TY  - CHAP
AU  - Orlović, Slaviša
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2024
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1183
AB  - While the surge of populism in the West has attracted considerable public attention, countries often considered to be on Europe’s ‘periphery’ have largely escaped both scholarly and general interest. Political developments in Armenia, Albania, Bosnia, Georgia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are poorly understood politically and often opaque to non-specialists. Yet the societies, economies, politics and the aspirations of the people in these countries remain closely intertwined with the rest of Europe and its development. From the perspectives of scholars from the region, this book offers an informed assessment of the role, causes and political consequences of populism in areas that are important but often ignored parts of the European political landscape.
PB  - Baden-Baden : Nomos
T2  - Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”
T1  - Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia
EP  - 268
SP  - 247
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Orlović, Slaviša and Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2024",
abstract = "While the surge of populism in the West has attracted considerable public attention, countries often considered to be on Europe’s ‘periphery’ have largely escaped both scholarly and general interest. Political developments in Armenia, Albania, Bosnia, Georgia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are poorly understood politically and often opaque to non-specialists. Yet the societies, economies, politics and the aspirations of the people in these countries remain closely intertwined with the rest of Europe and its development. From the perspectives of scholars from the region, this book offers an informed assessment of the role, causes and political consequences of populism in areas that are important but often ignored parts of the European political landscape.",
publisher = "Baden-Baden : Nomos",
journal = "Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”",
booktitle = "Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia",
pages = "268-247",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183"
}

Orlović, S.,& Kovačević, D.. (2024). Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia. in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”
Baden-Baden : Nomos., 247-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183

Orlović S, Kovačević D. Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia. in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery”. 2024;:247-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183 .

Orlović, Slaviša, Kovačević, Despot, "Populism as a Technique of Power in Serbia" in Perspectives on Populism: Diverse Voices from the European “Periphery” (2024):247-268,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1183 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jakšić, Ivana M.
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1058
AB  - Cilj istraživanja bio je da se ispita latentna struktura evaluacija političkih stranaka za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji, kao i da se testira skup socio-demografskih (pol, starost,
obrazovanje, životni standard), dispozicionih (politički stavovi, autoritarnost i religioznost) i
kontekstualnih prediktora (informisanje posredstvom različitih televizija) ekstrahovanih dimenzija. U studiji sprovedenoj u nedelji uoči izbora na prigodnom uzorku od 636 punoletnih
građana i građanki utvrđeno je da se simpatije prema strankama koje su učestvovale na
parlamentarnim izborima organizuju u tri međusobno nezavisna faktora: 1) stranke režima
(SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) stranke građanske opozicije (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) i 3) stranke nacionalne opozicije (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regresione
analize pokazale su da se evaluacije tri navedena stranačka bloka najbolje mogu predviđati
na osnovu praćenja različitih televizija. Simpatije prema strankama režima najbolje predviđa
praćenje televizije PINK i nisko interesovanje za politiku. Simpatije prema strankama građanske opozicije jedine se mogu predviđati pomoću dispozicionih faktora (stavovi i autoritarnost), pored praćenja televizije N1. Prediktivna moć svih navedenih prediktora bila je slabija
u modelovanju simpatija prema strankama nacionalne opozicije, gde samo mlađe životno
doba i praćenje TV RTS objašnjavaju skroman procenat razlika u stranačkim evaluacijama. Rezultati pokazuju da stranački rascep u Srbiji nije ideološke prirode, kao i da je u značajnoj
meri proizvod socijalnog uticaja posredovanog medijima.
AB  - The goal of the research was to examine the latent structure of evaluations of political parties
during the 2022 elections in Serbia, as well as to test a set of socio-demographic (gender,
age, education, standard of living), dispositional (political attitudes, authoritarianism and
religiosity) and contextual predictors (information through different televisions) of extracted
dimensions. In a study conducted in the week before the elections on a random sample of
636 adult citizens, it was determined that sympathy for the parties that participated in the
parliamentary elections is organized into three mutually independent factors: 1) parties of
the regime (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) civil opposition parties (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki
ustanak, SDS) and 3) national opposition parties (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regression analyses showed that the evaluations of the three mentioned party blocs can best
be predicted based on the monitoring of different television channels. Sympathy for the regime’s parties is best predicted by watching PINK TV and low interest in politics. Sympathies
towards civil opposition parties can only be predicted using dispositional factors (attitudes
and authoritarianism), in addition to watching N1 television. The predictive power of all the
mentioned predictors was weaker in the modeling of sympathies towards the parties of the
national opposition, where only younger age and watching TV RTS explain a modest percentage of differences in party evaluations. The results show that the party split in Serbia is not
of an ideological nature, and that it is to a significant extent the product of social influence
realized through media.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Structure and predictors of party evaluations during the 2022 elections in Serbia
T1  - Struktura i prediktori stranačkih evaluacija za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji
EP  - 100
SP  - 71
VL  - 23
DO  - 10.18485/fpn_pz.2022.23.5
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Jakšić, Ivana M. and Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Cilj istraživanja bio je da se ispita latentna struktura evaluacija političkih stranaka za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji, kao i da se testira skup socio-demografskih (pol, starost,
obrazovanje, životni standard), dispozicionih (politički stavovi, autoritarnost i religioznost) i
kontekstualnih prediktora (informisanje posredstvom različitih televizija) ekstrahovanih dimenzija. U studiji sprovedenoj u nedelji uoči izbora na prigodnom uzorku od 636 punoletnih
građana i građanki utvrđeno je da se simpatije prema strankama koje su učestvovale na
parlamentarnim izborima organizuju u tri međusobno nezavisna faktora: 1) stranke režima
(SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) stranke građanske opozicije (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) i 3) stranke nacionalne opozicije (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regresione
analize pokazale su da se evaluacije tri navedena stranačka bloka najbolje mogu predviđati
na osnovu praćenja različitih televizija. Simpatije prema strankama režima najbolje predviđa
praćenje televizije PINK i nisko interesovanje za politiku. Simpatije prema strankama građanske opozicije jedine se mogu predviđati pomoću dispozicionih faktora (stavovi i autoritarnost), pored praćenja televizije N1. Prediktivna moć svih navedenih prediktora bila je slabija
u modelovanju simpatija prema strankama nacionalne opozicije, gde samo mlađe životno
doba i praćenje TV RTS objašnjavaju skroman procenat razlika u stranačkim evaluacijama. Rezultati pokazuju da stranački rascep u Srbiji nije ideološke prirode, kao i da je u značajnoj
meri proizvod socijalnog uticaja posredovanog medijima., The goal of the research was to examine the latent structure of evaluations of political parties
during the 2022 elections in Serbia, as well as to test a set of socio-demographic (gender,
age, education, standard of living), dispositional (political attitudes, authoritarianism and
religiosity) and contextual predictors (information through different televisions) of extracted
dimensions. In a study conducted in the week before the elections on a random sample of
636 adult citizens, it was determined that sympathy for the parties that participated in the
parliamentary elections is organized into three mutually independent factors: 1) parties of
the regime (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) civil opposition parties (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki
ustanak, SDS) and 3) national opposition parties (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regression analyses showed that the evaluations of the three mentioned party blocs can best
be predicted based on the monitoring of different television channels. Sympathy for the regime’s parties is best predicted by watching PINK TV and low interest in politics. Sympathies
towards civil opposition parties can only be predicted using dispositional factors (attitudes
and authoritarianism), in addition to watching N1 television. The predictive power of all the
mentioned predictors was weaker in the modeling of sympathies towards the parties of the
national opposition, where only younger age and watching TV RTS explain a modest percentage of differences in party evaluations. The results show that the party split in Serbia is not
of an ideological nature, and that it is to a significant extent the product of social influence
realized through media.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Structure and predictors of party evaluations during the 2022 elections in Serbia, Struktura i prediktori stranačkih evaluacija za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji",
pages = "100-71",
volume = "23",
doi = "10.18485/fpn_pz.2022.23.5"
}

Jakšić, I. M.,& Kovačević, D.. (2022). Structure and predictors of party evaluations during the 2022 elections in Serbia. in Politički život
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 23, 71-100.
https://doi.org/10.18485/fpn_pz.2022.23.5

Jakšić IM, Kovačević D. Structure and predictors of party evaluations during the 2022 elections in Serbia. in Politički život. 2022;23:71-100.
doi:10.18485/fpn_pz.2022.23.5 .

Jakšić, Ivana M., Kovačević, Despot, "Structure and predictors of party evaluations during the 2022 elections in Serbia" in Politički život, 23 (2022):71-100,
https://doi.org/10.18485/fpn_pz.2022.23.5 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1182
AB  - The role of elections in the Federal Republic of Germany to the processes in the European Union and the surrounding countries has gained in importance in previous election cycles. The elections in 2021 are just a continuation of the growing influence on the processes related to European integration, and even the political processes in the Western Balkans. Political elites from the countries of the Western Balkans always have their own expectations from the elections in Germany, but also from the consequences of those elections, primarily in terms of the composition of the German government. The subject of research in this paper are the perceptions of political elites in the Western Balkans about the future attitudes of German parties and the new government towards Western Balkans and the source of these perceptions, which I basically find in election manifestos (election programs) of political parties. The analysis is based on election manifestos and the perception that the parties’ views on the Western Balkans have produced among political elites. These attitudes resulted in the initiation of certain unresolved issues in the Western Balkans, both during the election campaign and during the process of forming the government. Current issues that have implications for elections in Germany are primarily the rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the Brussels Dialogue, and major projects such as the Open Balkans.
AB  - Uloga izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj na procese u Evropskoj uniji i zemljama u okruženju dobija na značaju u prethodnim izbornim ciklusima. Izbori 2021. samo su nastavak rasta uticaja na procese koji se tiču evropskih intregracija, pa i političkih procesa na Zapadnom
Balkanu. Političke elite iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana uvek imaju svoja očekivanja od izbora u
Nemačkoj, ali i od posledica tih izbora pre svega u pogledu sastava nemačke vlade. Predmet
istraživanja u ovom radu jesu percepcije političkih elita na Zapadnom Balkanu o budućem
odnosu nemačkih partija i nove vlade i izvor tih percepcija koji bazično nalazim u izbornim
manifestima (izbornim programima) političkih partija. Analiza se zasniva na izbornim manifestima i percepciji koju su stavovi partija o Zapadnom Balkanu proizveli kod političkih elita.
Navedeni stavovi su i u toku izborne kampanje i toku procesa formiranja vlade rezultirali
pokretanju pojedinih nerešenih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu. Aktuelna pitanja koja imaju
implikacije izbora u Nemačkoj su prvenstveno pitanje vladavine prava i demokratije na Zapadnom Balkanu, odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini i pitanje Visokog predstavnika, pitanje Briselskog dijaloga, kao i pitanja velikih projekata kao što je Otvoreni Balkan.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Politički život: časopis za analizu politike
T1  - Odnos Nemačke prema aktuelnim pitanjima na Zapadnom Balkanu kroz prizmu izbora 2021.
T1  - Germany’s attitude towards current issues in the Western Balkans through the prism of the 2021 elections
EP  - 47
IS  - 21
SP  - 37
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1182
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The role of elections in the Federal Republic of Germany to the processes in the European Union and the surrounding countries has gained in importance in previous election cycles. The elections in 2021 are just a continuation of the growing influence on the processes related to European integration, and even the political processes in the Western Balkans. Political elites from the countries of the Western Balkans always have their own expectations from the elections in Germany, but also from the consequences of those elections, primarily in terms of the composition of the German government. The subject of research in this paper are the perceptions of political elites in the Western Balkans about the future attitudes of German parties and the new government towards Western Balkans and the source of these perceptions, which I basically find in election manifestos (election programs) of political parties. The analysis is based on election manifestos and the perception that the parties’ views on the Western Balkans have produced among political elites. These attitudes resulted in the initiation of certain unresolved issues in the Western Balkans, both during the election campaign and during the process of forming the government. Current issues that have implications for elections in Germany are primarily the rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the Brussels Dialogue, and major projects such as the Open Balkans., Uloga izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj na procese u Evropskoj uniji i zemljama u okruženju dobija na značaju u prethodnim izbornim ciklusima. Izbori 2021. samo su nastavak rasta uticaja na procese koji se tiču evropskih intregracija, pa i političkih procesa na Zapadnom
Balkanu. Političke elite iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana uvek imaju svoja očekivanja od izbora u
Nemačkoj, ali i od posledica tih izbora pre svega u pogledu sastava nemačke vlade. Predmet
istraživanja u ovom radu jesu percepcije političkih elita na Zapadnom Balkanu o budućem
odnosu nemačkih partija i nove vlade i izvor tih percepcija koji bazično nalazim u izbornim
manifestima (izbornim programima) političkih partija. Analiza se zasniva na izbornim manifestima i percepciji koju su stavovi partija o Zapadnom Balkanu proizveli kod političkih elita.
Navedeni stavovi su i u toku izborne kampanje i toku procesa formiranja vlade rezultirali
pokretanju pojedinih nerešenih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu. Aktuelna pitanja koja imaju
implikacije izbora u Nemačkoj su prvenstveno pitanje vladavine prava i demokratije na Zapadnom Balkanu, odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini i pitanje Visokog predstavnika, pitanje Briselskog dijaloga, kao i pitanja velikih projekata kao što je Otvoreni Balkan.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Politički život: časopis za analizu politike",
title = "Odnos Nemačke prema aktuelnim pitanjima na Zapadnom Balkanu kroz prizmu izbora 2021., Germany’s attitude towards current issues in the Western Balkans through the prism of the 2021 elections",
pages = "47-37",
number = "21",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1182"
}

Kovačević, D.. (2021). Odnos Nemačke prema aktuelnim pitanjima na Zapadnom Balkanu kroz prizmu izbora 2021.. in Politički život: časopis za analizu politike
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka.(21), 37-47.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1182

Kovačević D. Odnos Nemačke prema aktuelnim pitanjima na Zapadnom Balkanu kroz prizmu izbora 2021.. in Politički život: časopis za analizu politike. 2021;(21):37-47.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1182 .

Kovačević, Despot, "Odnos Nemačke prema aktuelnim pitanjima na Zapadnom Balkanu kroz prizmu izbora 2021." in Politički život: časopis za analizu politike, no. 21 (2021):37-47,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1182 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=7494
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:22376/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=17207049
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/17292
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/829
AB  - The dissertation Institutionalization of parties and party systems in the countries of the former SFRY discusses the genesis and evolution of the political parties and party systems, the process of institutionalization of both the parties and party systems alike, and their impact on the stability of political institutions and overall social stability in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The main aim of the dissertation is to determine the extent to which the parties and party systems have been institutionalized and the role of the aforementioned processes in the establishment of stable and functional democratic institutions. The research consists of twenty-eight (28) case studies of political parties in six (6) countries, which opted for the multi-party system as a part of the process of democratization. The dissertation is based upon a theoretical framework that, although de facto separates these two processes of institutionalization, emphasizes the impact political parties have on the political systems. However, while the institutionalization of the political parties is associated with the stability of individual political parties, the institutionalization of the party systems concerns the capacities of the system in its totality. The model of 15 and 8 indicators is used to analyze the institutionalization of political parties and political systems. Index assigned to political parties used to analyze the level of institutionalization of parties generates Party Institutionalization Index (PII), and index assigned to party systems generate Party System Institutionalization Index (PSII). The main argument of the dissertation is that political parties are key factors in all democratic political systems and that they substantially influence the democratic capacity and stability of a society. The general hypothesis of the dissertation is the claim that the institutionalization of political parties and the party systems have a positive effect on the stability of political institutions and society on the whole. I am using a regression model in which the indexes of institutionalization of political parties and political systems form the independent variables and the parameters of stability as the dependent variables. These parameters consist of the existing indexes which are used for a ten-year average – which measures the stability of democratic institutions, political stability and absence of violence, government efficiency and government performance and the degree of consensus building.
AB  - U disertaciji Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ istražuje se nastanak i razvoj političkih partija i partijskih sistema, procesi institucionalizacije partija i institucionalizacije partijskih sistema, kao i njihovi efekti na stabilnost političkih institucija i širu društvenu stabilnost u zemljama bivše SFRJ. Osnovni cilj rada je utvrđivanje stepena institucionalizacije partija i stepena institucionalizacije partijskih sistema i uloga ovih procesa u izgradnji stabilnih i funkcionalnih demokratskih institucija. Studija obuhvata dvadeset osam (28) političkih partija u šest (6) zemalja koje su nastale raspadom SFRJ i koje su krenule u razvoj demokratskih političkih sistema sa uvođenjem višepartizma. Rad se zasniva na teorijskim polazištima koja ova dva procesa institucionalizacije posmatraju kao odvojena, iako veoma bliska s obzirom da političke partije kroz svoje delovanje stvaraju partijski sistem. Naime, institucionalizacija političkih partija je proces koji se vezuje za pojedinačne partije i njihovu stabilnost, dok se institucionalizacija partijskih sistema odnosi na sistem u celini i njegove kapacitete. Za analizu institucionalizacije partija koristi se model od 15 indikatora za svaku pojedinačnu političku partiju, dok se za partijske sisteme koristi model od 8 indikatora iz kojih se dobijaju indeksi institucionalizacije za partije (IPI) i za partijske sisteme (IIPS). Polazna osnova u radu je da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog života u svakom demokratskom političkom sistemu i da njihovo delovanje bitno utiče na demokratske kapacitete i na stabilnost u svakom društvu. Kao generalna hipoteza postavljena je tvrdnja da institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema pozitivno utiču na stabilnost političkih institucija i društva u celini. Uz indekse institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema, kao nezavisne varijable, u regresioni model stavljam parametre stabilnosti, kao zavisne varijable. U tim parametrima su postojeći indeksi za koje pravim desetogodišnji kompozitni skor (prosek) i koji mere stabilnost demokratskih institucija, političku stabilnost i odsustvo nasilja, efikasnost vlade, funkcionisanje vlade i stepen izgradnje konsenzusa.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Institutonalization of parties and party systems in countries of former SFRY
T1  - Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_17292
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The dissertation Institutionalization of parties and party systems in the countries of the former SFRY discusses the genesis and evolution of the political parties and party systems, the process of institutionalization of both the parties and party systems alike, and their impact on the stability of political institutions and overall social stability in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The main aim of the dissertation is to determine the extent to which the parties and party systems have been institutionalized and the role of the aforementioned processes in the establishment of stable and functional democratic institutions. The research consists of twenty-eight (28) case studies of political parties in six (6) countries, which opted for the multi-party system as a part of the process of democratization. The dissertation is based upon a theoretical framework that, although de facto separates these two processes of institutionalization, emphasizes the impact political parties have on the political systems. However, while the institutionalization of the political parties is associated with the stability of individual political parties, the institutionalization of the party systems concerns the capacities of the system in its totality. The model of 15 and 8 indicators is used to analyze the institutionalization of political parties and political systems. Index assigned to political parties used to analyze the level of institutionalization of parties generates Party Institutionalization Index (PII), and index assigned to party systems generate Party System Institutionalization Index (PSII). The main argument of the dissertation is that political parties are key factors in all democratic political systems and that they substantially influence the democratic capacity and stability of a society. The general hypothesis of the dissertation is the claim that the institutionalization of political parties and the party systems have a positive effect on the stability of political institutions and society on the whole. I am using a regression model in which the indexes of institutionalization of political parties and political systems form the independent variables and the parameters of stability as the dependent variables. These parameters consist of the existing indexes which are used for a ten-year average – which measures the stability of democratic institutions, political stability and absence of violence, government efficiency and government performance and the degree of consensus building., U disertaciji Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ istražuje se nastanak i razvoj političkih partija i partijskih sistema, procesi institucionalizacije partija i institucionalizacije partijskih sistema, kao i njihovi efekti na stabilnost političkih institucija i širu društvenu stabilnost u zemljama bivše SFRJ. Osnovni cilj rada je utvrđivanje stepena institucionalizacije partija i stepena institucionalizacije partijskih sistema i uloga ovih procesa u izgradnji stabilnih i funkcionalnih demokratskih institucija. Studija obuhvata dvadeset osam (28) političkih partija u šest (6) zemalja koje su nastale raspadom SFRJ i koje su krenule u razvoj demokratskih političkih sistema sa uvođenjem višepartizma. Rad se zasniva na teorijskim polazištima koja ova dva procesa institucionalizacije posmatraju kao odvojena, iako veoma bliska s obzirom da političke partije kroz svoje delovanje stvaraju partijski sistem. Naime, institucionalizacija političkih partija je proces koji se vezuje za pojedinačne partije i njihovu stabilnost, dok se institucionalizacija partijskih sistema odnosi na sistem u celini i njegove kapacitete. Za analizu institucionalizacije partija koristi se model od 15 indikatora za svaku pojedinačnu političku partiju, dok se za partijske sisteme koristi model od 8 indikatora iz kojih se dobijaju indeksi institucionalizacije za partije (IPI) i za partijske sisteme (IIPS). Polazna osnova u radu je da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog života u svakom demokratskom političkom sistemu i da njihovo delovanje bitno utiče na demokratske kapacitete i na stabilnost u svakom društvu. Kao generalna hipoteza postavljena je tvrdnja da institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema pozitivno utiču na stabilnost političkih institucija i društva u celini. Uz indekse institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema, kao nezavisne varijable, u regresioni model stavljam parametre stabilnosti, kao zavisne varijable. U tim parametrima su postojeći indeksi za koje pravim desetogodišnji kompozitni skor (prosek) i koji mere stabilnost demokratskih institucija, političku stabilnost i odsustvo nasilja, efikasnost vlade, funkcionisanje vlade i stepen izgradnje konsenzusa.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Institutonalization of parties and party systems in countries of former SFRY, Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_17292"
}

Kovačević, D.. (2020). Institutonalization of parties and party systems in countries of former SFRY. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_17292

Kovačević D. Institutonalization of parties and party systems in countries of former SFRY. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_17292 .

Kovačević, Despot, "Institutonalization of parties and party systems in countries of former SFRY" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_17292 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/797
AB  - Party systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and socio-structural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY
EP  - 377
IS  - 3
SP  - 354
VL  - 62
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2003354K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Party systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and socio-structural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY",
pages = "377-354",
number = "3",
volume = "62",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2003354K"
}

Kovačević, D.. (2020). The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 62(3), 354-377.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2003354K

Kovačević D. The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY. in Sociologija. 2020;62(3):354-377.
doi:10.2298/SOC2003354K .

Kovačević, Despot, "The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY" in Sociologija, 62, no. 3 (2020):354-377,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2003354K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Despot
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/736
AB  - The basic premise of free and fair elections is equal participation and representation of all candidates and candidate lists. Media are crucial in this process, taking into account they go hand in hand with modern democracies. As such, the role of media in promotional activities is regulated by law. The existing legal framework regulating election campaigns requires further improvements, especially in regard to participation of public officials in election campaigns and the use of public resources for these purposes. The engagement of public officials in election campaigns, or promotion, is defined as a "functionary campaign". The year 2012 was a turning point for Serbia in terms of having functionary campaigns and consequently preventing free and fair elections. Until today multiple examples of usage of official capacities for campaign purposes have been reported. This paper defines functionary campaigns and analyses the existing legal provisions related to functionary campaigns in Serbia. While the legal framework requires further improvements what is worrisome is the poor implementation of the provisions in place. This paper also analyses the Government solutions proposed to the National Assembly of Serbia in 2019.
AB  - Osnovna pretpostavka slobodnih i poštenih izbora je ravnopravnost učešća i ravnomerna predstavljenost svih kandidata i izbornih lista. Veoma važan faktor u ovom procesu predstavljaju mediji, s obzirom na to da su savremene demokratije nerazdvojive od medija. Uloga medija u promotivnim aktivnostima političkih partija regulisana je zakonima, ali je u proteklim godinama u Srbiji evidentiran veliki broj propusta. Kao najslabije regulisano polje u izbornim kampanjama jeste pitanje uloge javnih funkcionera i upotrebe javnih resursa u svrhe izborne kampanje. Ovakav vid promocije okarakterisan je kao funkcionerska kampanja, a mediji predstavljaju osnovno sredstvo u razvoju ovog problema. Predmet ovog rada je definisanje funkcionerske kampanje i analiza zakonskih rešenja u oblasti funkcionerske kampanje u Srbiji. Iako je ovaj fenomen poznat i utvrđen i ranije, ovako terminološki označen dobio je nove aspekte u periodu od 2012. godine i istaknut je kao jedan od ključnih problema u održavanju slobodnih i poštenih izbora u Srbiji. U zakonskom okviru uviđa se niz propusta, ali je očigledno da je sprovođenje postojećih zakona, takođe, veoma neefikasno. Funkcionerska kampanja bila je tema i razgovora o izbornim uslovima u Srbiji između vlasti i opozicije. Rad daje i analizu predloga rešenja koje je, 2019. godine, Vlada Srbije predložila Narodnoj skupštini.
PB  - Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - CM: Communication and Media
T1  - The role of media in fair and democratic elections: The problem of a 'functionary campaign' in Serbia
T1  - Uloga medija u slobodnim i poštenim izborima - problem "funkcionerske kampanje" u Srbiji
EP  - 182
IS  - 46
SP  - 153
VL  - 14
DO  - 10.5937/cm14-24355
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Despot",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The basic premise of free and fair elections is equal participation and representation of all candidates and candidate lists. Media are crucial in this process, taking into account they go hand in hand with modern democracies. As such, the role of media in promotional activities is regulated by law. The existing legal framework regulating election campaigns requires further improvements, especially in regard to participation of public officials in election campaigns and the use of public resources for these purposes. The engagement of public officials in election campaigns, or promotion, is defined as a "functionary campaign". The year 2012 was a turning point for Serbia in terms of having functionary campaigns and consequently preventing free and fair elections. Until today multiple examples of usage of official capacities for campaign purposes have been reported. This paper defines functionary campaigns and analyses the existing legal provisions related to functionary campaigns in Serbia. While the legal framework requires further improvements what is worrisome is the poor implementation of the provisions in place. This paper also analyses the Government solutions proposed to the National Assembly of Serbia in 2019., Osnovna pretpostavka slobodnih i poštenih izbora je ravnopravnost učešća i ravnomerna predstavljenost svih kandidata i izbornih lista. Veoma važan faktor u ovom procesu predstavljaju mediji, s obzirom na to da su savremene demokratije nerazdvojive od medija. Uloga medija u promotivnim aktivnostima političkih partija regulisana je zakonima, ali je u proteklim godinama u Srbiji evidentiran veliki broj propusta. Kao najslabije regulisano polje u izbornim kampanjama jeste pitanje uloge javnih funkcionera i upotrebe javnih resursa u svrhe izborne kampanje. Ovakav vid promocije okarakterisan je kao funkcionerska kampanja, a mediji predstavljaju osnovno sredstvo u razvoju ovog problema. Predmet ovog rada je definisanje funkcionerske kampanje i analiza zakonskih rešenja u oblasti funkcionerske kampanje u Srbiji. Iako je ovaj fenomen poznat i utvrđen i ranije, ovako terminološki označen dobio je nove aspekte u periodu od 2012. godine i istaknut je kao jedan od ključnih problema u održavanju slobodnih i poštenih izbora u Srbiji. U zakonskom okviru uviđa se niz propusta, ali je očigledno da je sprovođenje postojećih zakona, takođe, veoma neefikasno. Funkcionerska kampanja bila je tema i razgovora o izbornim uslovima u Srbiji između vlasti i opozicije. Rad daje i analizu predloga rešenja koje je, 2019. godine, Vlada Srbije predložila Narodnoj skupštini.",
publisher = "Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "CM: Communication and Media",
title = "The role of media in fair and democratic elections: The problem of a 'functionary campaign' in Serbia, Uloga medija u slobodnim i poštenim izborima - problem "funkcionerske kampanje" u Srbiji",
pages = "182-153",
number = "46",
volume = "14",
doi = "10.5937/cm14-24355"
}

Kovačević, D.. (2019). The role of media in fair and democratic elections: The problem of a 'functionary campaign' in Serbia. in CM: Communication and Media
Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 14(46), 153-182.
https://doi.org/10.5937/cm14-24355

Kovačević D. The role of media in fair and democratic elections: The problem of a 'functionary campaign' in Serbia. in CM: Communication and Media. 2019;14(46):153-182.
doi:10.5937/cm14-24355 .

Kovačević, Despot, "The role of media in fair and democratic elections: The problem of a 'functionary campaign' in Serbia" in CM: Communication and Media, 14, no. 46 (2019):153-182,
https://doi.org/10.5937/cm14-24355 . .