast a drugim u raspoloženje svojih članova i simpatizera. Ministarska mesta se posmatraju kvalitativno i kvantitativno. Rezultat uspešnih pregovora o formiranju vlade jeste koalicioni sporazum. On može biti formalan i neformalan, za internu upotrebu ili javno saopšten. Koalicioni pregovori zavise od institucionalnih i bihejvioralnih faktora. Koalicione vlade imaju svoje prednosti: šira je zastupljenost i predstavljenost u izvršnoj vlasti; povećava stepen dogovaranja, pregovaranja i kompromisa u izvršnoj vlasti; fleksibilnost i prilagodljivost. Kritike koalicionih vlada su sledeće: većinske koalicione vlade su najčešće rezultat postizbornih koalicija, često tajnih pregovora partijskih lidera koji su građanima nejasni i neprozirni, jer se odvijaju iza zatvorenih vrata, otuda je veza između izbora i formiranja vlade slaba; smatra se da se koalicione vlade manje drže predizbornih obećanja usled potrebe međusobnog usaglašavanja i postizanja kompromisa, ali i zato što se jedna partija krije iza druge; male partije mogu imati nesrazmerno veći uticaj u izvršnoj vlasti nego što je njihova izborna podrška; koaliciona vlada može biti neefikasna jer se zahteva saglasnost svih koalicionih partnera, što nije uvek lako postići; koalicione vlade su potencijalno i nestabilne. U fragmentiranim višepartijskim sistemima nije nimalo jednostavno izvoditi volju birača iz rezultata izbora. Koalicioni pregovori odlučuju o tome ko će vladati više nego izbori. Kod formiranja vladajućih koalicija neretko se preinačuje volja birača iskazana na izborima. Koalicija je, pre svega, kompromis bez gubitnika i dobitnika, sa ciljem da svi budu zadovoljni.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Theory of coalitions and formation of government
T1  - Teorija koalicija i formiranje vlade
EP  - 125
IS  - 4
SP  - 97
VL  - 4
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_239
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2010",
abstract = "Formation of government is one of the most important issues in parliamentary democracies. The text elaborates propositions of the theory of coalitions. It enumerates the factors influencing the formation of coalitions. Formation of excessively large coalitions derives from potential unreliability of certain partners, in 'extraordinary' circumstances, when there are some external or internal threats, when the two-third majority rule is required, for some decisions: constitutional amendments, budget, for larger legitimacy and due to insecurity of certain partners and reduction of risk. Minority government can be a single-party minority government and a minority government composed of several partners. In negotiations on formation of government, care is taken of harmonization of policy and distribution of resources. Parties often set one eye on the government and another on the mood of their members and supporters. Ministerial posts are observed quantitatively and qualitatively. Successful negotiations about the formation of government result in coalition agreement. It can be formal and informal, for internal use or publicly announced. Coalition negotiations depend on institutional and behavioral factors. Coalition governments have their advantages: broader representation in executive power; increased level of agreement, negotiation and compromises in executive power; flexibility and adjustability. Critics of coalition governments are as follows: majority coalition governments are most often the result of post-electoral coalitions, frequent secret negotiations of party leaders unclear and non-transparent for citizens, as being led behind closed door, and therefore the connection between elections and formation of government is weak; it is thought that coalition governments take less care of pre-electoral promises due to the need for mutual adjustment and achievement of compromise, but also because one party is hiding behind another; small parties can have disproportional higher influence in executive power than is their electoral support; coalition government can be inefficient as it requires agreement of all coalition partners which is not always easy to achieve; coalition governments are potentially unstable. In fragmented multiparty systems, derivation of the will of voters from the electoral results it is not easy at all. Coalition negotiations decide about who will rule more than the elections. In formation of ruling coalitions, will of voters expressed at elections is often changed. Coalition is, above else, a compromise without losers and winners, with an aim to make everybody satisfied., Formiranje vlade je jedno od najvažnijih pitanja u parlamentarnim demokratijama. U tekstu su elaborirane propozicije teorije koalicija. Navedeni su faktori koji utiču na formiranje koalicija. Formiranje prevelikih koalicija proizlazi iz potencijalne nepouzdanosti pojedinih partnera, u 'vanrednim' okolnostima, kada postoje neke spoljašnje ili unutrašnje pretnje, kada se zahteva pravilo dvotrećinske većine, za neke odluke: ustavni amandmani, budžet, zbog većeg legitimiteta i zbog nesigurnosti pojedinih partnera i smanjenja rizika. Manjinska vlada može biti jednopartijska manjinska vlada i manjinska vlada sastavljena od više partnera. Kod pregovora o formiranju vlade vodi se računa o usaglašavanju politike i raspodeli resora. Partije su često jednim okom zagledane u vlast a drugim u raspoloženje svojih članova i simpatizera. Ministarska mesta se posmatraju kvalitativno i kvantitativno. Rezultat uspešnih pregovora o formiranju vlade jeste koalicioni sporazum. On može biti formalan i neformalan, za internu upotrebu ili javno saopšten. Koalicioni pregovori zavise od institucionalnih i bihejvioralnih faktora. Koalicione vlade imaju svoje prednosti: šira je zastupljenost i predstavljenost u izvršnoj vlasti; povećava stepen dogovaranja, pregovaranja i kompromisa u izvršnoj vlasti; fleksibilnost i prilagodljivost. Kritike koalicionih vlada su sledeće: većinske koalicione vlade su najčešće rezultat postizbornih koalicija, često tajnih pregovora partijskih lidera koji su građanima nejasni i neprozirni, jer se odvijaju iza zatvorenih vrata, otuda je veza između izbora i formiranja vlade slaba; smatra se da se koalicione vlade manje drže predizbornih obećanja usled potrebe međusobnog usaglašavanja i postizanja kompromisa, ali i zato što se jedna partija krije iza druge; male partije mogu imati nesrazmerno veći uticaj u izvršnoj vlasti nego što je njihova izborna podrška; koaliciona vlada može biti neefikasna jer se zahteva saglasnost svih koalicionih partnera, što nije uvek lako postići; koalicione vlade su potencijalno i nestabilne. U fragmentiranim višepartijskim sistemima nije nimalo jednostavno izvoditi volju birača iz rezultata izbora. Koalicioni pregovori odlučuju o tome ko će vladati više nego izbori. Kod formiranja vladajućih koalicija neretko se preinačuje volja birača iskazana na izborima. Koalicija je, pre svega, kompromis bez gubitnika i dobitnika, sa ciljem da svi budu zadovoljni.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Theory of coalitions and formation of government, Teorija koalicija i formiranje vlade",
pages = "125-97",
number = "4",
volume = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_239"
}
Orlović, S.. (2010). Theory of coalitions and formation of government. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 4(4), 97-125.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_239
Orlović S. Theory of coalitions and formation of government. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2010;4(4):97-125.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_239 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Theory of coalitions and formation of government" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 4, no. 4 (2010):97-125,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_239 .

Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy

Orlović, Slaviša

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2008)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/166
AB  - This article considers classic and contemporary understandings of democracy, place and role of democracy in relation between man and power, but also a comparison of democracies with non-democratic alternatives, giving the reasons for its advantage over them. Democracy defines how to elect authorities, how to organize and perform governance and how to control and replace authorities by the citizens (people) for the citizens (people). Democracy is a form of governance elected representatives rule therein. That is not the rule of all and per everybody's wish, but the rule of the minority elected by the majority to govern and act in interest of all citizens, or at least majority of them. Democracy tends toward equal participation of all citizens following the 'one person-one vote' principle. Democracy needs active citizens and their largest possible inclusion in political (and public) life of the society, but voluntarily, not by force. Basic human rights from John Locke onwards are important for democracy: right to life, body, liberty and property, through freedoms of speech and expression and freedom of press, religious freedoms, freedom of assembly and association, right to equality before the law, right to fair investigation and trial. Democratic theory encompasses the question of what democracy is and what it should be, but it is also important to learn about practical experiences of how to elect and organize authorities and govern in diverse states and societies. Debates on democracy include both, having in mind social context and institutional framework. Democracy is one of the most optimal and most thorough forms of organizing political community at least for now and by now. In comparison with relatively homogenous population of citizens in poleis, city-states, united by common affection for their city, language, myths, gods - the structure of modern societies is more diverse: from local and regional loyalties, through ethnical and racial identities, religious, ideological and other differences, social statuses to system of values and lifestyles. With introduction of the political representation principle, neither the size of a country not the number of its inhabitants were obstacles anymore. Thus democracy became possible also for large states with large territory. Today's democracy is the national state democracy. Establishment of principles of political representation is most directly linked to the institution of parliament, i. e. elected peoples' representatives, as well as political parties that prepare and conduct that selection. The essence of democracy lays in participation and competition during election of political representatives, but also in their accountability before voters who elected them. Having in mind these notes, the issue of democracy in this context will be dealt with in correlation of competition, conflict and consensus. The advantages offered by the democracy make it more desirable than its alternatives. With all its advantages, it is incomparably better than non-democratic political forms. Among significant proofs of its general acceptance is the fact that individuals, groups, organizations and states today attempt to present them as much democratic as possible. .
AB  - U ovom tekstu se razmatraju klasična i savremena shvatanja demokratije, mesto i uloga demokratije u međuodnosu čoveka i vlasti, ali i poređenje demokratija sa nedemokratskim alternativama, pri čemu se navode razlozi za njenu prednost u odnosu na njih. Demokratija određuje kako se bira vlast, kako se organizuje i vrši vlast i kako se kontroliše i smenjuje vlast od strane građana (naroda) za građane (narod). Demokratija je forma vladavine u kojoj vladaju izabrani predstavnici. To nije vladavina svih i po želji svih, već vladavina manjine izabrane od većine da vlada i deluje u interesu svih građana, ili bar većine. Demokratija teži jednakoj participaciji svih građana po principu 'jedan čovek - jedan glas'. Demokratiji su potrebni aktivni građani i što veća njihova uključenost (inclusion) u političkom (i javnom) životu društva, ali dobrovoljno, a ne prisilom. Za demokratiju su važna osnovna ljudska prava od Džona Loka naovamo; pravo na život, telo, slobodu i imovinu, preko slobode govora i izražavanja i slobode štampe, verske slobode, sloboda okupljanja i udruživanja, prava jednake zaštite pred zakonom, prava fer sudskog procesa i suđenja. Demokratska teorija obuhvata pitanje šta demokratija jeste i šta bi trebalo da bude, ali je važno znati i praktična iskustva - kako se bira i organizuje vlast i vlada u različitim državama i društvima. Debate o demokratiji obuhvataju i jedno i drugo, imajući u vidu socijalni kontekst i institucionalni okvir. Demokratija je jedan od najoptimalnijih i najosmišljenijih načina organizovanja političke zajednice, bar za sada i do sada. U odnosu na relativno homogenu populaciju građana u polisu, gradu-državi, ujedinjenih zajedničkom privrženošću gradu, jeziku, mitovima, bogovima, struktura modernih društava je raznovrsnija; od lokalnih i regionalnih lojalnosti, preko etničkih i rasnih identiteta, religijskih, ideoloških i drugih razlika, socijalnih statusa do sistema vrednosti i stilova života. Uvođenjem principa političke reprezentacije (predstavništva), ni veličina zemlje, ni broj stanovnika nisu više predstavljali prepreku. Time je demokratija učinjena mogućom i za velike države sa velikom teritorijom. Današnja demokratija je demokratija nacionalne države. Uspostavljanje principa političke reprezentacije, najneposrednije je vezano za instituciju parlamenta, odnosno izabranih narodnih predstavnika, kao i političkih partija koje pripremaju i sprovode taj izbor. Suština demokratije krije se u participaciji, kompeticiji i konkurenciji prilikom izbora političkih predstavnika, ali i u njihovoj odgovornosti pred onima koji su ih izabrali. Imajući u vidu ove napomene, pitanjem demokratije u ovom kontekstu bavićemo se u korelaciji kompeticije, konflikta i konsenzusa. Prednosti koje demokratija pruža čine je poželjnijom od njenih alternativa. Sa svim njenim prednostima, ona je neuporedivo bolja od nedemokratskih političkih oblika. Jedna od značajnih potvrda njene opšteprihvaćenosti jeste i činjenica da danas pojedinci, grupe, organizacije i države nastoje da se predstave što demokratskijim. .
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy
T1  - Klasična i savremena shvatanja demokratije
EP  - 71
IS  - 2
SP  - 47
VL  - 2
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_166
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2008",
abstract = "This article considers classic and contemporary understandings of democracy, place and role of democracy in relation between man and power, but also a comparison of democracies with non-democratic alternatives, giving the reasons for its advantage over them. Democracy defines how to elect authorities, how to organize and perform governance and how to control and replace authorities by the citizens (people) for the citizens (people). Democracy is a form of governance elected representatives rule therein. That is not the rule of all and per everybody's wish, but the rule of the minority elected by the majority to govern and act in interest of all citizens, or at least majority of them. Democracy tends toward equal participation of all citizens following the 'one person-one vote' principle. Democracy needs active citizens and their largest possible inclusion in political (and public) life of the society, but voluntarily, not by force. Basic human rights from John Locke onwards are important for democracy: right to life, body, liberty and property, through freedoms of speech and expression and freedom of press, religious freedoms, freedom of assembly and association, right to equality before the law, right to fair investigation and trial. Democratic theory encompasses the question of what democracy is and what it should be, but it is also important to learn about practical experiences of how to elect and organize authorities and govern in diverse states and societies. Debates on democracy include both, having in mind social context and institutional framework. Democracy is one of the most optimal and most thorough forms of organizing political community at least for now and by now. In comparison with relatively homogenous population of citizens in poleis, city-states, united by common affection for their city, language, myths, gods - the structure of modern societies is more diverse: from local and regional loyalties, through ethnical and racial identities, religious, ideological and other differences, social statuses to system of values and lifestyles. With introduction of the political representation principle, neither the size of a country not the number of its inhabitants were obstacles anymore. Thus democracy became possible also for large states with large territory. Today's democracy is the national state democracy. Establishment of principles of political representation is most directly linked to the institution of parliament, i. e. elected peoples' representatives, as well as political parties that prepare and conduct that selection. The essence of democracy lays in participation and competition during election of political representatives, but also in their accountability before voters who elected them. Having in mind these notes, the issue of democracy in this context will be dealt with in correlation of competition, conflict and consensus. The advantages offered by the democracy make it more desirable than its alternatives. With all its advantages, it is incomparably better than non-democratic political forms. Among significant proofs of its general acceptance is the fact that individuals, groups, organizations and states today attempt to present them as much democratic as possible. ., U ovom tekstu se razmatraju klasična i savremena shvatanja demokratije, mesto i uloga demokratije u međuodnosu čoveka i vlasti, ali i poređenje demokratija sa nedemokratskim alternativama, pri čemu se navode razlozi za njenu prednost u odnosu na njih. Demokratija određuje kako se bira vlast, kako se organizuje i vrši vlast i kako se kontroliše i smenjuje vlast od strane građana (naroda) za građane (narod). Demokratija je forma vladavine u kojoj vladaju izabrani predstavnici. To nije vladavina svih i po želji svih, već vladavina manjine izabrane od većine da vlada i deluje u interesu svih građana, ili bar većine. Demokratija teži jednakoj participaciji svih građana po principu 'jedan čovek - jedan glas'. Demokratiji su potrebni aktivni građani i što veća njihova uključenost (inclusion) u političkom (i javnom) životu društva, ali dobrovoljno, a ne prisilom. Za demokratiju su važna osnovna ljudska prava od Džona Loka naovamo; pravo na život, telo, slobodu i imovinu, preko slobode govora i izražavanja i slobode štampe, verske slobode, sloboda okupljanja i udruživanja, prava jednake zaštite pred zakonom, prava fer sudskog procesa i suđenja. Demokratska teorija obuhvata pitanje šta demokratija jeste i šta bi trebalo da bude, ali je važno znati i praktična iskustva - kako se bira i organizuje vlast i vlada u različitim državama i društvima. Debate o demokratiji obuhvataju i jedno i drugo, imajući u vidu socijalni kontekst i institucionalni okvir. Demokratija je jedan od najoptimalnijih i najosmišljenijih načina organizovanja političke zajednice, bar za sada i do sada. U odnosu na relativno homogenu populaciju građana u polisu, gradu-državi, ujedinjenih zajedničkom privrženošću gradu, jeziku, mitovima, bogovima, struktura modernih društava je raznovrsnija; od lokalnih i regionalnih lojalnosti, preko etničkih i rasnih identiteta, religijskih, ideoloških i drugih razlika, socijalnih statusa do sistema vrednosti i stilova života. Uvođenjem principa političke reprezentacije (predstavništva), ni veličina zemlje, ni broj stanovnika nisu više predstavljali prepreku. Time je demokratija učinjena mogućom i za velike države sa velikom teritorijom. Današnja demokratija je demokratija nacionalne države. Uspostavljanje principa političke reprezentacije, najneposrednije je vezano za instituciju parlamenta, odnosno izabranih narodnih predstavnika, kao i političkih partija koje pripremaju i sprovode taj izbor. Suština demokratije krije se u participaciji, kompeticiji i konkurenciji prilikom izbora političkih predstavnika, ali i u njihovoj odgovornosti pred onima koji su ih izabrali. Imajući u vidu ove napomene, pitanjem demokratije u ovom kontekstu bavićemo se u korelaciji kompeticije, konflikta i konsenzusa. Prednosti koje demokratija pruža čine je poželjnijom od njenih alternativa. Sa svim njenim prednostima, ona je neuporedivo bolja od nedemokratskih političkih oblika. Jedna od značajnih potvrda njene opšteprihvaćenosti jeste i činjenica da danas pojedinci, grupe, organizacije i države nastoje da se predstave što demokratskijim. .",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy, Klasična i savremena shvatanja demokratije",
pages = "71-47",
number = "2",
volume = "2",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_166"
}
Orlović, S.. (2008). Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 2(2), 47-71.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_166
Orlović S. Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2008;2(2):47-71.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_166 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Classic and contemporary understandings of democracy" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 2, no. 2 (2008):47-71,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_166 .

Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations

Orlović, Slaviša

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2008)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/151
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Journal of Southern Europe and The Balkans
T1  - Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations
EP  - 222
IS  - 2
SP  - 205
VL  - 10
DO  - 10.1080/14613190802146356
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša",
year = "2008",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Journal of Southern Europe and The Balkans",
title = "Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations",
pages = "222-205",
number = "2",
volume = "10",
doi = "10.1080/14613190802146356"
}
Orlović, S.. (2008). Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations. in Journal of Southern Europe and The Balkans
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 10(2), 205-222.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190802146356
Orlović S. Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations. in Journal of Southern Europe and The Balkans. 2008;10(2):205-222.
doi:10.1080/14613190802146356 .
Orlović, Slaviša, "Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations" in Journal of Southern Europe and The Balkans, 10, no. 2 (2008):205-222,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190802146356 . .
10
10
13