TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1081
AB  - Recent literature suggests that the competitive authoritarian regimes emerging in the twenty-first century are more subtle and nuanced in comparison to the old regimes of the 1990s. Aiming to understand these differences in greater depth, this article explores how new competitive authoritarian regimes react to mass protests. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, a country where protests have been widespread both during the old regime of the 1990s and the current regime. Analysing five protests waves in the past decade, we were able to identify three dominant strategic interactions of the regime with the protests, all of which contrast significantly with those employed by the old regime. First, in contrast to protest bans and oppression mechanisms used by the old regime, the new regime tends to allow, and strategically ignore protests. Second, while in the past police violence was widespread, there is an apparent police absence from the protests nowadays. Finally, there is a clear difference in the ways the two regimes portray the “Others”. While in the 1990s the international enemies were clearly identified and explicitly evoked, the new regime tends to make vague and contradictory claims about diverse but unspecific international and regional enemies behind protests.
T2  - Democratization
T1  - Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism
EP  - 1399
IS  - 7
SP  - 1380
VL  - 30
DO  - 10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Recent literature suggests that the competitive authoritarian regimes emerging in the twenty-first century are more subtle and nuanced in comparison to the old regimes of the 1990s. Aiming to understand these differences in greater depth, this article explores how new competitive authoritarian regimes react to mass protests. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, a country where protests have been widespread both during the old regime of the 1990s and the current regime. Analysing five protests waves in the past decade, we were able to identify three dominant strategic interactions of the regime with the protests, all of which contrast significantly with those employed by the old regime. First, in contrast to protest bans and oppression mechanisms used by the old regime, the new regime tends to allow, and strategically ignore protests. Second, while in the past police violence was widespread, there is an apparent police absence from the protests nowadays. Finally, there is a clear difference in the ways the two regimes portray the “Others”. While in the 1990s the international enemies were clearly identified and explicitly evoked, the new regime tends to make vague and contradictory claims about diverse but unspecific international and regional enemies behind protests.",
journal = "Democratization",
title = "Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism",
pages = "1399-1380",
number = "7",
volume = "30",
doi = "10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614"
}

Spasojević, D.,& Lončar, J.. (2023). Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism. in Democratization, 30(7), 1380-1399.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614

Spasojević D, Lončar J. Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism. in Democratization. 2023;30(7):1380-1399.
doi:10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614 .

Spasojević, Dušan, Lončar, Jelena, "Facing protests in Serbia: patterns of new competitive authoritarianism" in Democratization, 30, no. 7 (2023):1380-1399,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2238614 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1106
AB  - This article investigates the effects of Serbian semi-presidentialism and the proportional
representation electoral system on democratic performances. Both electoral and political systems
provide incentives for power-sharing mechanisms and the pluralistic character of the party system.
However, in situations when one party becomes much stronger and predominant, there is a
growing probability for the presidentialization of politics and excessive centralization of power
that might lead to competitive authoritarianism. I am analysing three such cases from different
periods – Milošević regime (1990–2000), the first transitional decade (2000–2012) and the return
of the old regime (2012–2020) in order to identify causes of democratic crises that are embedded
in institutional design.
PB  - Thousand Oaks : SAGE
T2  - Political Studies Review
T1  - Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines
EP  - 14
IS  - 4
IS  - 1
VL  - 20
DO  - 10.1177/14789299211056197
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This article investigates the effects of Serbian semi-presidentialism and the proportional
representation electoral system on democratic performances. Both electoral and political systems
provide incentives for power-sharing mechanisms and the pluralistic character of the party system.
However, in situations when one party becomes much stronger and predominant, there is a
growing probability for the presidentialization of politics and excessive centralization of power
that might lead to competitive authoritarianism. I am analysing three such cases from different
periods – Milošević regime (1990–2000), the first transitional decade (2000–2012) and the return
of the old regime (2012–2020) in order to identify causes of democratic crises that are embedded
in institutional design.",
publisher = "Thousand Oaks : SAGE",
journal = "Political Studies Review",
title = "Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines",
pages = "14",
number = "4, 1",
volume = "20",
doi = "10.1177/14789299211056197"
}

Spasojević, D.. (2022). Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines. in Political Studies Review
Thousand Oaks : SAGE., 20(4).
https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299211056197

Spasojević D. Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines. in Political Studies Review. 2022;20(4):null-14.
doi:10.1177/14789299211056197 .

Spasojević, Dušan, "Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines" in Political Studies Review, 20, no. 4 (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299211056197 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1033
AB  - U ovom radu analiziramo proces (političkog) predstavljanja iz ugla simbola kao subjekata reprezentacije. Fokusirajući se na slučaj protesta Bukom protiv diktature održanog širom Srbije na proleće 2020. godine, istražujemo kako simboli zauzimaju ulogu predstavnika, kako se kreiraju i menjaju značenja simbola i kako ovi procesi utiču na kreiranje identiteta predstavljenih, nas i Drugih. Za razliku od tradicionalnog politikološkog razumevanja simboličkog predstavljanja
kao statičnog i pasivnog, u radu pokazujemo da su značenja simbola promenjiva, da nastaju i menjaju se kao rezultat odnosa moći, ubeđivanja i osporavanja. Koristeći metodu analize predstavničkih tvrdnji, simboličko predstavljanje tokom građanskih protesta analiziramo kroz medijsko izveštavanje o protestu na podacima prikupljenim u vodećim dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama u periodu od 24.04. do 08.05.2020. godine. Rad predstavlja doprinos novijoj literaturi o predstavljanju koja političko predstavljanje vidi kao dinamičnu i relacionu aktivnost koja se odigrava ne samo u formalnim predstavničkim institucijama, već i u civilnom društvu.
PB  - Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje
EP  - 247
IS  - 2
SP  - 227
VL  - LXIV
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2202227L
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lončar, Jelena and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U ovom radu analiziramo proces (političkog) predstavljanja iz ugla simbola kao subjekata reprezentacije. Fokusirajući se na slučaj protesta Bukom protiv diktature održanog širom Srbije na proleće 2020. godine, istražujemo kako simboli zauzimaju ulogu predstavnika, kako se kreiraju i menjaju značenja simbola i kako ovi procesi utiču na kreiranje identiteta predstavljenih, nas i Drugih. Za razliku od tradicionalnog politikološkog razumevanja simboličkog predstavljanja
kao statičnog i pasivnog, u radu pokazujemo da su značenja simbola promenjiva, da nastaju i menjaju se kao rezultat odnosa moći, ubeđivanja i osporavanja. Koristeći metodu analize predstavničkih tvrdnji, simboličko predstavljanje tokom građanskih protesta analiziramo kroz medijsko izveštavanje o protestu na podacima prikupljenim u vodećim dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama u periodu od 24.04. do 08.05.2020. godine. Rad predstavlja doprinos novijoj literaturi o predstavljanju koja političko predstavljanje vidi kao dinamičnu i relacionu aktivnost koja se odigrava ne samo u formalnim predstavničkim institucijama, već i u civilnom društvu.",
publisher = "Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje",
pages = "247-227",
number = "2",
volume = "LXIV",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2202227L"
}

Lončar, J.,& Spasojević, D.. (2021). Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje. in Sociologija
Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije : Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu., LXIV(2), 227-247.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2202227L

Lončar J, Spasojević D. Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje. in Sociologija. 2021;LXIV(2):227-247.
doi:10.2298/SOC2202227L .

Lončar, Jelena, Spasojević, Dušan, "Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje" in Sociologija, LXIV, no. 2 (2021):227-247,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2202227L . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1107
PB  - London : Palgrave Macmillan
T2  - Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences
T1  - Rising Expectations and Centralizing Power: Party Leaders in Serbia
EP  - 240
SP  - 219
DO  - 10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_10
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2020",
publisher = "London : Palgrave Macmillan",
journal = "Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences",
booktitle = "Rising Expectations and Centralizing Power: Party Leaders in Serbia",
pages = "240-219",
doi = "10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_10"
}

Spasojević, D.. (2020). Rising Expectations and Centralizing Power: Party Leaders in Serbia. in Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences
London : Palgrave Macmillan., 219-240.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_10

Spasojević D. Rising Expectations and Centralizing Power: Party Leaders in Serbia. in Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences. 2020;:219-240.
doi:10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_10 .

Spasojević, Dušan, "Rising Expectations and Centralizing Power: Party Leaders in Serbia" in Party Leaders in Eastern Europe: Personality, Behavior and Consequences (2020):219-240,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_10 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Stanyer, J.
AU  - Salgado, S.
AU  - Bobba, G.
AU  - Hajzer, G.
AU  - Nicolas Hopmann, D.
AU  - Hubé, N.
AU  - Merkovity, N.
AU  - Özerim, G.
AU  - Papathanassopoulos, S.
AU  - Sanders, K.B.
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Vochocová, L.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/715
AB  - This chapter for the first time shows how journalists react to populist politicians and movements and what they think about them. It examines the reactions of journalists in serious and popular media to the presence of populism in 13 countries. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with around 50 journalists, the chapter explores popular definitions of populism; reasons for popularity; issues related to populism; consequences of populism; and perceptions of media support for populism. The research shows that while journalists do not agree on a single definition of populism, they see the phenomenon as a negative force with detrimental consequences for European democracies. Journalists identify a number of reasons for the rise of populism; most often mentioned are immigration and economic issues, alongside the effective communication of populist politicians. There are no strong regional patterns of perceptions of populism nor systematic differences between journalists from different types of media outlets. Rather, there are commonalities in more general perceptions of populism that cross nations and differences in more specific questions that point to the relevance of specific national experiences, situations, and circumstances.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - Communicating Populism: Comparing Actor Perceptions, Media Coverage, and Effects on Citizens in Euro
T1  - Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews
EP  - 50
SP  - 34
DO  - 10.4324/9780429402067-3
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Stanyer, J. and Salgado, S. and Bobba, G. and Hajzer, G. and Nicolas Hopmann, D. and Hubé, N. and Merkovity, N. and Özerim, G. and Papathanassopoulos, S. and Sanders, K.B. and Spasojević, Dušan and Vochocová, L.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This chapter for the first time shows how journalists react to populist politicians and movements and what they think about them. It examines the reactions of journalists in serious and popular media to the presence of populism in 13 countries. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with around 50 journalists, the chapter explores popular definitions of populism; reasons for popularity; issues related to populism; consequences of populism; and perceptions of media support for populism. The research shows that while journalists do not agree on a single definition of populism, they see the phenomenon as a negative force with detrimental consequences for European democracies. Journalists identify a number of reasons for the rise of populism; most often mentioned are immigration and economic issues, alongside the effective communication of populist politicians. There are no strong regional patterns of perceptions of populism nor systematic differences between journalists from different types of media outlets. Rather, there are commonalities in more general perceptions of populism that cross nations and differences in more specific questions that point to the relevance of specific national experiences, situations, and circumstances.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "Communicating Populism: Comparing Actor Perceptions, Media Coverage, and Effects on Citizens in Euro",
booktitle = "Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews",
pages = "50-34",
doi = "10.4324/9780429402067-3"
}

Stanyer, J., Salgado, S., Bobba, G., Hajzer, G., Nicolas Hopmann, D., Hubé, N., Merkovity, N., Özerim, G., Papathanassopoulos, S., Sanders, K.B., Spasojević, D.,& Vochocová, L.. (2019). Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews. in Communicating Populism: Comparing Actor Perceptions, Media Coverage, and Effects on Citizens in Euro
Taylor and Francis., 34-50.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429402067-3

Stanyer J, Salgado S, Bobba G, Hajzer G, Nicolas Hopmann D, Hubé N, Merkovity N, Özerim G, Papathanassopoulos S, Sanders K, Spasojević D, Vochocová L. Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews. in Communicating Populism: Comparing Actor Perceptions, Media Coverage, and Effects on Citizens in Euro. 2019;:34-50.
doi:10.4324/9780429402067-3 .

Stanyer, J., Salgado, S., Bobba, G., Hajzer, G., Nicolas Hopmann, D., Hubé, N., Merkovity, N., Özerim, G., Papathanassopoulos, S., Sanders, K.B., Spasojević, Dušan, Vochocová, L., "Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews" in Communicating Populism: Comparing Actor Perceptions, Media Coverage, and Effects on Citizens in Euro (2019):34-50,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429402067-3 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/703
AB  - Serbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.
PB  - Sciendo
T2  - Politics in Central Europe
T1  - Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008
EP  - 162
IS  - 1
SP  - 139
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.2478/pce-2019-0006
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Serbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.",
publisher = "Sciendo",
journal = "Politics in Central Europe",
title = "Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008",
pages = "162-139",
number = "1",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.2478/pce-2019-0006"
}

Spasojević, D.,& Spasojević, D.. (2019). Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008. in Politics in Central Europe
Sciendo., 15(1), 139-162.
https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0006

Spasojević D, Spasojević D. Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008. in Politics in Central Europe. 2019;15(1):139-162.
doi:10.2478/pce-2019-0006 .

Spasojević, Dušan, Spasojević, Dušan, "Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008" in Politics in Central Europe, 15, no. 1 (2019):139-162,
https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0006 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Stojiljković, Zoran
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/665
AB  - In this paper we analyze the influence of populist ideas on the emergence and organization of new political parties in Serbia after the elections in 2007 and 2008. These elections represent the turning point in the development of the party system because only after the pro-European consensus among Democrats and Socialists was formed, the division within Serbian Radical Party occurred and the ideological space occupied by the relevant parties has narrowed. On the other hand, high level of distrust in politics among the citizens and lowering of the state of democracy facilitate the emergence of new actors who are, almost by rule, under the influence of the growing wave of populism in the world. In this paper, we apply the ideational approach to populism and, using the new actors as example, we aim to identify ideological and organizational variations which can develop under the influence of populism, as well as differences which emerge from the interpretation of populism in Serbia compared to some other countries.
PB  - Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb
T2  - Politička misao
T1  - The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia
EP  - 128
IS  - 3
SP  - 104
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.20901/pm.55.3.04
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Stojiljković, Zoran and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In this paper we analyze the influence of populist ideas on the emergence and organization of new political parties in Serbia after the elections in 2007 and 2008. These elections represent the turning point in the development of the party system because only after the pro-European consensus among Democrats and Socialists was formed, the division within Serbian Radical Party occurred and the ideological space occupied by the relevant parties has narrowed. On the other hand, high level of distrust in politics among the citizens and lowering of the state of democracy facilitate the emergence of new actors who are, almost by rule, under the influence of the growing wave of populism in the world. In this paper, we apply the ideational approach to populism and, using the new actors as example, we aim to identify ideological and organizational variations which can develop under the influence of populism, as well as differences which emerge from the interpretation of populism in Serbia compared to some other countries.",
publisher = "Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb",
journal = "Politička misao",
title = "The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia",
pages = "128-104",
number = "3",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.20901/pm.55.3.04"
}

Stojiljković, Z.,& Spasojević, D.. (2018). The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia. in Politička misao
Sveuciliste & Zagrebu, Fak Politickih Znanosti, Zagreb., 55(3), 104-128.
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04

Stojiljković Z, Spasojević D. The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia. in Politička misao. 2018;55(3):104-128.
doi:10.20901/pm.55.3.04 .

Stojiljković, Zoran, Spasojević, Dušan, "The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia" in Politička misao, 55, no. 3 (2018):104-128,
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/660
AB  - In this paper we are investigating the political and social effects of Montenegro joining NATO. This issue is highly controversial and follows the political divisions in Montenegro, which motivated us to apply social cleavage theory. As method, we applied logistic regression clustered for standard error. We found that besides socio-demographic variables (ethnic division between Montenegrins and Serbs), the main line of the cleavage indicated by support of, or opposition to NATO membership falls along the issues of the independence of Montenegro, its relationship with the EU vs. Russia, as well as the attitude toward political power and party identification. (C) 2018 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
PB  - Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford
T2  - Communist and Post-Communist Studies
T1  - Montenegro, NATO and the divided society
EP  - 150
IS  - 2
SP  - 139
VL  - 51
DO  - 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In this paper we are investigating the political and social effects of Montenegro joining NATO. This issue is highly controversial and follows the political divisions in Montenegro, which motivated us to apply social cleavage theory. As method, we applied logistic regression clustered for standard error. We found that besides socio-demographic variables (ethnic division between Montenegrins and Serbs), the main line of the cleavage indicated by support of, or opposition to NATO membership falls along the issues of the independence of Montenegro, its relationship with the EU vs. Russia, as well as the attitude toward political power and party identification. (C) 2018 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.",
publisher = "Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford",
journal = "Communist and Post-Communist Studies",
title = "Montenegro, NATO and the divided society",
pages = "150-139",
number = "2",
volume = "51",
doi = "10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006"
}

Bešić, M. Lj.,& Spasojević, D.. (2018). Montenegro, NATO and the divided society. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford., 51(2), 139-150.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006

Bešić ML, Spasojević D. Montenegro, NATO and the divided society. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 2018;51(2):139-150.
doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006 .

Bešić, Miloš Lj., Spasojević, Dušan, "Montenegro, NATO and the divided society" in Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 51, no. 2 (2018):139-150,
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/550
PB  - University of Pittsburgh Press
T2  - Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences
T1  - Serbian political parties and the Kosovo question
EP  - 129
SP  - 106
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_550
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2016",
publisher = "University of Pittsburgh Press",
journal = "Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences",
booktitle = "Serbian political parties and the Kosovo question",
pages = "129-106",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_550"
}

Spasojević, D.. (2016). Serbian political parties and the Kosovo question. in Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences
University of Pittsburgh Press., 106-129.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_550

Spasojević D. Serbian political parties and the Kosovo question. in Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences. 2016;:106-129.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_550 .

Spasojević, Dušan, "Serbian political parties and the Kosovo question" in Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences (2016):106-129,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_550 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Kleut, Jelena
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/531
AB  - The concept of monitory democracy, put forward by John Keane, is used to explain the post-representative phase of democracy. Monitory democracy reflects current democratic developments and the growing importance of oversight mechanisms that are developed within civil society spheres and state domains alike. Using this concept as a starting point, and by further situating it in the current political situation and transitional democracy, this paper provides case studies of two web-based monitory democracy actors in Serbia: whistle-blower website Pistaljka.rs and fact-checking website Istinomer.rs. With a reference to the analysis of the websites' content and interactive options, and interviews with editors of Pistaljka.rs and Istinomer.rs, the salient questions to be addressed are: How do the websites promote and facilitate citizen participation using the affordances of new media? How do they conceptualize their roles in relation to citizens, public authorities and mass media? What are the characteristics of monitory initiatives arising from a transitional, post-communist framework?
PB  - Peter Lang AG
T2  - Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
T1  - Monitory democracy online: A case study of two Serbian civic initiatives
EP  - 195
SP  - 177
VL  - 4
DO  - 10.3726/978-3-653-04452-2
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Kleut, Jelena and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The concept of monitory democracy, put forward by John Keane, is used to explain the post-representative phase of democracy. Monitory democracy reflects current democratic developments and the growing importance of oversight mechanisms that are developed within civil society spheres and state domains alike. Using this concept as a starting point, and by further situating it in the current political situation and transitional democracy, this paper provides case studies of two web-based monitory democracy actors in Serbia: whistle-blower website Pistaljka.rs and fact-checking website Istinomer.rs. With a reference to the analysis of the websites' content and interactive options, and interviews with editors of Pistaljka.rs and Istinomer.rs, the salient questions to be addressed are: How do the websites promote and facilitate citizen participation using the affordances of new media? How do they conceptualize their roles in relation to citizens, public authorities and mass media? What are the characteristics of monitory initiatives arising from a transitional, post-communist framework?",
publisher = "Peter Lang AG",
journal = "Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On",
booktitle = "Monitory democracy online: A case study of two Serbian civic initiatives",
pages = "195-177",
volume = "4",
doi = "10.3726/978-3-653-04452-2"
}

Kleut, J.,& Spasojević, D.. (2015). Monitory democracy online: A case study of two Serbian civic initiatives. in Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On
Peter Lang AG., 4, 177-195.
https://doi.org/10.3726/978-3-653-04452-2

Kleut J, Spasojević D. Monitory democracy online: A case study of two Serbian civic initiatives. in Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On. 2015;4:177-195.
doi:10.3726/978-3-653-04452-2 .

Kleut, Jelena, Spasojević, Dušan, "Monitory democracy online: A case study of two Serbian civic initiatives" in Democracy and Media in Central and Eastern Europe 25 Years On, 4 (2015):177-195,
https://doi.org/10.3726/978-3-653-04452-2 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
AU  - Kleut, Jelena
AU  - Branković, Jelena
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/344
AB  - The expectations that the society and its different segments have from the university are influenced by historical circumstances and social, economic, political and cultural environment as the widest context within which the university interacts with its surroundings. Having this in mind, this paper aims to identify and analyze the explicit and implicit needs articulated by different social actors towards Serbian universities. This is done with an understanding that these needs arise in the context of comprehensive and deep social (economic, cultural, political) transition. The ‘third mission’ of the university, which includes the university participation in economic development as well as in building the civil society and democratic values, is considered to be especially important in the transition period. However, this mission is least present in practice given the fact that Serbian universities are so overburdened by other new roles in scientific research and education that they do not manage to systematically and strategically formulate their tasks within this new mission.
AB  - Očekivanja koje društvo i različiti segmenti društva imaju od univerziteta uslovljena su istorijskim okolnostima i društvenim, ekonomskim, političkim i kulturnim ambijentom kao najširim kontekstom unutar kog univerzitet stupa u interakcije sa okruženjem. Imajući ovo u vidu, u radu se uočavaju i analiziraju eksplicitne i implicitne potrebe koje različiti društveni akteri artikulišu prema univerzitetima u Srbiji, uz razumevanje da ove potrebe nastaju u okolnostima sveobuhvatne i duboke društvene (ekonomske, kulturne, političke) tranzicije. Konstatuje se da je 'treća misija' univerziteta, koja se ogleda u učešću univerziteta u ekonomskom razvoju i u izgradnji civilnog društva i demokratskih vrednosti, posebno važna u tranzicionom periodu. Međutim, ona je najmanje zastupljena pošto su univerziteti previše opterećeni drugim novim zadacima u nauci i nastavi da bi sistematično i strateški formulisali svoju ulogu u okviru ove nove misije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - Social changes, the Bologna process and the 'third mission' of Serbian Universities
T1  - Društvene promene, Bolonjski proces i treća misija Univerziteta u Srbiji
EP  - 1172
IS  - 3
SP  - 1157
VL  - 36
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_344
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan and Kleut, Jelena and Branković, Jelena",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The expectations that the society and its different segments have from the university are influenced by historical circumstances and social, economic, political and cultural environment as the widest context within which the university interacts with its surroundings. Having this in mind, this paper aims to identify and analyze the explicit and implicit needs articulated by different social actors towards Serbian universities. This is done with an understanding that these needs arise in the context of comprehensive and deep social (economic, cultural, political) transition. The ‘third mission’ of the university, which includes the university participation in economic development as well as in building the civil society and democratic values, is considered to be especially important in the transition period. However, this mission is least present in practice given the fact that Serbian universities are so overburdened by other new roles in scientific research and education that they do not manage to systematically and strategically formulate their tasks within this new mission., Očekivanja koje društvo i različiti segmenti društva imaju od univerziteta uslovljena su istorijskim okolnostima i društvenim, ekonomskim, političkim i kulturnim ambijentom kao najširim kontekstom unutar kog univerzitet stupa u interakcije sa okruženjem. Imajući ovo u vidu, u radu se uočavaju i analiziraju eksplicitne i implicitne potrebe koje različiti društveni akteri artikulišu prema univerzitetima u Srbiji, uz razumevanje da ove potrebe nastaju u okolnostima sveobuhvatne i duboke društvene (ekonomske, kulturne, političke) tranzicije. Konstatuje se da je 'treća misija' univerziteta, koja se ogleda u učešću univerziteta u ekonomskom razvoju i u izgradnji civilnog društva i demokratskih vrednosti, posebno važna u tranzicionom periodu. Međutim, ona je najmanje zastupljena pošto su univerziteti previše opterećeni drugim novim zadacima u nauci i nastavi da bi sistematično i strateški formulisali svoju ulogu u okviru ove nove misije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "Social changes, the Bologna process and the 'third mission' of Serbian Universities, Društvene promene, Bolonjski proces i treća misija Univerziteta u Srbiji",
pages = "1172-1157",
number = "3",
volume = "36",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_344"
}

Spasojević, D., Kleut, J.,& Branković, J.. (2012). Social changes, the Bologna process and the 'third mission' of Serbian Universities. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 36(3), 1157-1172.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_344

Spasojević D, Kleut J, Branković J. Social changes, the Bologna process and the 'third mission' of Serbian Universities. in Teme. 2012;36(3):1157-1172.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_344 .

Spasojević, Dušan, Kleut, Jelena, Branković, Jelena, "Social changes, the Bologna process and the 'third mission' of Serbian Universities" in Teme, 36, no. 3 (2012):1157-1172,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_344 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/312
AB  - This paper is addressing the dynamic aspect of political cleavages in Serbia after the fall of Milosevic regime. Our approach integrates political cleavages theories with theories on party system dynamics and explains the fundamental change in Serbian party and political scene that happened after presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008. Our argument is that these elections finally created the conditions for deepening and further development of electoral democracy in Serbia.
AB  - Predmet ovog istraživanja je dinamički aspekt političkih rascepa u Srbiji nakon pada Miloševićevog režima. Tekst integriše teorije političkih (socijalnih) rascepa sa teorijama (dinamike) partijskih sistema i objašnjava zašto je krajem prve decenije 21. veka došlo do prekompozicije unutar političke i partijske scene u Srbiji nakon predsedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora 2008. godine. U tekstu tvrdimo da su se tek nakon 2008. stvorili uslovi za produbljivanje i dalji razvoj izborne demokratije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Deblocked transition
T1  - Odblokirana tranzicija - političke podele u Srbiji nakon 2000. godine
EP  - 137
IS  - 5
SP  - 119
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper is addressing the dynamic aspect of political cleavages in Serbia after the fall of Milosevic regime. Our approach integrates political cleavages theories with theories on party system dynamics and explains the fundamental change in Serbian party and political scene that happened after presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008. Our argument is that these elections finally created the conditions for deepening and further development of electoral democracy in Serbia., Predmet ovog istraživanja je dinamički aspekt političkih rascepa u Srbiji nakon pada Miloševićevog režima. Tekst integriše teorije političkih (socijalnih) rascepa sa teorijama (dinamike) partijskih sistema i objašnjava zašto je krajem prve decenije 21. veka došlo do prekompozicije unutar političke i partijske scene u Srbiji nakon predsedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora 2008. godine. U tekstu tvrdimo da su se tek nakon 2008. stvorili uslovi za produbljivanje i dalji razvoj izborne demokratije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Deblocked transition, Odblokirana tranzicija - političke podele u Srbiji nakon 2000. godine",
pages = "137-119",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312"
}

Spasojević, D.. (2011). Deblocked transition. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 119-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312

Spasojević D. Deblocked transition. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):119-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312 .

Spasojević, Dušan, "Deblocked transition" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):119-137,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312 .