TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/492
AB  - This paper deals with the empirical-explanatory analysis of contemporary global phenomenon known as suicide bombing terrorism. Suicide bombings are one of the ways to fight asymmetric warfare by Islamist terrorist organizations. Suicide attacks are the most virulent and terrifying form of terrorism in the modern world. In addition to the analysis of the preparation, implementation and direct consequences of these attacks, this paper is focused on the inevitable theological, and also psycho-social, dimension of actors in suicidal activities. The paper includes also a detailed analysis of other causes that bring young Muslims to make the decision to resort to the execution of these types of terrorist activities, thereby giving them a new dimension in relation to their historical predecessors.
AB  - Ovaj rad se bavi empirijsko-eksplikativnom analizom savremenog globalnog fenomena koji je poznat pod nazivom suicidni bombaški terorizam. Samoubilački bombaški napadi predstavljaju jedan od načina borbe u uslovima asimetričnog ratovanja od strane islamističkih terorističkih organizacija. Suicidni napadi jesu najvirulentniji i zastrašujući oblik terorizma u savremenom svetu. Pored analize pripreme, realizacije i direktnih posledica tih napada, predmet proučavanja ovog rada usmeren je na nezaobilaznu teološku, ali i psiho-socijalnu dimenziju aktera u samoubilačkim aktivnostima. Rad obuhvata podrobnu analizu i drugih uzroka koji mlade muslimane navode na odluku da pribegnu izvršenju tih vrsta terorističkih aktivnosti, dajući im pri tom novu dimenziju u odnosu na njihove istorijske prethodnike.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Suicide bombings by Islamist terrorist organizations
T1  - Suicidni bombaški napadi islamističkih terorističkih organizacija
EP  - 300
IS  - 2
SP  - 288
VL  - 66
DO  - 10.5937/vojdelo1402288k
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "This paper deals with the empirical-explanatory analysis of contemporary global phenomenon known as suicide bombing terrorism. Suicide bombings are one of the ways to fight asymmetric warfare by Islamist terrorist organizations. Suicide attacks are the most virulent and terrifying form of terrorism in the modern world. In addition to the analysis of the preparation, implementation and direct consequences of these attacks, this paper is focused on the inevitable theological, and also psycho-social, dimension of actors in suicidal activities. The paper includes also a detailed analysis of other causes that bring young Muslims to make the decision to resort to the execution of these types of terrorist activities, thereby giving them a new dimension in relation to their historical predecessors., Ovaj rad se bavi empirijsko-eksplikativnom analizom savremenog globalnog fenomena koji je poznat pod nazivom suicidni bombaški terorizam. Samoubilački bombaški napadi predstavljaju jedan od načina borbe u uslovima asimetričnog ratovanja od strane islamističkih terorističkih organizacija. Suicidni napadi jesu najvirulentniji i zastrašujući oblik terorizma u savremenom svetu. Pored analize pripreme, realizacije i direktnih posledica tih napada, predmet proučavanja ovog rada usmeren je na nezaobilaznu teološku, ali i psiho-socijalnu dimenziju aktera u samoubilačkim aktivnostima. Rad obuhvata podrobnu analizu i drugih uzroka koji mlade muslimane navode na odluku da pribegnu izvršenju tih vrsta terorističkih aktivnosti, dajući im pri tom novu dimenziju u odnosu na njihove istorijske prethodnike.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Suicide bombings by Islamist terrorist organizations, Suicidni bombaški napadi islamističkih terorističkih organizacija",
pages = "300-288",
number = "2",
volume = "66",
doi = "10.5937/vojdelo1402288k"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2014). Suicide bombings by Islamist terrorist organizations. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 66(2), 288-300.
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1402288k

Krstić ZŽ. Suicide bombings by Islamist terrorist organizations. in Vojno delo. 2014;66(2):288-300.
doi:10.5937/vojdelo1402288k .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Suicide bombings by Islamist terrorist organizations" in Vojno delo, 66, no. 2 (2014):288-300,
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1402288k . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/484
AB  - Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.
AB  - Autor u ovom radu analizira bezbednosne izazove i rizike u savremenom političkom sistemu Meksika u kontekstu postojanja i delovanja para-poretka oličenog u moćnim narkokartelima. Predmet proučavanja obuhvata kontekstualnu analizu meksičkih političkih institucija i države, s jedne strane, i sistemsku analizu organizacione mreže narkokartela, s druge strane. Tekst se sastoji od pet dela. U prvom delu autor daje kratak istorijski osvrt na korene problema, odnosno puteve i kanale droge u Meksiku. Drugi deo posvećen je analizi uloge, uticaja i značaja Institucionalne revolucionarne partije (PRI) koja je vladala Meksikom u kontinuitetu 70 godina, od 1929. do 2000. godine. Spregom sa narkokartelima i državnim strukturama PRI je uspevala da metodama mita i korupcije nametne specifičnu autoritarnu paradignu vladanja i omnipotentne kontrole nad celokupnim političkim i društvenim životom u zemlji. U trećem i četvrtom delu rada autor daje uporedni prikaz strukture i metode delovanja narkokartela u Meksiku i Kolumbiji i iznosi podatke koji pokazuju neke sličnosti, ali i razlike u pogledu strategije borbe protiv narkokartelizma. Peti deo rada fokusiran je na prirodu i karakter meksičke demokratije koja poprima odlike defektne i domenske demokratije sa ozbiljnim tendencijama ka etabliranju svojevrsne narkodemokratije.
PB  - Kriminalističko-policijski univerzitet, Beograd
T2  - Nauka, bezbednost, policija (NBP)
T1  - Contemporary security challenges in Mexico: Connection between the state and drug cartels
T1  - Savremeni, bezbednosni izazovi u Meksiku - sprega države sa narkokartelima
EP  - 56
IS  - 2
SP  - 41
DO  - 10.5937/NBP1402041K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US., Autor u ovom radu analizira bezbednosne izazove i rizike u savremenom političkom sistemu Meksika u kontekstu postojanja i delovanja para-poretka oličenog u moćnim narkokartelima. Predmet proučavanja obuhvata kontekstualnu analizu meksičkih političkih institucija i države, s jedne strane, i sistemsku analizu organizacione mreže narkokartela, s druge strane. Tekst se sastoji od pet dela. U prvom delu autor daje kratak istorijski osvrt na korene problema, odnosno puteve i kanale droge u Meksiku. Drugi deo posvećen je analizi uloge, uticaja i značaja Institucionalne revolucionarne partije (PRI) koja je vladala Meksikom u kontinuitetu 70 godina, od 1929. do 2000. godine. Spregom sa narkokartelima i državnim strukturama PRI je uspevala da metodama mita i korupcije nametne specifičnu autoritarnu paradignu vladanja i omnipotentne kontrole nad celokupnim političkim i društvenim životom u zemlji. U trećem i četvrtom delu rada autor daje uporedni prikaz strukture i metode delovanja narkokartela u Meksiku i Kolumbiji i iznosi podatke koji pokazuju neke sličnosti, ali i razlike u pogledu strategije borbe protiv narkokartelizma. Peti deo rada fokusiran je na prirodu i karakter meksičke demokratije koja poprima odlike defektne i domenske demokratije sa ozbiljnim tendencijama ka etabliranju svojevrsne narkodemokratije.",
publisher = "Kriminalističko-policijski univerzitet, Beograd",
journal = "Nauka, bezbednost, policija (NBP)",
title = "Contemporary security challenges in Mexico: Connection between the state and drug cartels, Savremeni, bezbednosni izazovi u Meksiku - sprega države sa narkokartelima",
pages = "56-41",
number = "2",
doi = "10.5937/NBP1402041K"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2014). Contemporary security challenges in Mexico: Connection between the state and drug cartels. in Nauka, bezbednost, policija (NBP)
Kriminalističko-policijski univerzitet, Beograd.(2), 41-56.
https://doi.org/10.5937/NBP1402041K

Krstić ZŽ. Contemporary security challenges in Mexico: Connection between the state and drug cartels. in Nauka, bezbednost, policija (NBP). 2014;(2):41-56.
doi:10.5937/NBP1402041K .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Contemporary security challenges in Mexico: Connection between the state and drug cartels" in Nauka, bezbednost, policija (NBP), no. 2 (2014):41-56,
https://doi.org/10.5937/NBP1402041K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/459
AB  - The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Perón in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Perón's demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Perón, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society.
AB  - Predmet analize u ovom radu jeste proučavanje nastanka i razvoja fenomena peronizam, najvažnijeg političkog pokreta i ideologije u Argentini, možda i u celoj Latinskoj Americi, u XX veku. Cilj rada je da se peronizam predstavi kao politički pokret koji je nastao za vreme Huana Dominga Perona sredinom prošlog veka, ali pokret koji je nastavio da egzistira, traje i posle odlaska sa političke scene Perona. Vremenom je peronizam postao i nešto više od političkog pokreta ili modela razvoja, pa se gotovo može okarakterisati kao mit. Danas je peronizam jedan od ključnih činilaca društvenog razvoja u Argentini. Fokus istraživanja usmeren je na predstavljanje i eksplikaciju pojmova koji se uglavnom vezuju za Perona, njegov pokret i vladavinu kao što su populizam, prezidencijalizam i personalizacija vlasti. U ovom radu biće analizirani uslovi, činjenice i okolnosti u kojem je peronizam nastao i trajao uprkos mnogim kritikama i sporenjima kako u naučnoj literaturi, tako i u argentinskom društvu.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth
T1  - Peronizam kao model društvenog i političkog razvoja - savremeni argentinski mit
EP  - 159
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 137
VL  - 66
DO  - 10.2298/MEDJP1402137K
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Perón in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Perón's demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Perón, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society., Predmet analize u ovom radu jeste proučavanje nastanka i razvoja fenomena peronizam, najvažnijeg političkog pokreta i ideologije u Argentini, možda i u celoj Latinskoj Americi, u XX veku. Cilj rada je da se peronizam predstavi kao politički pokret koji je nastao za vreme Huana Dominga Perona sredinom prošlog veka, ali pokret koji je nastavio da egzistira, traje i posle odlaska sa političke scene Perona. Vremenom je peronizam postao i nešto više od političkog pokreta ili modela razvoja, pa se gotovo može okarakterisati kao mit. Danas je peronizam jedan od ključnih činilaca društvenog razvoja u Argentini. Fokus istraživanja usmeren je na predstavljanje i eksplikaciju pojmova koji se uglavnom vezuju za Perona, njegov pokret i vladavinu kao što su populizam, prezidencijalizam i personalizacija vlasti. U ovom radu biće analizirani uslovi, činjenice i okolnosti u kojem je peronizam nastao i trajao uprkos mnogim kritikama i sporenjima kako u naučnoj literaturi, tako i u argentinskom društvu.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth, Peronizam kao model društvenog i političkog razvoja - savremeni argentinski mit",
pages = "159-137",
number = "1-2",
volume = "66",
doi = "10.2298/MEDJP1402137K"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2014). Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd., 66(1-2), 137-159.
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP1402137K

Krstić ZŽ. Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth. in Međunarodni problemi. 2014;66(1-2):137-159.
doi:10.2298/MEDJP1402137K .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth" in Međunarodni problemi, 66, no. 1-2 (2014):137-159,
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP1402137K . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/451
AB  - The subject of analysis in this paper is contextual analysis and explication of 'East Asian values' as a specific model, concept and system of values that function and 'live' almost quarter of century. The sense of this paper to recognize and perceive some a new challenges and obstacles from perspective nowdays. Also, the aim of this text is to recognize advantages and faults to empirical application this specific model of development Asian state and society. Otherwise, the question what is the 'East Asian values' is methodologically disputable and politicized. The idea of east-Asian cultural values permeate to whole social and political institutions of Asian states. Text is composed of three parts. First part is focused on essence idea and concept of 'East Asian values' and the definition of ones will be issued. In the second part of this paper some a constituent elements of the concept 'East Asian values' will be detail analyzed. Third part of this paper deal with interpretations of 'East Asian values' through comparative analysis Singaporean and universal concept.
AB  - Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu jeste kontekstualna analiza i eksplikacija 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kao specifičnog modela, odnosno koncepta i vrednosnog sistema koji funkcioniše i 'živi' skoro četvrt veka. Smisao rada je da se iz današnje teorijske perspektive prepoznaju i sagledaju neki novi izazovi i prepreke, ali i prednosti i mane u dosadašnjoj primeni ovog specifičnog modela razvoja azijske države i društva. Inače, pitanje šta su 'istočnoazijske vrednosti' metodološki je prilično diskutabilno i dosta politizovano. Ideja istočnoazijskih kulturnih vrednosti prožima sve društvene i političke institucije azijskih zemalja. Tekst se sastoji iz tri dela. U prvom delu teorijski se obrađuje suština ideje i koncepta 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti', i problematizuje se definicija istih. U drugom delu se analiziraju konstitutivni elementi koncepta 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kao faktora determinisanja političkog života i društvenog razvoja u Istočnoj Aziji. Treći deo rada bavi se interpretacijama 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kroz uporednu analizu singapurskog i univerzalističkog koncepta.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - 'East Asian values' as a model of cultural and social development
T1  - 'Istočnoazijske' vrednosti kao model kulturnog i društvenog razvoja
EP  - 282
IS  - 1
SP  - 263
VL  - 38
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_451
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The subject of analysis in this paper is contextual analysis and explication of 'East Asian values' as a specific model, concept and system of values that function and 'live' almost quarter of century. The sense of this paper to recognize and perceive some a new challenges and obstacles from perspective nowdays. Also, the aim of this text is to recognize advantages and faults to empirical application this specific model of development Asian state and society. Otherwise, the question what is the 'East Asian values' is methodologically disputable and politicized. The idea of east-Asian cultural values permeate to whole social and political institutions of Asian states. Text is composed of three parts. First part is focused on essence idea and concept of 'East Asian values' and the definition of ones will be issued. In the second part of this paper some a constituent elements of the concept 'East Asian values' will be detail analyzed. Third part of this paper deal with interpretations of 'East Asian values' through comparative analysis Singaporean and universal concept., Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu jeste kontekstualna analiza i eksplikacija 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kao specifičnog modela, odnosno koncepta i vrednosnog sistema koji funkcioniše i 'živi' skoro četvrt veka. Smisao rada je da se iz današnje teorijske perspektive prepoznaju i sagledaju neki novi izazovi i prepreke, ali i prednosti i mane u dosadašnjoj primeni ovog specifičnog modela razvoja azijske države i društva. Inače, pitanje šta su 'istočnoazijske vrednosti' metodološki je prilično diskutabilno i dosta politizovano. Ideja istočnoazijskih kulturnih vrednosti prožima sve društvene i političke institucije azijskih zemalja. Tekst se sastoji iz tri dela. U prvom delu teorijski se obrađuje suština ideje i koncepta 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti', i problematizuje se definicija istih. U drugom delu se analiziraju konstitutivni elementi koncepta 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kao faktora determinisanja političkog života i društvenog razvoja u Istočnoj Aziji. Treći deo rada bavi se interpretacijama 'istočnoazijskih vrednosti' kroz uporednu analizu singapurskog i univerzalističkog koncepta.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "'East Asian values' as a model of cultural and social development, 'Istočnoazijske' vrednosti kao model kulturnog i društvenog razvoja",
pages = "282-263",
number = "1",
volume = "38",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_451"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2014). 'East Asian values' as a model of cultural and social development. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 38(1), 263-282.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_451

Krstić ZŽ. 'East Asian values' as a model of cultural and social development. in Teme. 2014;38(1):263-282.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_451 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "'East Asian values' as a model of cultural and social development" in Teme, 38, no. 1 (2014):263-282,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_451 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2009
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/194
AB  - The state is a political community formed by the territorially-defined population responsible to a single authority. In the narrower sense, the position and role of the state are definable as an internal circle in the image of three concentric circles organized after a Chinese box logic: a) the state, b) the political system, and c) society. The classical definition of the state encompasses three elements: the territory, the population, and the sovereign government. In the narrower, so-called late Weberian sense, the state is an organization of the ruling class having the monopoly of legitimate physical coercion. In the narrower organizational sense, the state is an organization of political stakeholders: political parties, interest groups, pressure groups, political movements, non-governmental organizations individual voters, etc. In the narrowest, functional-institutional sense, the state is an organization of political power: executive, legislative, and judiciary. The new age, which emerged along with the globalization process has radically changed the image of the state described above. Instead of the state as sovereign power, we have come to the state with significantly limited government. The globalization wave has brought about the change of the status and role of nation states in the formation of the contemporary global system, in which 'supranational' organizations, such as the IMF, World Bank, and the European Union, interfere with internal affairs of sovereign states. The consequence of this process is the reduction of national sovereignty.
AB  - Država je politička zajednica koju je formiralo teritorijalno definisano stanovništvo podložno jednoj vlasti. Mesto i uloga države u užem smislu mogao bi se odrediti kao unutrašnji krug u slici sa tri koncentrična kruga organizovanih prema logici kineske kutije: a) država; b) politički sistem i c) društvo. Klasično određenje države obuhvata tri elementa: teritoriju stanovništvo i suverenu vlast. U užem tzv. klasnom veberovskom smislu država je organizacija vladajuće klase koja raspolaže monopolom legitimne fizičke prinude. U užem, organizacionom smislu država predstavlja organizaciju političkih aktera: političkih partija, interesnih grupa, grupa za pritisak političkih pokreta, nevladinih organizacija, pojedinaca kao birača itd. u najužem funkcionalno-institucionalnom smislu, država je organizacija političke vlasti: izvršne, zakonodavne i sudske vlasti. Novo doba koje je počelo sa procesom globalizacije radikalno je izmenilo napred pomenutu slike države. Umesto države kao suverene vlasti dobili smo državu sa bitno ograničenom vlašću. Talas globalizacije je doveo do promene statusa i uloge nacionalnih država u procesu formiranja savremenog globalnog sistema tj. zadiranja 'supranacionalnih' organizacija, poput MMF-a, Svetske banke i Evropske unije, u unutrašnje stvari suverenih država. Posledica toga jeste redukcija nacionalnog suvereniteta.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - National state in the 'clutches' of globalizational Leviathan
T1  - Nacionalana država u 'zagrljaj' globalizacijskog levijatana
EP  - 1009
IS  - 3
SP  - 993
VL  - 33
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_194
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2009",
abstract = "The state is a political community formed by the territorially-defined population responsible to a single authority. In the narrower sense, the position and role of the state are definable as an internal circle in the image of three concentric circles organized after a Chinese box logic: a) the state, b) the political system, and c) society. The classical definition of the state encompasses three elements: the territory, the population, and the sovereign government. In the narrower, so-called late Weberian sense, the state is an organization of the ruling class having the monopoly of legitimate physical coercion. In the narrower organizational sense, the state is an organization of political stakeholders: political parties, interest groups, pressure groups, political movements, non-governmental organizations individual voters, etc. In the narrowest, functional-institutional sense, the state is an organization of political power: executive, legislative, and judiciary. The new age, which emerged along with the globalization process has radically changed the image of the state described above. Instead of the state as sovereign power, we have come to the state with significantly limited government. The globalization wave has brought about the change of the status and role of nation states in the formation of the contemporary global system, in which 'supranational' organizations, such as the IMF, World Bank, and the European Union, interfere with internal affairs of sovereign states. The consequence of this process is the reduction of national sovereignty., Država je politička zajednica koju je formiralo teritorijalno definisano stanovništvo podložno jednoj vlasti. Mesto i uloga države u užem smislu mogao bi se odrediti kao unutrašnji krug u slici sa tri koncentrična kruga organizovanih prema logici kineske kutije: a) država; b) politički sistem i c) društvo. Klasično određenje države obuhvata tri elementa: teritoriju stanovništvo i suverenu vlast. U užem tzv. klasnom veberovskom smislu država je organizacija vladajuće klase koja raspolaže monopolom legitimne fizičke prinude. U užem, organizacionom smislu država predstavlja organizaciju političkih aktera: političkih partija, interesnih grupa, grupa za pritisak političkih pokreta, nevladinih organizacija, pojedinaca kao birača itd. u najužem funkcionalno-institucionalnom smislu, država je organizacija političke vlasti: izvršne, zakonodavne i sudske vlasti. Novo doba koje je počelo sa procesom globalizacije radikalno je izmenilo napred pomenutu slike države. Umesto države kao suverene vlasti dobili smo državu sa bitno ograničenom vlašću. Talas globalizacije je doveo do promene statusa i uloge nacionalnih država u procesu formiranja savremenog globalnog sistema tj. zadiranja 'supranacionalnih' organizacija, poput MMF-a, Svetske banke i Evropske unije, u unutrašnje stvari suverenih država. Posledica toga jeste redukcija nacionalnog suvereniteta.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "National state in the 'clutches' of globalizational Leviathan, Nacionalana država u 'zagrljaj' globalizacijskog levijatana",
pages = "1009-993",
number = "3",
volume = "33",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_194"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2009). National state in the 'clutches' of globalizational Leviathan. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 33(3), 993-1009.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_194

Krstić ZŽ. National state in the 'clutches' of globalizational Leviathan. in Teme. 2009;33(3):993-1009.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_194 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "National state in the 'clutches' of globalizational Leviathan" in Teme, 33, no. 3 (2009):993-1009,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_194 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/164
AB  - Belgium can be determined as consociational and ethnical-federative parliamentary monarchy. Political system of Nelgium is included in the collection of those systems-processes which are characterized with the high level of complexity, atypicality and contradictoriness. Belgium post-war history is the typical example of the slow and inevitable conversion, i.e. devolution of the unitary into the federal state. The essence of devolution process makes the political institutionalization of the cultural, lingual and ethnically heterogeny parts. The paper is divided into three parts. In the first part of his work, the author presents the basic theoretical facts of consociation and consensual democracy. The other part of the paper deals with the historical conditions of occurrence and development of the contemporary consociative system of Belgium. In the third part of the work, the focus of author's attention is on the contemporary political processes, i.e. institutional crisis and increasingly present tendency of state dissolution.
AB  - Konsocijacioni federalizam na belgijski način često se ocenjuje kao prelazna faza ka definitivnom razdvajanju Flamanaca i Valonaca, dva naroda koja žive pod istim krovom, ali se sve češće gledaju popreko. Dva naroda praktično već imaju svoje države - Flamanci na severu, Valonci na jugu. U osnovi flamansko-valonskog razlaza, odnosno belgijsko-belgijskog nesporazuma, ne stoje samo različiti jezici i pripadnost različitim evropskim kulturama, već mnogo dublje ekonomsko-socijalne razlike. Svi sadašnji ekonomski pokazatelji govore da su standard, obim proizvodnje i investicije - svi atributi koji karakterišu stanje jedne nacije - znatno viši u Flandriji, koja se polako odvaja od valonskog juga. Disolucija Belgije deluje praktično nezamislivo, jer ime ove zemlje odmah asocira na Evropsku uniju, a ova na saradnju, kompromis i integracije. Prosto zvuči nemoguće da bi međunarodna zajednica dozvolila nestanak Belgije. Međutim, ukoliko ne dođe do raspada Belgije sada, taj scenario moguć je u bliskoj budućnosti. Flamanski nacionalizam postaje sve snažniji. Zato bi trebalo ozbiljno potražiti što racionalnije rešenje, kao što bi na primer bilo davanje nezavisnosti regionima, a Briselu, kao prestonici Evropske unije, dati status 'slobodnog grada'.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd
T2  - Međunarodna politika
T1  - Političko-institucionalni razvoj i perspektiva belgijske konsocijacije
EP  - 21
IS  - 1129
SP  - 16
VL  - 59
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_164
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2008",
abstract = "Belgium can be determined as consociational and ethnical-federative parliamentary monarchy. Political system of Nelgium is included in the collection of those systems-processes which are characterized with the high level of complexity, atypicality and contradictoriness. Belgium post-war history is the typical example of the slow and inevitable conversion, i.e. devolution of the unitary into the federal state. The essence of devolution process makes the political institutionalization of the cultural, lingual and ethnically heterogeny parts. The paper is divided into three parts. In the first part of his work, the author presents the basic theoretical facts of consociation and consensual democracy. The other part of the paper deals with the historical conditions of occurrence and development of the contemporary consociative system of Belgium. In the third part of the work, the focus of author's attention is on the contemporary political processes, i.e. institutional crisis and increasingly present tendency of state dissolution., Konsocijacioni federalizam na belgijski način često se ocenjuje kao prelazna faza ka definitivnom razdvajanju Flamanaca i Valonaca, dva naroda koja žive pod istim krovom, ali se sve češće gledaju popreko. Dva naroda praktično već imaju svoje države - Flamanci na severu, Valonci na jugu. U osnovi flamansko-valonskog razlaza, odnosno belgijsko-belgijskog nesporazuma, ne stoje samo različiti jezici i pripadnost različitim evropskim kulturama, već mnogo dublje ekonomsko-socijalne razlike. Svi sadašnji ekonomski pokazatelji govore da su standard, obim proizvodnje i investicije - svi atributi koji karakterišu stanje jedne nacije - znatno viši u Flandriji, koja se polako odvaja od valonskog juga. Disolucija Belgije deluje praktično nezamislivo, jer ime ove zemlje odmah asocira na Evropsku uniju, a ova na saradnju, kompromis i integracije. Prosto zvuči nemoguće da bi međunarodna zajednica dozvolila nestanak Belgije. Međutim, ukoliko ne dođe do raspada Belgije sada, taj scenario moguć je u bliskoj budućnosti. Flamanski nacionalizam postaje sve snažniji. Zato bi trebalo ozbiljno potražiti što racionalnije rešenje, kao što bi na primer bilo davanje nezavisnosti regionima, a Briselu, kao prestonici Evropske unije, dati status 'slobodnog grada'.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodna politika",
title = "Političko-institucionalni razvoj i perspektiva belgijske konsocijacije",
pages = "21-16",
number = "1129",
volume = "59",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_164"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2008). Političko-institucionalni razvoj i perspektiva belgijske konsocijacije. in Međunarodna politika
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd., 59(1129), 16-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_164

Krstić ZŽ. Političko-institucionalni razvoj i perspektiva belgijske konsocijacije. in Međunarodna politika. 2008;59(1129):16-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_164 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Političko-institucionalni razvoj i perspektiva belgijske konsocijacije" in Međunarodna politika, 59, no. 1129 (2008):16-21,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_164 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/162
AB  - The most of 'new democracy' (postcommunist countries) is characterized by insufficiently diversified and ideologically non-established party system. The presence of different ideological orientations, often artificial and contradictory yet scientifically party amalgams, points out social non-differentiation of post-communist societies and fluidity, which is actually inconsistency of party's voters. Post-communist ideological spectrum includes a great number of variants or models of both the left and the right option. Certain ideological confusion, largely stimulated by party elite or oligarchies themselves, is producing unstable and dysfunctional political system, and this is making conditions for the latent yet disturbing crisis of the country and it's order. The strengthening of political center is weakening the extreme left and the extreme right, in other words it de-radicalizes politics and voters. On the other hand, creation of a centrist alliance leads to relative stability and greater democracy of the system that is it leads to acceptance of the basic postulate for minimal or procedure democracy.
AB  - Za većinu 'novodemokratskih' (postkomunističkih) država karakterističan je politički sistem koji nije uspostavljen niti dovoljno razgraničen po ideološkim osnovama. Različite ideološke orijentacije, često mešavina umetnih i kontradiktornih, a ipak naučno definisanih partijskih koalicija, ukazuju na društvenu neizdiferenciranost i nestalnost u tim post-komunističkim državama, što se u stvarnosti odražava u nedoslednosti u glasanju za političke partije. Postkomunistički ideološki spektrum sadrži veliki broj varijanti ili modela i leve i desne opcije. Izvesna ideološka konfuzija, koju uglavnom uslovljavaju sama partijska elita i oligarsi, proizvodi nestabilan i disfunkcionalan politički sistem, i to stvara uslove za latentnu i uznemiravajuću krizu države i njenog poretka. Jačanje političkog centra slabi ekstremnu levicu i ekstremnu desnicu, drugim rečima ono deradikalizuje politiku i glasače. S druge strane, stvaranje centralističke koalicije vodi ka relativnoj stabilnosti i većoj demokratičnosti sistema, odnosno vodi ka prihvaćanju osnovnih postulata minimalne ili proceduralne demokratije.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Ideological, legal and structural profile contemporary parties and party systems
EP  - 64
IS  - 3
SP  - 51
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_162
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The most of 'new democracy' (postcommunist countries) is characterized by insufficiently diversified and ideologically non-established party system. The presence of different ideological orientations, often artificial and contradictory yet scientifically party amalgams, points out social non-differentiation of post-communist societies and fluidity, which is actually inconsistency of party's voters. Post-communist ideological spectrum includes a great number of variants or models of both the left and the right option. Certain ideological confusion, largely stimulated by party elite or oligarchies themselves, is producing unstable and dysfunctional political system, and this is making conditions for the latent yet disturbing crisis of the country and it's order. The strengthening of political center is weakening the extreme left and the extreme right, in other words it de-radicalizes politics and voters. On the other hand, creation of a centrist alliance leads to relative stability and greater democracy of the system that is it leads to acceptance of the basic postulate for minimal or procedure democracy., Za većinu 'novodemokratskih' (postkomunističkih) država karakterističan je politički sistem koji nije uspostavljen niti dovoljno razgraničen po ideološkim osnovama. Različite ideološke orijentacije, često mešavina umetnih i kontradiktornih, a ipak naučno definisanih partijskih koalicija, ukazuju na društvenu neizdiferenciranost i nestalnost u tim post-komunističkim državama, što se u stvarnosti odražava u nedoslednosti u glasanju za političke partije. Postkomunistički ideološki spektrum sadrži veliki broj varijanti ili modela i leve i desne opcije. Izvesna ideološka konfuzija, koju uglavnom uslovljavaju sama partijska elita i oligarsi, proizvodi nestabilan i disfunkcionalan politički sistem, i to stvara uslove za latentnu i uznemiravajuću krizu države i njenog poretka. Jačanje političkog centra slabi ekstremnu levicu i ekstremnu desnicu, drugim rečima ono deradikalizuje politiku i glasače. S druge strane, stvaranje centralističke koalicije vodi ka relativnoj stabilnosti i većoj demokratičnosti sistema, odnosno vodi ka prihvaćanju osnovnih postulata minimalne ili proceduralne demokratije.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Ideological, legal and structural profile contemporary parties and party systems",
pages = "64-51",
number = "3",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_162"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2008). Ideological, legal and structural profile contemporary parties and party systems. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(3), 51-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_162

Krstić ZŽ. Ideological, legal and structural profile contemporary parties and party systems. in Srpska politička misao. 2008;(3):51-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_162 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Ideological, legal and structural profile contemporary parties and party systems" in Srpska politička misao, no. 3 (2008):51-64,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_162 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/156
AB  - The classic definition of the state comprises three elements: territory, population and sovereign authority. In a restricted, class-oriented Weberian sense, the state is the organization of the ruling class which claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force. In terms of its organization, the state is an organization of political actors, i.e. political parties, interest groups, pressure groups, political movements, non-governmental organizations, individual voters, etc. In the most restricted, functional and institutional sense, it is an organization of political power: executive, judiciary and legislative. The new age which started with the process of globalization radically changed the aforementioned image of the state. Instead of state as sovereign authority, what we have is a state whose authority is strictly limited. A wave of globalization brought about a change in status and a different role of nation states in the process of forming the contemporary global system, i.e. incursion of 'supranational' organizations, such as IMF, World Bank and EU into internal affairs of sovereign states. The effect of this is reduction of national sovereignty. .
AB  - Klasično određenje države obuhvata tri elementa: teritoriju, stanovništvo i suverenu vlast. U užem, tzv. klasnom veberovskom smislu država je organizacija vladajuće klase koja raspolaže monopolom legitimne fizičke prinude. U užem, organizacionom smislu država predstavlja organizaciju političkih aktera: političkih partija, interesnih grupa, grupa za pritisak, političkih pokreta, nevladinih organizacija, pojedinaca kao birača itd. U najužem funkcionalno-institucionalnom smislu, država je organizacija političke vlasti: izvršne, zakonodavne i sudske vlasti. Novo doba koje je počelo sa procesom globalizacije radikalno je izmenilo pomenutu sliku države. Umesto države kao suverene vlasti dobili smo državu sa bitno ograničenom vlašću. Talas globalizacije je doveo do promene statusa i uloge nacionalnih država u procesu formiranja savremenog globalnog sistema, tj. zadiranja 'supranacionalnih' organizacija, poput MMF-a, Svetske ban- ke i Evropske unije, u unutrašnje stvari suverenih država. Posledica toga jeste redukcija nacionalnog suvereniteta. .
PB  - IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd
T2  - Nova srpska politička misao
T1  - Globalization and desovereignization
T1  - Globalizacija i desuverenizacija
EP  - 205
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 189
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_156
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The classic definition of the state comprises three elements: territory, population and sovereign authority. In a restricted, class-oriented Weberian sense, the state is the organization of the ruling class which claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force. In terms of its organization, the state is an organization of political actors, i.e. political parties, interest groups, pressure groups, political movements, non-governmental organizations, individual voters, etc. In the most restricted, functional and institutional sense, it is an organization of political power: executive, judiciary and legislative. The new age which started with the process of globalization radically changed the aforementioned image of the state. Instead of state as sovereign authority, what we have is a state whose authority is strictly limited. A wave of globalization brought about a change in status and a different role of nation states in the process of forming the contemporary global system, i.e. incursion of 'supranational' organizations, such as IMF, World Bank and EU into internal affairs of sovereign states. The effect of this is reduction of national sovereignty. ., Klasično određenje države obuhvata tri elementa: teritoriju, stanovništvo i suverenu vlast. U užem, tzv. klasnom veberovskom smislu država je organizacija vladajuće klase koja raspolaže monopolom legitimne fizičke prinude. U užem, organizacionom smislu država predstavlja organizaciju političkih aktera: političkih partija, interesnih grupa, grupa za pritisak, političkih pokreta, nevladinih organizacija, pojedinaca kao birača itd. U najužem funkcionalno-institucionalnom smislu, država je organizacija političke vlasti: izvršne, zakonodavne i sudske vlasti. Novo doba koje je počelo sa procesom globalizacije radikalno je izmenilo pomenutu sliku države. Umesto države kao suverene vlasti dobili smo državu sa bitno ograničenom vlašću. Talas globalizacije je doveo do promene statusa i uloge nacionalnih država u procesu formiranja savremenog globalnog sistema, tj. zadiranja 'supranacionalnih' organizacija, poput MMF-a, Svetske ban- ke i Evropske unije, u unutrašnje stvari suverenih država. Posledica toga jeste redukcija nacionalnog suvereniteta. .",
publisher = "IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd",
journal = "Nova srpska politička misao",
title = "Globalization and desovereignization, Globalizacija i desuverenizacija",
pages = "205-189",
number = "1-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_156"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2008). Globalization and desovereignization. in Nova srpska politička misao
IIC Nova srpska politička misao, Beograd., 16(1-2), 189-205.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_156

Krstić ZŽ. Globalization and desovereignization. in Nova srpska politička misao. 2008;16(1-2):189-205.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_156 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Globalization and desovereignization" in Nova srpska politička misao, 16, no. 1-2 (2008):189-205,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_156 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/154
AB  - The author is conducting comparative-descriptive analysis of the mechanisms and instruments by means of parliament or legislature make scrutiny or oversight of the work and functions of the executive. The instruments of parliamentary controls (monitoring) in the modern parliamentary systems are mostly the same. The three main ones are: a) parliamentary questions b) interpellations and c) committee in­vesti­gations. But, the ways of their implementations are different from system to system. This comparative analysis showed that the parli­amen­tary procedure of work and scrutiny of the govern­ment (executive) is becoming measure or standard of the democratization political system.
AB  - Autor vrši komparativno-deskriptivnu analizu mehanizama, odnosno instrumenata putem kojih parlament vrši kontrolu i superviziju nad radom i funkcionisanjem vlade. Sredstva parlamentarnog monitoringa su u gotovo svim savremenim parlamentarnim sistemima uglavnom ista. Tri glavna instrumenta jesu: a) poslanička pitanja; b) interpelacije i v) istrage parlamentarnih komiteta (odbora). Ali, način njihove primene se razlikuje od sistema do sistema. Ova uporedna analiza je pokazala da parlamentarna procedura rada i kontrole vlade postaje merilo demokratičnosti političkog sistema.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Parlamentarna kontrola vlade - uporedna analiza
EP  - 142
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 117
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_154
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The author is conducting comparative-descriptive analysis of the mechanisms and instruments by means of parliament or legislature make scrutiny or oversight of the work and functions of the executive. The instruments of parliamentary controls (monitoring) in the modern parliamentary systems are mostly the same. The three main ones are: a) parliamentary questions b) interpellations and c) committee in­vesti­gations. But, the ways of their implementations are different from system to system. This comparative analysis showed that the parli­amen­tary procedure of work and scrutiny of the govern­ment (executive) is becoming measure or standard of the democratization political system., Autor vrši komparativno-deskriptivnu analizu mehanizama, odnosno instrumenata putem kojih parlament vrši kontrolu i superviziju nad radom i funkcionisanjem vlade. Sredstva parlamentarnog monitoringa su u gotovo svim savremenim parlamentarnim sistemima uglavnom ista. Tri glavna instrumenta jesu: a) poslanička pitanja; b) interpelacije i v) istrage parlamentarnih komiteta (odbora). Ali, način njihove primene se razlikuje od sistema do sistema. Ova uporedna analiza je pokazala da parlamentarna procedura rada i kontrole vlade postaje merilo demokratičnosti političkog sistema.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Parlamentarna kontrola vlade - uporedna analiza",
pages = "142-117",
number = "1-2",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_154"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2008). Parlamentarna kontrola vlade - uporedna analiza. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(1-2), 117-142.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_154

Krstić ZŽ. Parlamentarna kontrola vlade - uporedna analiza. in Srpska politička misao. 2008;(1-2):117-142.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_154 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Parlamentarna kontrola vlade - uporedna analiza" in Srpska politička misao, no. 1-2 (2008):117-142,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_154 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 2000
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/69
AB  - In contemporary political theory and 'transitology' prevails thinking that democratic consolidation is successful only if party system has strongly been integrated into society, that is, if it has spread strong and branchy roots into social web, in the sense of its general structure and political capacity to represent all important parts of a society. This paper represents an attempt to contribute to debate: have party systems, which emerged in Central and Eastern Europe from 1989, stayed fundamentally non-structured, and highly airy and very fragile, that is, do they show certain signs of structure (with the emersion of one or more dimensions of stressed political competition) and stability (with similar and clear models of party support in consecutive elections). By analyzing the process of emergence and development of Czech political parties in period from 1990 until 1998, the paper efforts to show that during the stated period, party system was really structured by so-called regional-horizontal factors, such as economic underdevelopment, religiosity, social classes, and urban-rural differences. Specific way in which these socio-economic differences and divisions were translated into dimensions of political competitions varies from country to country. However, inside every post-communist country, and among others Czech Republic, model-design of party landscape was very consistent from one to next elections.
AB  - U savremenoj političkoj teoriji i 'tranzitologiji' preovlađuje mišljenje da je demokratska konsolidacija uspela samo ukoliko se partijski sistem čvrsto etablirao u društvo, odnosno pustio jake i razgranate korene u društveno tkivo, u smislu njegove opšte struktuiranosti i političkog kapaciteta da predstavlja sve značajnije segmente društva. Ovaj rad predstavlja pokušaj da se, donekle, doprinese debati da li su partijski sistemi koji su se pojavili u Centralno-istočnoj Evropi od 1989. godine ostali fundamentalno nestruktuirani, i tako visoko eterični i veoma fražilni, odnosno da li oni pokazuju izvesne znake struktuiranosti (sa pojavom jedne ili više dimenzija naglašene političke kompeticije) i stabilnosti (sa sličnim i jasnim modelima partijske podrške u konsekutivnim izborima). Analizirajući proces nastajanja i razvoja čeških političkih partija u periodu od 1990. do 1998, rad nastoji da pokaže da je partijski sistem, zaista, bio struktuiran za vreme ovog perioda od tzv. regionalno-horizontalnih faktora kao što su ekonomska nerazvijenost religioznost, društvene klase i urbano-ruralne razlike. Specifičan način na koji su ove socio-ekonomske razlike i podele prevođene u dimenzije političke kompeticije varira od zemlje do zemlje, ali unutar svake postkomunističke zemlje, pa i Češke Republike, model-dizajn partijskog pejzaža je bio veoma konzistentan od jednih do drugih izbora.
PB  - Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš
T2  - Teme
T1  - Party system of Czech Republic in the process of reconstitution and democratic consolidation
T1  - Partijski sistem Češke Republike u procesu rekonstituisanja i demokratske konsolidacije
EP  - 258
IS  - 3-4
SP  - 227
VL  - 24
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_69
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "2000",
abstract = "In contemporary political theory and 'transitology' prevails thinking that democratic consolidation is successful only if party system has strongly been integrated into society, that is, if it has spread strong and branchy roots into social web, in the sense of its general structure and political capacity to represent all important parts of a society. This paper represents an attempt to contribute to debate: have party systems, which emerged in Central and Eastern Europe from 1989, stayed fundamentally non-structured, and highly airy and very fragile, that is, do they show certain signs of structure (with the emersion of one or more dimensions of stressed political competition) and stability (with similar and clear models of party support in consecutive elections). By analyzing the process of emergence and development of Czech political parties in period from 1990 until 1998, the paper efforts to show that during the stated period, party system was really structured by so-called regional-horizontal factors, such as economic underdevelopment, religiosity, social classes, and urban-rural differences. Specific way in which these socio-economic differences and divisions were translated into dimensions of political competitions varies from country to country. However, inside every post-communist country, and among others Czech Republic, model-design of party landscape was very consistent from one to next elections., U savremenoj političkoj teoriji i 'tranzitologiji' preovlađuje mišljenje da je demokratska konsolidacija uspela samo ukoliko se partijski sistem čvrsto etablirao u društvo, odnosno pustio jake i razgranate korene u društveno tkivo, u smislu njegove opšte struktuiranosti i političkog kapaciteta da predstavlja sve značajnije segmente društva. Ovaj rad predstavlja pokušaj da se, donekle, doprinese debati da li su partijski sistemi koji su se pojavili u Centralno-istočnoj Evropi od 1989. godine ostali fundamentalno nestruktuirani, i tako visoko eterični i veoma fražilni, odnosno da li oni pokazuju izvesne znake struktuiranosti (sa pojavom jedne ili više dimenzija naglašene političke kompeticije) i stabilnosti (sa sličnim i jasnim modelima partijske podrške u konsekutivnim izborima). Analizirajući proces nastajanja i razvoja čeških političkih partija u periodu od 1990. do 1998, rad nastoji da pokaže da je partijski sistem, zaista, bio struktuiran za vreme ovog perioda od tzv. regionalno-horizontalnih faktora kao što su ekonomska nerazvijenost religioznost, društvene klase i urbano-ruralne razlike. Specifičan način na koji su ove socio-ekonomske razlike i podele prevođene u dimenzije političke kompeticije varira od zemlje do zemlje, ali unutar svake postkomunističke zemlje, pa i Češke Republike, model-dizajn partijskog pejzaža je bio veoma konzistentan od jednih do drugih izbora.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš",
journal = "Teme",
title = "Party system of Czech Republic in the process of reconstitution and democratic consolidation, Partijski sistem Češke Republike u procesu rekonstituisanja i demokratske konsolidacije",
pages = "258-227",
number = "3-4",
volume = "24",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_69"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (2000). Party system of Czech Republic in the process of reconstitution and democratic consolidation. in Teme
Univerzitet u Nišu, Niš., 24(3-4), 227-258.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_69

Krstić ZŽ. Party system of Czech Republic in the process of reconstitution and democratic consolidation. in Teme. 2000;24(3-4):227-258.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_69 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Party system of Czech Republic in the process of reconstitution and democratic consolidation" in Teme, 24, no. 3-4 (2000):227-258,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_69 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Zoran Ž.
PY  - 1998
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/57
AB  - In any democratic political system it is essential but extremely difficult to choose an appropriate, applicable and democratically functioning model of institutional power. Having in mind broad social circles and a specific political setting, the author compares the basic characteristics of the dominant models or forms of horizontal organization of power: parliamentary and presidential. The aim of this paper is to point out the basic theoretical models of organized power and the existing models of constitutional-legal and political experience. Although the institutional mechanism of power could be organized in many different ways, two basic models or ideal types shown in political reality through different modalities can be singled out. They are parliamentary and presidential systems. It is believed that parliamentary system deserves treatment as a special, ideal type while the author considers it as a more modified variant of parliamentary government. The democratization of society and the degree of pluralism in the political system determine significantly the nature and the character of the horizontal organization of power. Pointing out the general tendency to strengthen the executive over other branches of power and the general democratization of politics, the author considers that, in practice, all over the world some transitional and hybrid forms of organized power function strongly revealing a prevalence of executive power and the influence of the state. For most countries in transition the most acceptable institutional mechanism of power and at the same time the most efficient and the most stable is a kind of semi-presidential and multi-party setup, while in West European parliamentary, pluralist democracies different forms of parliamentary or semi cabinet systems function: from a British Prime Ministerial political formula and German Chancelory democracy, through the Swiss cooperative-conciliatory type, to French rationalized parliamentarism.
AB  - Uređivanje horizontalne ravni organizacije političke vlasti spada u red ključnih i najsloženijih pitanja političke teorije i prakse već više vekova. Izuzetan značaj ovog pitanja dobro su fokusirala i istakla dva velikana političke misli: Valter Bedžot u drugoj polovini prošlog veka i Karl Fridrih sto godina kasnije. Od pravilnog odbira političko-institucionalnog aranžmana vlasti u dobroj meri zavisi egzistencija, priroda, karakter i, donekle, sudbina države. Rad je posvećen razmatranju i teorijskom propitivanju savremenih model a horizontalne organizacije vlasti. Cilj rada je da ukaže na neke prednosti i mane dominirajućih modela institucionalnog ustrojstva vlasti i savremene ustavno-pravne empirije.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Savremeni modeli institucionalne konfiguracije vlasti
EP  - 186
IS  - 1-4
SP  - 161
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_57
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Zoran Ž.",
year = "1998",
abstract = "In any democratic political system it is essential but extremely difficult to choose an appropriate, applicable and democratically functioning model of institutional power. Having in mind broad social circles and a specific political setting, the author compares the basic characteristics of the dominant models or forms of horizontal organization of power: parliamentary and presidential. The aim of this paper is to point out the basic theoretical models of organized power and the existing models of constitutional-legal and political experience. Although the institutional mechanism of power could be organized in many different ways, two basic models or ideal types shown in political reality through different modalities can be singled out. They are parliamentary and presidential systems. It is believed that parliamentary system deserves treatment as a special, ideal type while the author considers it as a more modified variant of parliamentary government. The democratization of society and the degree of pluralism in the political system determine significantly the nature and the character of the horizontal organization of power. Pointing out the general tendency to strengthen the executive over other branches of power and the general democratization of politics, the author considers that, in practice, all over the world some transitional and hybrid forms of organized power function strongly revealing a prevalence of executive power and the influence of the state. For most countries in transition the most acceptable institutional mechanism of power and at the same time the most efficient and the most stable is a kind of semi-presidential and multi-party setup, while in West European parliamentary, pluralist democracies different forms of parliamentary or semi cabinet systems function: from a British Prime Ministerial political formula and German Chancelory democracy, through the Swiss cooperative-conciliatory type, to French rationalized parliamentarism., Uređivanje horizontalne ravni organizacije političke vlasti spada u red ključnih i najsloženijih pitanja političke teorije i prakse već više vekova. Izuzetan značaj ovog pitanja dobro su fokusirala i istakla dva velikana političke misli: Valter Bedžot u drugoj polovini prošlog veka i Karl Fridrih sto godina kasnije. Od pravilnog odbira političko-institucionalnog aranžmana vlasti u dobroj meri zavisi egzistencija, priroda, karakter i, donekle, sudbina države. Rad je posvećen razmatranju i teorijskom propitivanju savremenih model a horizontalne organizacije vlasti. Cilj rada je da ukaže na neke prednosti i mane dominirajućih modela institucionalnog ustrojstva vlasti i savremene ustavno-pravne empirije.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Savremeni modeli institucionalne konfiguracije vlasti",
pages = "186-161",
number = "1-4",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_57"
}

Krstić, Z. Ž.. (1998). Savremeni modeli institucionalne konfiguracije vlasti. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 5(1-4), 161-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_57

Krstić ZŽ. Savremeni modeli institucionalne konfiguracije vlasti. in Srpska politička misao. 1998;5(1-4):161-186.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_57 .

Krstić, Zoran Ž., "Savremeni modeli institucionalne konfiguracije vlasti" in Srpska politička misao, 5, no. 1-4 (1998):161-186,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_57 .