Vladisavljević, Nebojša

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orcid::0000-0002-0131-2140
  • Vladisavljević, Nebojša (33)
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Author's Bibliography

Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons

Krstić, Aleksandra; Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(London : Routledge Taylor & Francis, 2023)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1140
AB  - We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed
methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan
Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of
four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and
populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive
authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors
because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian
manipulation.
PB  - London : Routledge Taylor & Francis
T2  - Europe-Asia Studies
T1  - Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons
EP  - 1452
IS  - 9
SP  - 1429
VL  - 75
DO  - 10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Krstić, Aleksandra and Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2023",
abstract = "We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed
methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan
Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of
four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and
populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive
authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors
because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian
manipulation.",
publisher = "London : Routledge Taylor & Francis",
journal = "Europe-Asia Studies",
title = "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons",
pages = "1452-1429",
number = "9",
volume = "75",
doi = "10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700"
}
Krstić, A.,& Vladisavljević, N.. (2023). Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies
London : Routledge Taylor & Francis., 75(9), 1429-1452.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700
Krstić A, Vladisavljević N. Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies. 2023;75(9):1429-1452.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 .
Krstić, Aleksandra, Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons" in Europe-Asia Studies, 75, no. 9 (2023):1429-1452,
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 . .
1

Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons

Vladisavljević, Nebojša; Krstić, Aleksandra

(Glasgow : Routledge, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1024
AB  - We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian manipulation.
PB  - Glasgow : Routledge
T2  - Europe-Asia Studies
T1  - Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons
EP  - 24
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša and Krstić, Aleksandra",
year = "2022",
abstract = "We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian manipulation.",
publisher = "Glasgow : Routledge",
journal = "Europe-Asia Studies",
title = "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons",
pages = "24-1",
doi = "10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700"
}
Vladisavljević, N.,& Krstić, A.. (2022). Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies
Glasgow : Routledge., 1-24.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700
Vladisavljević N, Krstić A. Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies. 2022;:1-24.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, Krstić, Aleksandra, "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons" in Europe-Asia Studies (2022):1-24,
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 . .
1

Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons

Krstić, Aleksandra; Aiello, Giorgia; Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Sage Publications Ltd, London, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
AU  - Aiello, Giorgia
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/771
AB  - This article examines how political cartoons reflected and mobilized resistance to growing authoritarianism and the personalization of power in contemporary Serbia. The focus is on the work of Dusan Petricic, the most influential political cartoonist in Serbia, which was published in daily Politika and weekly NIN between 2012 and 2017. Petricic's cartoons offer interesting insights into a dramatic decline of press freedom and the rise of authoritarian personalist rule in terms of both their content and political impact. The authors draw on quantitative content analysis and qualitative multimodal analysis to examine the key representational and stylistic features of Petricic's cartoons, both as a way to understand the relationship between his aesthetics and his political statements, and in order to critically assess some of the ways in which democratization conflicts may be expressed visually. Their analysis also draws on evidence from an in-depth interview with the author. In combining a systematic analysis of key visual patterns across a sample of cartoons with a comprehensive evaluation of how both visual and linguistic features work together to promote anti-authoritarian ideals and resistance, the article offers a framework to understand the political import of aesthetics in Serbia's democratization process.
PB  - Sage Publications Ltd, London
T2  - Media War and Conflict
T1  - Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons
EP  - 49
IS  - 1
SP  - 27
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.1177/1750635219856549
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Krstić, Aleksandra and Aiello, Giorgia and Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This article examines how political cartoons reflected and mobilized resistance to growing authoritarianism and the personalization of power in contemporary Serbia. The focus is on the work of Dusan Petricic, the most influential political cartoonist in Serbia, which was published in daily Politika and weekly NIN between 2012 and 2017. Petricic's cartoons offer interesting insights into a dramatic decline of press freedom and the rise of authoritarian personalist rule in terms of both their content and political impact. The authors draw on quantitative content analysis and qualitative multimodal analysis to examine the key representational and stylistic features of Petricic's cartoons, both as a way to understand the relationship between his aesthetics and his political statements, and in order to critically assess some of the ways in which democratization conflicts may be expressed visually. Their analysis also draws on evidence from an in-depth interview with the author. In combining a systematic analysis of key visual patterns across a sample of cartoons with a comprehensive evaluation of how both visual and linguistic features work together to promote anti-authoritarian ideals and resistance, the article offers a framework to understand the political import of aesthetics in Serbia's democratization process.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Ltd, London",
journal = "Media War and Conflict",
title = "Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons",
pages = "49-27",
number = "1",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.1177/1750635219856549"
}
Krstić, A., Aiello, G.,& Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons. in Media War and Conflict
Sage Publications Ltd, London., 13(1), 27-49.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1750635219856549
Krstić A, Aiello G, Vladisavljević N. Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons. in Media War and Conflict. 2020;13(1):27-49.
doi:10.1177/1750635219856549 .
Krstić, Aleksandra, Aiello, Giorgia, Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons" in Media War and Conflict, 13, no. 1 (2020):27-49,
https://doi.org/10.1177/1750635219856549 . .
3
10
2
6

Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/764
AB  - The article examines the quality of democracy in Serbia via the quantitative analysis of media discourse. It reveals robust competition, participation and accountability in the first decade after regime change, followed by major recent decline, thus showing that expert assessments from influential indices of democracy underrated democratic quality in the former period and overrated it later. Also revealed are the advantages of complementing expert assessments with those based on media discourse. The content analysis examined 1,921 coded items from print and electronic media coverage of major political conflicts at strategic points in the country?s democratisation.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Europe-Asia Studies
T1  - Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević
EP  - 32
IS  - 1
SP  - 8
VL  - 72
DO  - 10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The article examines the quality of democracy in Serbia via the quantitative analysis of media discourse. It reveals robust competition, participation and accountability in the first decade after regime change, followed by major recent decline, thus showing that expert assessments from influential indices of democracy underrated democratic quality in the former period and overrated it later. Also revealed are the advantages of complementing expert assessments with those based on media discourse. The content analysis examined 1,921 coded items from print and electronic media coverage of major political conflicts at strategic points in the country?s democratisation.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Europe-Asia Studies",
title = "Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević",
pages = "32-8",
number = "1",
volume = "72",
doi = "10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević. in Europe-Asia Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 72(1), 8-32.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534
Vladisavljević N. Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević. in Europe-Asia Studies. 2020;72(1):8-32.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević" in Europe-Asia Studies, 72, no. 1 (2020):8-32,
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534 . .
15
15
8
11

Antibirokratska revolucija

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Arhipelag : Beograd, 2020)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/955
PB  - Arhipelag : Beograd
T1  - Antibirokratska revolucija
EP  - 299
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_955
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Arhipelag : Beograd",
title = "Antibirokratska revolucija",
pages = "299",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_955"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Antibirokratska revolucija. 
Arhipelag : Beograd..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_955
Vladisavljević N. Antibirokratska revolucija. 2020;:null-299.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_955 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Antibirokratska revolucija" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_955 .

Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Službeni glasnik : Beograd, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/954
AB  - Demokratija podrazumeva redovne, višestranačke i takmičarske izbore, ali se ne može poistovetiti sa takvim izborima. Bez slobodnih i poštenih a ne samo takmičarskih izbora, kao i zaštite osnovnih sloboda i ravnopravnog takmičenja između vladajućih i opozicionih stranaka, demokratska politička utakmica nije moguća. Srbija je jedna od mnogih država koje su posle socijalizma napustile jedan oblik autoritarizma, između ostalog i održavanjem takmičarskih izbora, a samo u polovini tog razdoblja može se smatrati demokratskom - tokom decenije i po posle Petog oktobra. Takmičarski autoritarizam, mešoviti režim koji spaja demokratske procedure i autoritarnu vladavinu, iskusili smo u dva navrata: tokom devedesetih, u vreme vladavine Miloševića, i posle sloma demokratije 2015/2016, u vreme vladavine Vučića. Oba puta bila su prisutna sva tri obeležja tog režima: takmičarski ali neslobodni i/ili nepošteni izbori, sistematsko kršenje medijskih sloboda i "iskrivljeno igralište" na kojem su se nadmetale vladajuće i opozicione stranke. Takav politički razvoj Srbije nije izuzetak u regionu već se u određenoj meri poklapa i sa razvojem demokratije u drugim državama Balkana.
AB  - Democracy entails regular, multiparty and competitive elections but also
elections that are free and fair and supported by the protection of basic freedoms and a level
playing field between ruling and opposition parties. Serbia is one of many postcommunist
countries that abandoned one form of authoritarianism by holding competitive elections
but whose democratic rule spanned only a decade and a half after the fall of Milošević.
Competitive authoritarianism, a hybrid regime that mixes democratic procedure with
authoritarian governance, occurred twice: during Milošević’s rule in the 1990s and during
Vučić’s rule following the end of democracy in 2015–2016. Both involved all three features
of competitive authoritarianism: competitive but unfree and/or unfair elections, systematic
violations of media freedoms and an uneven playing field between ruling and opposition
parties. Serbia is not an exceptional case in the region in this respect but reflects democratic
development in other parts of the Balkans.
PB  - Službeni glasnik : Beograd
T2  - Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
T1  - Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.
T1  - Elections, Democracy and Competitive Authoritarianism in Serbia 1990–2020.
EP  - 1010
SP  - 991
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Demokratija podrazumeva redovne, višestranačke i takmičarske izbore, ali se ne može poistovetiti sa takvim izborima. Bez slobodnih i poštenih a ne samo takmičarskih izbora, kao i zaštite osnovnih sloboda i ravnopravnog takmičenja između vladajućih i opozicionih stranaka, demokratska politička utakmica nije moguća. Srbija je jedna od mnogih država koje su posle socijalizma napustile jedan oblik autoritarizma, između ostalog i održavanjem takmičarskih izbora, a samo u polovini tog razdoblja može se smatrati demokratskom - tokom decenije i po posle Petog oktobra. Takmičarski autoritarizam, mešoviti režim koji spaja demokratske procedure i autoritarnu vladavinu, iskusili smo u dva navrata: tokom devedesetih, u vreme vladavine Miloševića, i posle sloma demokratije 2015/2016, u vreme vladavine Vučića. Oba puta bila su prisutna sva tri obeležja tog režima: takmičarski ali neslobodni i/ili nepošteni izbori, sistematsko kršenje medijskih sloboda i "iskrivljeno igralište" na kojem su se nadmetale vladajuće i opozicione stranke. Takav politički razvoj Srbije nije izuzetak u regionu već se u određenoj meri poklapa i sa razvojem demokratije u drugim državama Balkana., Democracy entails regular, multiparty and competitive elections but also
elections that are free and fair and supported by the protection of basic freedoms and a level
playing field between ruling and opposition parties. Serbia is one of many postcommunist
countries that abandoned one form of authoritarianism by holding competitive elections
but whose democratic rule spanned only a decade and a half after the fall of Milošević.
Competitive authoritarianism, a hybrid regime that mixes democratic procedure with
authoritarian governance, occurred twice: during Milošević’s rule in the 1990s and during
Vučić’s rule following the end of democracy in 2015–2016. Both involved all three features
of competitive authoritarianism: competitive but unfree and/or unfair elections, systematic
violations of media freedoms and an uneven playing field between ruling and opposition
parties. Serbia is not an exceptional case in the region in this respect but reflects democratic
development in other parts of the Balkans.",
publisher = "Službeni glasnik : Beograd",
journal = "Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine",
booktitle = "Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020., Elections, Democracy and Competitive Authoritarianism in Serbia 1990–2020.",
pages = "1010-991",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
Službeni glasnik : Beograd., 991-1010.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954
Vladisavljević N. Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine. 2020;:991-1010.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020." in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine (2020):991-1010,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954 .

Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman

Vladisavljević, Nebojša; Krstić, Aleksandra; Pavlović, Jovica

(Palgrave Macmillan : Basingstoke and New York, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
AU  - Pavlović, Jovica
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/943
AB  - The chapter explores diverging implications of global democratic decline for public communication in new and old democracies. It draws on empirical evidence from a government-sponsored smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman between January and May 2015, including data from quantitative and qualitative analyses of print and electronic media and of Twitter content and from semi-structured interviews with key political, civil society and media actors. The analyses of the main arenas of conflict showed the prevalence of emotions and personal beliefs, as opposed to evidence, in public debates, just like in old democracies. It also revealed, however, a much broader repertoire of strategic deception and authoritarian manipulation, which resulted in sharp polarization in public discourse, systematic violations of press freedom and political competition, and a sharply declining quality of journalism.
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan : Basingstoke and New York
T2  - Media, communication and the struggle for democratic change: Case studies on contested transitions
T1  - Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman
EP  - 228
SP  - 205
DO  - 10.1007/978-3-030-16748-6_9
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša and Krstić, Aleksandra and Pavlović, Jovica",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The chapter explores diverging implications of global democratic decline for public communication in new and old democracies. It draws on empirical evidence from a government-sponsored smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman between January and May 2015, including data from quantitative and qualitative analyses of print and electronic media and of Twitter content and from semi-structured interviews with key political, civil society and media actors. The analyses of the main arenas of conflict showed the prevalence of emotions and personal beliefs, as opposed to evidence, in public debates, just like in old democracies. It also revealed, however, a much broader repertoire of strategic deception and authoritarian manipulation, which resulted in sharp polarization in public discourse, systematic violations of press freedom and political competition, and a sharply declining quality of journalism.",
publisher = "Palgrave Macmillan : Basingstoke and New York",
journal = "Media, communication and the struggle for democratic change: Case studies on contested transitions",
booktitle = "Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman",
pages = "228-205",
doi = "10.1007/978-3-030-16748-6_9"
}
Vladisavljević, N., Krstić, A.,& Pavlović, J.. (2019). Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman. in Media, communication and the struggle for democratic change: Case studies on contested transitions
Palgrave Macmillan : Basingstoke and New York., 205-228.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16748-6_9
Vladisavljević N, Krstić A, Pavlović J. Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman. in Media, communication and the struggle for democratic change: Case studies on contested transitions. 2019;:205-228.
doi:10.1007/978-3-030-16748-6_9 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, Krstić, Aleksandra, Pavlović, Jovica, "Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman" in Media, communication and the struggle for democratic change: Case studies on contested transitions (2019):205-228,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16748-6_9 . .
3
3

Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Arhipelag : Beograd, 2019)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/956
AB  - Burni događaji opisani i analizirani u ovoj knjizi govore o dramatičnom usponu i padu demokratije posle Petog oktobra – u svega deceniju i po. Posle masovnog otpora izbornoj krađi i sloma nedemokratskog režima uspostavljene su dinamične demokratske ustanove koje su opstale tokom više izbornih ciklusa, obeležene snažnim političkim takmičenjem, širokom participacijom civilnog društva i neprestanim pokušajima kontrole javnih funkcionera od strane javnosti. Ključni politički sukobi rešavani su demokratskim putem, na izborima i uglavnom unutar političkih ustanova, bitno menjajući odnose političkih snaga i određujući politiku zemlje, uprkos eksplozivne politike identiteta, institucionalnog nasleđa ličnog režima i nepovoljnih međunarodnih okolnosti. Posle prve decenije demokratizacije javljaju se prva neformalna ograničenja medijskih sloboda, koja se postepeno i sistematski pojačavaju posle povratka na vlast obnovljenih stranaka starog režima i kolapsa petooktobarskih stranaka, kulminirajući u slomu demokratije i usponu novog autoritarizma. Takva ocena izvire iz obimnog istraživanja konfliktne strane demokratizacije u ovom razdoblju, uključujući analizu sadržaja medijskog izveštavanja o ključnim političkim sukobima, razgovore sa ključnim protagonistima iz političkog i civilnog društva i istorijsko-institucionalnu analizu – u širem miljeu relevantne akademske literature i iskustava demokratizacije u našem i drugim svetskim regionima.
PB  - Arhipelag : Beograd
T1  - Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra
EP  - 359
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_956
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Burni događaji opisani i analizirani u ovoj knjizi govore o dramatičnom usponu i padu demokratije posle Petog oktobra – u svega deceniju i po. Posle masovnog otpora izbornoj krađi i sloma nedemokratskog režima uspostavljene su dinamične demokratske ustanove koje su opstale tokom više izbornih ciklusa, obeležene snažnim političkim takmičenjem, širokom participacijom civilnog društva i neprestanim pokušajima kontrole javnih funkcionera od strane javnosti. Ključni politički sukobi rešavani su demokratskim putem, na izborima i uglavnom unutar političkih ustanova, bitno menjajući odnose političkih snaga i određujući politiku zemlje, uprkos eksplozivne politike identiteta, institucionalnog nasleđa ličnog režima i nepovoljnih međunarodnih okolnosti. Posle prve decenije demokratizacije javljaju se prva neformalna ograničenja medijskih sloboda, koja se postepeno i sistematski pojačavaju posle povratka na vlast obnovljenih stranaka starog režima i kolapsa petooktobarskih stranaka, kulminirajući u slomu demokratije i usponu novog autoritarizma. Takva ocena izvire iz obimnog istraživanja konfliktne strane demokratizacije u ovom razdoblju, uključujući analizu sadržaja medijskog izveštavanja o ključnim političkim sukobima, razgovore sa ključnim protagonistima iz političkog i civilnog društva i istorijsko-institucionalnu analizu – u širem miljeu relevantne akademske literature i iskustava demokratizacije u našem i drugim svetskim regionima.",
publisher = "Arhipelag : Beograd",
title = "Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra",
pages = "359",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_956"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2019). Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra. 
Arhipelag : Beograd..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_956
Vladisavljević N. Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra. 2019;:null-359.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_956 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Uspon i pad demokratije posle Petog oktobra" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_956 .

Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Cambridge Univ Press, New York, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/757
AB  - Popular protest, which repeatedly occurred in Communist regimes, turned into massive mobilizational waves in the late Communist period. Why did some protests result in state cooptation and particularist nationalism (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union), and others in state-society polarization (Poland) and protest containment (China), when these states shared important historical, political, and institutional legacies? Political regimes with origins in indigenous popularly-based revolutionary movements are more resilient to popular protests and other major crises than other authoritarian regimes. Protracted ideological armed struggle largely overlaps with broader patriotic causes, such as liberation wars or struggles against foreign intervention. The revolutionary regimes thus acquire patriotic credentials, while boundaries between partisan and patriotic identities become blurred, which strengthens their elite unity and popular base. Popular protests thus facilitate a complex political game of old and new actors that may result in regime survival or transformation. In other regimes, popular unrest tends to produce state-society polarization and, ultimately, regime delegitimation and breakdown. Popular contention in complex multinational institutional settings, if there is no major external threat, highlights old and triggers new conflicts along these structural and institutional divides and, where dual political identities prevail, facilitates identity shifts in particularist direction.
PB  - Cambridge Univ Press, New York
T2  - Nationalities Papers
T1  - Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period
EP  - 561
IS  - 4
SP  - 545
VL  - 47
DO  - 10.1017/nps.2018.62
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Popular protest, which repeatedly occurred in Communist regimes, turned into massive mobilizational waves in the late Communist period. Why did some protests result in state cooptation and particularist nationalism (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union), and others in state-society polarization (Poland) and protest containment (China), when these states shared important historical, political, and institutional legacies? Political regimes with origins in indigenous popularly-based revolutionary movements are more resilient to popular protests and other major crises than other authoritarian regimes. Protracted ideological armed struggle largely overlaps with broader patriotic causes, such as liberation wars or struggles against foreign intervention. The revolutionary regimes thus acquire patriotic credentials, while boundaries between partisan and patriotic identities become blurred, which strengthens their elite unity and popular base. Popular protests thus facilitate a complex political game of old and new actors that may result in regime survival or transformation. In other regimes, popular unrest tends to produce state-society polarization and, ultimately, regime delegitimation and breakdown. Popular contention in complex multinational institutional settings, if there is no major external threat, highlights old and triggers new conflicts along these structural and institutional divides and, where dual political identities prevail, facilitates identity shifts in particularist direction.",
publisher = "Cambridge Univ Press, New York",
journal = "Nationalities Papers",
title = "Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period",
pages = "561-545",
number = "4",
volume = "47",
doi = "10.1017/nps.2018.62"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2019). Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period. in Nationalities Papers
Cambridge Univ Press, New York., 47(4), 545-561.
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.62
Vladisavljević N. Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period. in Nationalities Papers. 2019;47(4):545-561.
doi:10.1017/nps.2018.62 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period" in Nationalities Papers, 47, no. 4 (2019):545-561,
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.62 . .
1
2
1
3

Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Fakultet političkih nauka, Univerzitet u Sarajevu; ForumZFD, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/944
AB  - Odsustvo saradnje i međunacionalni sporovi u pluralnim društvima posle rata često ne izviru iz konsocijacije kao mehanizma za regulaciju sukoba, već iz nedemokratskog okruženja u kojem te institucije funkcionišu. Demokratski deficit konsocijalne demokratije, u vidu ograničene odgovornosti državnih funkcionera građanima i podsticanja kolektivnih na račun individualnih prava, višestruko se negativno odražava na konsocijalne aranžmane u autoritarnim i mešovitim režimima. Primeri socijalističke Jugoslavije i Bosne i Hercegovine i Makedonije posle ratnih sukoba – savremenih mešovitih režima – govore da se konsocijacija smatra mehanizmom za podelu plena, a ne za podsticanje saradnje i uzajamnu kontrolu predstavnika naroda u pluralnom društvu. Demokratija treba da obezbedi vertikalnu i horizontalnu odgovornost vlasti građanima i zaštitu individualnih prava, i tako omogući efektivno funkcionisanje konsocijacije.
AB  - Lack of cooperation and intra-national
disputes in plural post-war societies
often do not arise from consociation as a
mechanism of conflict regulation, but from a
non-democratic environment in which those
institutions function. The democratic deficit
of consocial democracy, in the form of limited
accountability of state officials before citizens
and of promotion of collective rights at the
expense of individual ones, has a multiple
negative impact on consocial setups in authoritarian and combined regimes. Examples of
socialist Yugoslavia and of post-war Bosnia
and Herzegovina and Macedonia – the
contemporary combined regimes – illustrate
that consociation is considered a mechanism
for distribution of prey, and not for encouraging of cooperation and mutual control of
people’s representatives in a plural society.
Democracy should provide vertical and horizontal accountability of government before its
citizens, as well as the protection of individual rights, thus enabling effective functioning of
consociation
PB  - Fakultet političkih nauka, Univerzitet u Sarajevu; ForumZFD
T2  - Politike izgradnje mira u regionu: opterećenja prošlosti i vizije budućnosti / Politics of building peace in the region: Burdens from the past and visions for the future
T1  - Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata
T1  - Democracy and consociation in plural post-war societies
EP  - 97
SP  - 82
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_944
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Odsustvo saradnje i međunacionalni sporovi u pluralnim društvima posle rata često ne izviru iz konsocijacije kao mehanizma za regulaciju sukoba, već iz nedemokratskog okruženja u kojem te institucije funkcionišu. Demokratski deficit konsocijalne demokratije, u vidu ograničene odgovornosti državnih funkcionera građanima i podsticanja kolektivnih na račun individualnih prava, višestruko se negativno odražava na konsocijalne aranžmane u autoritarnim i mešovitim režimima. Primeri socijalističke Jugoslavije i Bosne i Hercegovine i Makedonije posle ratnih sukoba – savremenih mešovitih režima – govore da se konsocijacija smatra mehanizmom za podelu plena, a ne za podsticanje saradnje i uzajamnu kontrolu predstavnika naroda u pluralnom društvu. Demokratija treba da obezbedi vertikalnu i horizontalnu odgovornost vlasti građanima i zaštitu individualnih prava, i tako omogući efektivno funkcionisanje konsocijacije., Lack of cooperation and intra-national
disputes in plural post-war societies
often do not arise from consociation as a
mechanism of conflict regulation, but from a
non-democratic environment in which those
institutions function. The democratic deficit
of consocial democracy, in the form of limited
accountability of state officials before citizens
and of promotion of collective rights at the
expense of individual ones, has a multiple
negative impact on consocial setups in authoritarian and combined regimes. Examples of
socialist Yugoslavia and of post-war Bosnia
and Herzegovina and Macedonia – the
contemporary combined regimes – illustrate
that consociation is considered a mechanism
for distribution of prey, and not for encouraging of cooperation and mutual control of
people’s representatives in a plural society.
Democracy should provide vertical and horizontal accountability of government before its
citizens, as well as the protection of individual rights, thus enabling effective functioning of
consociation",
publisher = "Fakultet političkih nauka, Univerzitet u Sarajevu; ForumZFD",
journal = "Politike izgradnje mira u regionu: opterećenja prošlosti i vizije budućnosti / Politics of building peace in the region: Burdens from the past and visions for the future",
booktitle = "Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata, Democracy and consociation in plural post-war societies",
pages = "97-82",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_944"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2018). Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata. in Politike izgradnje mira u regionu: opterećenja prošlosti i vizije budućnosti / Politics of building peace in the region: Burdens from the past and visions for the future
Fakultet političkih nauka, Univerzitet u Sarajevu; ForumZFD., 82-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_944
Vladisavljević N. Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata. in Politike izgradnje mira u regionu: opterećenja prošlosti i vizije budućnosti / Politics of building peace in the region: Burdens from the past and visions for the future. 2018;:82-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_944 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Demokratija i konsocijacija u pluralnim društvima posle rata" in Politike izgradnje mira u regionu: opterećenja prošlosti i vizije budućnosti / Politics of building peace in the region: Burdens from the past and visions for the future (2018):82-97,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_944 .

Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa

Vladisavljević, Nebojša; Katrin, Voltmer

(Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
AU  - Katrin, Voltmer
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/643
AB  - This paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. The main finding is that cross-national variations depend on several factors: specific country contexts (and contexts of broader regions from which they come from, including the Arab Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and post-communist Europe); regime type and the stage of democratisation; and type of democratisation conflict (which reflects the main arenas of political contestation). Across all countries, the quality of media coverage is limited by bias, emotionalisation and - most importantly - polarisation. In particular, conflicts over the distribution of power trigger sharp polarisation, whereas elections-contrary to existing literature - seem to force media towards a more restrained style of reporting. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories from the four countries.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa
EP  - 537
IS  - 4
SP  - 518
VL  - 59
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1704518V
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša and Katrin, Voltmer",
year = "2017",
abstract = "This paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. The main finding is that cross-national variations depend on several factors: specific country contexts (and contexts of broader regions from which they come from, including the Arab Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and post-communist Europe); regime type and the stage of democratisation; and type of democratisation conflict (which reflects the main arenas of political contestation). Across all countries, the quality of media coverage is limited by bias, emotionalisation and - most importantly - polarisation. In particular, conflicts over the distribution of power trigger sharp polarisation, whereas elections-contrary to existing literature - seem to force media towards a more restrained style of reporting. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories from the four countries.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa",
pages = "537-518",
number = "4",
volume = "59",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1704518V"
}
Vladisavljević, N.,& Katrin, V.. (2017). Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 59(4), 518-537.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704518V
Vladisavljević N, Katrin V. Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. in Sociologija. 2017;59(4):518-537.
doi:10.2298/SOC1704518V .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, Katrin, Voltmer, "Media Framing of Democratisation Conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa" in Sociologija, 59, no. 4 (2017):518-537,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704518V . .
6

Media framing of political conflicts

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/619
AB  - By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .
AB  - Izveštavajući o nekim sukobima, a ne o drugima, i predstavljajući ih na određeni način, mediji bitno utiču na dinamiku i rezultate sukoba tokom demokratizacije i tako oblikuju izglede na uspeh sukobljenih strana. Ovaj rad analizira literaturu o medijima i političkim sukobima, naročito onaj deo o medijskom predstavljanju međudržavnih i građanskih ratova, institucionalizovanih sukoba, protesta i društvenih pokreta u demokratijama Zapada, kao i sukoba u nedemokratskim režimima i tokom demokratizacije. Najveći deo literature bavi se načinima na koji Zapadni mediji predstavljaju strane sukobe - oružane i druge - i domaće izborne kampanje i rasprave o javnim politikama, dok je medijsko izveštavanje o domaćim sukobima u nezapadnom okruženju, kao što su oni koji nastaju tokom i posle nedemokratske vladavine, nedovoljno istraženo. Retko se povlače paralele između medijskog izveštavanja o tim, veoma različitim oblicima sukoba. Ovaj rad upravo insistira na upoređivanju nalaza iz ovih srodnih oblasti jer takvo poređenje sugeriše pouke - u vidu argumenata i hipoteza - za empirijsko istraživanje medijskog predstavljanja konfliktne strane savremene demokratizacije. Najznačajniji nalaz ove studije jeste da je politički kontekst ključni činilac koji utiče na predstavljanje različitih oblika političkih sukoba u medijima. Najvažnije dimenzije političkog konteksta iz ovog ugla su oblik političkog režima, međunarodni (spoljni) ili domaći ugao, konsenzus ili sukob elita, oblast javne politike i konsenzus ili neizvesnost oko njihovog donošenja i/ili sadržaja, oblik i nivo institucionalizacije sukoba i etapa demokratizacije. Pored toga, medijsko predstavljanje sukoba značajno utiče na političke ishode i tako podržava ili podriva nove demokratske ustanove.
PB  - Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - CM: Communication and Media
T1  - Media framing of political conflicts
T1  - Medijsko predstavljanje političkih sukoba
EP  - 38
IS  - 39
SP  - 5
VL  - 12
DO  - 10.5937/comman12-13725
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2017",
abstract = "By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. ., Izveštavajući o nekim sukobima, a ne o drugima, i predstavljajući ih na određeni način, mediji bitno utiču na dinamiku i rezultate sukoba tokom demokratizacije i tako oblikuju izglede na uspeh sukobljenih strana. Ovaj rad analizira literaturu o medijima i političkim sukobima, naročito onaj deo o medijskom predstavljanju međudržavnih i građanskih ratova, institucionalizovanih sukoba, protesta i društvenih pokreta u demokratijama Zapada, kao i sukoba u nedemokratskim režimima i tokom demokratizacije. Najveći deo literature bavi se načinima na koji Zapadni mediji predstavljaju strane sukobe - oružane i druge - i domaće izborne kampanje i rasprave o javnim politikama, dok je medijsko izveštavanje o domaćim sukobima u nezapadnom okruženju, kao što su oni koji nastaju tokom i posle nedemokratske vladavine, nedovoljno istraženo. Retko se povlače paralele između medijskog izveštavanja o tim, veoma različitim oblicima sukoba. Ovaj rad upravo insistira na upoređivanju nalaza iz ovih srodnih oblasti jer takvo poređenje sugeriše pouke - u vidu argumenata i hipoteza - za empirijsko istraživanje medijskog predstavljanja konfliktne strane savremene demokratizacije. Najznačajniji nalaz ove studije jeste da je politički kontekst ključni činilac koji utiče na predstavljanje različitih oblika političkih sukoba u medijima. Najvažnije dimenzije političkog konteksta iz ovog ugla su oblik političkog režima, međunarodni (spoljni) ili domaći ugao, konsenzus ili sukob elita, oblast javne politike i konsenzus ili neizvesnost oko njihovog donošenja i/ili sadržaja, oblik i nivo institucionalizacije sukoba i etapa demokratizacije. Pored toga, medijsko predstavljanje sukoba značajno utiče na političke ishode i tako podržava ili podriva nove demokratske ustanove.",
publisher = "Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "CM: Communication and Media",
title = "Media framing of political conflicts, Medijsko predstavljanje političkih sukoba",
pages = "38-5",
number = "39",
volume = "12",
doi = "10.5937/comman12-13725"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2017). Media framing of political conflicts. in CM: Communication and Media
Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 12(39), 5-38.
https://doi.org/10.5937/comman12-13725
Vladisavljević N. Media framing of political conflicts. in CM: Communication and Media. 2017;12(39):5-38.
doi:10.5937/comman12-13725 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Media framing of political conflicts" in CM: Communication and Media, 12, no. 39 (2017):5-38,
https://doi.org/10.5937/comman12-13725 . .
1

Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd, 2016)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/945
AB  - U radu autor ukazuje da kvalitet medijskog izveštavanja o političkim pitanjima ne zavisi samo od uticaja vlasti, već i drugih činilaca. Oslonac argumenta je teorija „indeksiranja“ koja objašnjava bitno drugačiji oblik medijskog izveštavanja – o međunarodnim sukobima i spoljnoj politici u bitno različitom političkom miljeu, u SAD. Prilagođena političkom miljeu novih demokratija, ta teorija sugeriše da medijsko izveštavanje o politici izvire i iz dinamike „beleženja“ odnosa političkih snaga od strane medija u demokratskim zemljama, koje reflektuje politički uticaj i kredibilnost ključnih učesnika u političkom životu, kao i njihov kapacitet da nametnu medijima svoju verziju događaja. Preliminarna, delimična empirijska provera ovog argumenta ukazuje da takvo objašnjenje u velikoj meri osvetljava složene uslove u kojima mediji deluju u novim demokratijama.
PB  - Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd
T2  - Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina
T1  - Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra
EP  - 230
SP  - 216
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2016",
abstract = "U radu autor ukazuje da kvalitet medijskog izveštavanja o političkim pitanjima ne zavisi samo od uticaja vlasti, već i drugih činilaca. Oslonac argumenta je teorija „indeksiranja“ koja objašnjava bitno drugačiji oblik medijskog izveštavanja – o međunarodnim sukobima i spoljnoj politici u bitno različitom političkom miljeu, u SAD. Prilagođena političkom miljeu novih demokratija, ta teorija sugeriše da medijsko izveštavanje o politici izvire i iz dinamike „beleženja“ odnosa političkih snaga od strane medija u demokratskim zemljama, koje reflektuje politički uticaj i kredibilnost ključnih učesnika u političkom životu, kao i njihov kapacitet da nametnu medijima svoju verziju događaja. Preliminarna, delimična empirijska provera ovog argumenta ukazuje da takvo objašnjenje u velikoj meri osvetljava složene uslove u kojima mediji deluju u novim demokratijama.",
publisher = "Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd",
journal = "Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina",
booktitle = "Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra",
pages = "230-216",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2016). Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra. in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina
Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd., 216-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945
Vladisavljević N. Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra. in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina. 2016;:216-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra" in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina (2016):216-230,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945 .

Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Sage Publications Ltd, London, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/552
AB  - This article explores the relationship between competitive authoritarianism and popular protest. Building upon comparative regime analysis and social movement research, it argues that this hybrid regime type facilitates popular protest by providing opposition forces with considerable institutional resources to organize themselves and confront regime elites, along with grievances that provide strong incentives for popular challenges. In turn, popular protest may trigger regime crisis and extract important concessions from regime incumbents. In the long run, popular politics strongly shapes the interests, identities and capacities of regime elites and opposition forces, as well as the regime's formal and/or informal institutions, and may lead to government change and/or regime change. Evidence is provided from Serbia under Miloevi, which experienced massive opposition protest campaigns in 1991, 1992, 1996-1997, 1999 and 2000, which resulted in regime change.
PB  - Sage Publications Ltd, London
T2  - International Political Science Review
T1  - Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic
EP  - 50
IS  - 1
SP  - 36
VL  - 37
DO  - 10.1177/0192512114535450
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This article explores the relationship between competitive authoritarianism and popular protest. Building upon comparative regime analysis and social movement research, it argues that this hybrid regime type facilitates popular protest by providing opposition forces with considerable institutional resources to organize themselves and confront regime elites, along with grievances that provide strong incentives for popular challenges. In turn, popular protest may trigger regime crisis and extract important concessions from regime incumbents. In the long run, popular politics strongly shapes the interests, identities and capacities of regime elites and opposition forces, as well as the regime's formal and/or informal institutions, and may lead to government change and/or regime change. Evidence is provided from Serbia under Miloevi, which experienced massive opposition protest campaigns in 1991, 1992, 1996-1997, 1999 and 2000, which resulted in regime change.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Ltd, London",
journal = "International Political Science Review",
title = "Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic",
pages = "50-36",
number = "1",
volume = "37",
doi = "10.1177/0192512114535450"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2016). Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic. in International Political Science Review
Sage Publications Ltd, London., 37(1), 36-50.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512114535450
Vladisavljević N. Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic. in International Political Science Review. 2016;37(1):36-50.
doi:10.1177/0192512114535450 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milosevic" in International Political Science Review, 37, no. 1 (2016):36-50,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512114535450 . .
1
32
11
26

Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, : Abingdon, 2014)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/946
AB  - The scholarly study of the breakup of Yugoslavia has advanced considerably in the past two decades. Research from the 1990s set a solid foundation for future attempts at explanation by offering a comprehensive overview of the causes and dynamics of the breakup and its implications, not least because it relied on a wide range of primary and secondary sources. Studies that followed built upon this foundation by narrowing down their research focus to specific dimensions of the breakup and by delving into a systematic exploration of primary sources. As a result, novel interpretations that were firmly based on empirical research started putting together a rather complex story of Yugoslavia’s breakup. However, a weak conceptual and theoretical foundation of much of the scholarly work, as well as a tendency to see this case as unique or exceptional, has held back empirical research in our field. The greater theoretical focus and insights from the literatures on political regimes and regime change, nationalist mobilization, national and ethnic conflict regulation, civil wars and other relevant perspectives may suggest important ways to improve empirical research in our field.
PB  - Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, : Abingdon
T2  - Debating the end of Yugoslavia
T1  - Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?
EP  - 79
SP  - 67
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_946
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The scholarly study of the breakup of Yugoslavia has advanced considerably in the past two decades. Research from the 1990s set a solid foundation for future attempts at explanation by offering a comprehensive overview of the causes and dynamics of the breakup and its implications, not least because it relied on a wide range of primary and secondary sources. Studies that followed built upon this foundation by narrowing down their research focus to specific dimensions of the breakup and by delving into a systematic exploration of primary sources. As a result, novel interpretations that were firmly based on empirical research started putting together a rather complex story of Yugoslavia’s breakup. However, a weak conceptual and theoretical foundation of much of the scholarly work, as well as a tendency to see this case as unique or exceptional, has held back empirical research in our field. The greater theoretical focus and insights from the literatures on political regimes and regime change, nationalist mobilization, national and ethnic conflict regulation, civil wars and other relevant perspectives may suggest important ways to improve empirical research in our field.",
publisher = "Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, : Abingdon",
journal = "Debating the end of Yugoslavia",
booktitle = "Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?",
pages = "79-67",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_946"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2014). Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?. in Debating the end of Yugoslavia
Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, : Abingdon., 67-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_946
Vladisavljević N. Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?. in Debating the end of Yugoslavia. 2014;:67-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_946 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Does scholarly literature on the breakup of Yugoslavia travel well?" in Debating the end of Yugoslavia (2014):67-79,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_946 .

Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/452
AB  - The paper shows that sustained popular protest is a recurrent feature in many authoritarian regimes and that a regime type strongly shapes its characteristics. Popular protest often leads to important changes in the personal composition and policies of elites, which considerably affect the structure and operation of authoritarian regimes, and at times produce regime change. Evidence is provided from authoritarianism in Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the fall of communism, and from competitive authoritarian regimes in post-communist Serbia and Ukraine, which were repeatedly undermined by protest waves and brought to an end by pressure from below'.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
T1  - Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states
EP  - 157
IS  - 2
SP  - 139
VL  - 14
DO  - 10.1080/14683857.2014.901725
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The paper shows that sustained popular protest is a recurrent feature in many authoritarian regimes and that a regime type strongly shapes its characteristics. Popular protest often leads to important changes in the personal composition and policies of elites, which considerably affect the structure and operation of authoritarian regimes, and at times produce regime change. Evidence is provided from authoritarianism in Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the fall of communism, and from competitive authoritarian regimes in post-communist Serbia and Ukraine, which were repeatedly undermined by protest waves and brought to an end by pressure from below'.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Southeast European and Black Sea Studies",
title = "Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states",
pages = "157-139",
number = "2",
volume = "14",
doi = "10.1080/14683857.2014.901725"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2014). Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 14(2), 139-157.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.901725
Vladisavljević N. Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 2014;14(2):139-157.
doi:10.1080/14683857.2014.901725 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states" in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 14, no. 2 (2014):139-157,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.901725 . .
3
9
5
8

Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/408
AB  - Large popular protests against non-democratic rule swept much of the Middle East during the Arab Spring. Why did non-violent and armed rebellions emerge in some countries, but not in others? Why did some autocrats fall from power under pressure 'from below', but not others? Theoretical debates on the impact of structural and institutional factors on the stability of political regimes and democratization suggest possible avenues for research. Oil wealth empowered some autocrats to avoid large popular protests and helped others to weather them out without major problems. Huge profits from oil exports reduced demands for political representation, enabled autocrats to 'buy' loyalty of their population and strengthened the repressive apparatus, as well as the readiness of its members to use force against their political opponents. In addition, the survival of Arab monarchies, and of the Algerian regime, suggests that authoritarian regimes are more stable than sultanist (personalist) ones. The broader social base of authoritarianism and resulting regime coalitions, and strong political institutions, reduced the pool for recruitment of protesters and made a firm government response possible. Sultanistic regimes, by contrast, faced existential threat because of highly unpopular personalist rule and dynastic tendencies, narrow social base, widespread corruption and ineffective rule.
AB  - Masovni protesti protiv nedemokratske vlasti zahvatili su tokom arapskog proleća veći deo Severne Afrike i Bliskog Istoka. Zašto nenasilne ili oružane pobune nisu izbile u svim zemljama regiona? Zašto su neki nedemokratski vladari smenjeni pod pritiskom 'odozdo', a drugi opstali na vlasti? Teorijske rasprave o uticaju strukturnih i institucionalnih činilaca na stabilnost političkih režima i demokratizaciju ukazuju na moguće pravce analize ovih problema. Bogatstvo naftom omogućilo je pojedinim nedemokratskim vladarima da izbegnu široke proteste a drugima da ih uspešno i gotovo bezbolno neutrališu. Veliki prihodi od eksploatacije nafte umanjili su zahteve građana za političkim predstavljanjem, olakšali kupovinu lojalnosti i ojačali represivni aparat, kao i spremnost njegovih pripadnika da upotrebe silu prema protivnicima režima. Pored toga, opstanak arapskih monarhija, kao i alžirskog republikanskog režima, sugeriše da su autoritarni režimi stabilniji od sultanističkih (ličnih) režima. Šira društvena osnova autoritarnih režima, i na njoj zasnovane režimske koalicije, kao i jake političke ustanove, smanjili su regrutni potencijal protesta i obezbedili čvrst odgovor vlasti. Sultanistički režimi, s druge strane, suočili su se s egzistencijalnom pretnjom usled omražene lične vladavine i pokušaja dinastijske sukcesije u republikama, uske društvene osnove režima, velike korupcije i neefikasne vlasti.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring
T1  - Stabilni autoritarizam u Arapskom proleću
EP  - 514
IS  - 4
SP  - 489
VL  - 47
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1304489V
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Large popular protests against non-democratic rule swept much of the Middle East during the Arab Spring. Why did non-violent and armed rebellions emerge in some countries, but not in others? Why did some autocrats fall from power under pressure 'from below', but not others? Theoretical debates on the impact of structural and institutional factors on the stability of political regimes and democratization suggest possible avenues for research. Oil wealth empowered some autocrats to avoid large popular protests and helped others to weather them out without major problems. Huge profits from oil exports reduced demands for political representation, enabled autocrats to 'buy' loyalty of their population and strengthened the repressive apparatus, as well as the readiness of its members to use force against their political opponents. In addition, the survival of Arab monarchies, and of the Algerian regime, suggests that authoritarian regimes are more stable than sultanist (personalist) ones. The broader social base of authoritarianism and resulting regime coalitions, and strong political institutions, reduced the pool for recruitment of protesters and made a firm government response possible. Sultanistic regimes, by contrast, faced existential threat because of highly unpopular personalist rule and dynastic tendencies, narrow social base, widespread corruption and ineffective rule., Masovni protesti protiv nedemokratske vlasti zahvatili su tokom arapskog proleća veći deo Severne Afrike i Bliskog Istoka. Zašto nenasilne ili oružane pobune nisu izbile u svim zemljama regiona? Zašto su neki nedemokratski vladari smenjeni pod pritiskom 'odozdo', a drugi opstali na vlasti? Teorijske rasprave o uticaju strukturnih i institucionalnih činilaca na stabilnost političkih režima i demokratizaciju ukazuju na moguće pravce analize ovih problema. Bogatstvo naftom omogućilo je pojedinim nedemokratskim vladarima da izbegnu široke proteste a drugima da ih uspešno i gotovo bezbolno neutrališu. Veliki prihodi od eksploatacije nafte umanjili su zahteve građana za političkim predstavljanjem, olakšali kupovinu lojalnosti i ojačali represivni aparat, kao i spremnost njegovih pripadnika da upotrebe silu prema protivnicima režima. Pored toga, opstanak arapskih monarhija, kao i alžirskog republikanskog režima, sugeriše da su autoritarni režimi stabilniji od sultanističkih (ličnih) režima. Šira društvena osnova autoritarnih režima, i na njoj zasnovane režimske koalicije, kao i jake političke ustanove, smanjili su regrutni potencijal protesta i obezbedili čvrst odgovor vlasti. Sultanistički režimi, s druge strane, suočili su se s egzistencijalnom pretnjom usled omražene lične vladavine i pokušaja dinastijske sukcesije u republikama, uske društvene osnove režima, velike korupcije i neefikasne vlasti.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring, Stabilni autoritarizam u Arapskom proleću",
pages = "514-489",
number = "4",
volume = "47",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1304489V"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2013). Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 47(4), 489-514.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1304489V
Vladisavljević N. Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring. in Sociološki pregled. 2013;47(4):489-514.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1304489V .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Durable authoritarianism in the Arab Spring" in Sociološki pregled, 47, no. 4 (2013):489-514,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1304489V . .

Etničko čišćenje

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/953
AB  - Izraz „etničko čišćenje“ ulazi u širu akademsku upotrebu u poslednjoj deceniji zamenjujući raniji izraz „prisilno iseljavanje stanovništva“ i noviji „etničko proterivanje“. Ovaj izraz je u neposrednoj vezi s opštijim pristupima regulisanju nacionalnih i etničkih sukoba. U širem smislu, etničko čišćenje je generički pojam koji uključuje različite oblike kršenja individualnih i kolektivnih prava pripadnika jedne ili više etničkih grupa. U užem smislu, ovaj pojam označava samo jednu od više jasno razgraničenih strategija regulacije nacionalnih i etničkih sukoba. Režimi koji se nalaze na početku demokratizacije češće sprovode etničko čišćenje nego stabilni autoritarni režimi. Mada organizatori etničkog čišćenja smatraju da će dugoročno „rešiti“ pitanje etničkih sukoba, posledice su obično njegovo produžavanje i zaoštravanje sukoba.
PB  - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd
PB  - Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd
PB  - Službeni glasnik : Beograd
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Etničko čišćenje
EP  - 111
IS  - 2
SP  - 107
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_953
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2011",
abstract = "Izraz „etničko čišćenje“ ulazi u širu akademsku upotrebu u poslednjoj deceniji zamenjujući raniji izraz „prisilno iseljavanje stanovništva“ i noviji „etničko proterivanje“. Ovaj izraz je u neposrednoj vezi s opštijim pristupima regulisanju nacionalnih i etničkih sukoba. U širem smislu, etničko čišćenje je generički pojam koji uključuje različite oblike kršenja individualnih i kolektivnih prava pripadnika jedne ili više etničkih grupa. U užem smislu, ovaj pojam označava samo jednu od više jasno razgraničenih strategija regulacije nacionalnih i etničkih sukoba. Režimi koji se nalaze na početku demokratizacije češće sprovode etničko čišćenje nego stabilni autoritarni režimi. Mada organizatori etničkog čišćenja smatraju da će dugoročno „rešiti“ pitanje etničkih sukoba, posledice su obično njegovo produžavanje i zaoštravanje sukoba.",
publisher = "Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd, Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd, Službeni glasnik : Beograd",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Etničko čišćenje",
pages = "111-107",
number = "2",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_953"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2011). Etničko čišćenje. in Politički život
Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd., 1(2), 107-111.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_953
Vladisavljević N. Etničko čišćenje. in Politički život. 2011;1(2):107-111.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_953 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Etničko čišćenje" in Politički život, 1, no. 2 (2011):107-111,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_953 .

Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd, 2011)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/948
AB  - Pojam konsolidacije demokratije unosi pojmovnu zbrku u oblast gde već postoji široko prihvaćeni konceptualni aparat i otežava empirijska istraživanja savremene demokratizacije. Jak teleološki naboj ovog pojma stvara nerealna očekivanja da će doći do podizanja kvaliteta demokratije u pojedinim zemljama u kratkom roku, a neispunjavanje takvih očekivanja proizvodi razočaranje i preuveličavanje razlika između starih i novih demokratija. Alternativa jeste razvijanje tipologija savremenih demokratija na osnovu njihovih pozitivnih obeležja i istraživanje činilaca koji omogućavaju pojedinim zemljama da pređu iz jednog oblika demokratije u drugi. U Srbiji danas postoji demokratski režim imajući u vidu činjenicu da su izbori slobodni i pošteni, da se slobode govora, štampe i udruživanja uglavnom poštuju i da nema „rezervisanih domena“ koji bi ograničili moć državnih funkcionera izabranih na demokratskim izborima. Ipak, reč je o demokratiji u kojoj je poštovanje ustava i zakona uglavnom ograničeno na ove oblasti a u ostalima je ponašanje ključnih učesnika u političkom životu uglavnom u skladu s neformalnim pravilima, kao što su klijentelizam i korupcija.
AB  - The concept of democratic consolidation creates conceptual con-
fusion and complicates empirical research in the field in which the-
re is a widely accepted conceptual framework. It‘s strong teleogical
flavour produces unrealistic expectations that a strong improve-
ment in the quality of democracy will occur, which once unfull-
filled create frustration and the exaggeration of differences betwe-
en old and new democracies. One alternative is to build typologies
of contemporary democracies on the basis of their positive featu-
res and to explore factors that enable states to move from one type
of democracy to another. Serbia today is a democracy since the-
re are free and fair elections, the broad protection of freedoms of
speech, press and association and the absence of „reserved domains“
that restrict the power of elected officials. Still, the formal rules are
followed in these areas only, while the behaviour of key political
players in other areas unfolds largely in line with the informal rules,
such as clientelism and corruption
PB  - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd
T2  - Ustav i demokratija u procesu transformacije
T1  - Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije
T1  - Democracy, democratic consolidation and the case of Serbia
EP  - 207
SP  - 195
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_948
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2011",
abstract = "Pojam konsolidacije demokratije unosi pojmovnu zbrku u oblast gde već postoji široko prihvaćeni konceptualni aparat i otežava empirijska istraživanja savremene demokratizacije. Jak teleološki naboj ovog pojma stvara nerealna očekivanja da će doći do podizanja kvaliteta demokratije u pojedinim zemljama u kratkom roku, a neispunjavanje takvih očekivanja proizvodi razočaranje i preuveličavanje razlika između starih i novih demokratija. Alternativa jeste razvijanje tipologija savremenih demokratija na osnovu njihovih pozitivnih obeležja i istraživanje činilaca koji omogućavaju pojedinim zemljama da pređu iz jednog oblika demokratije u drugi. U Srbiji danas postoji demokratski režim imajući u vidu činjenicu da su izbori slobodni i pošteni, da se slobode govora, štampe i udruživanja uglavnom poštuju i da nema „rezervisanih domena“ koji bi ograničili moć državnih funkcionera izabranih na demokratskim izborima. Ipak, reč je o demokratiji u kojoj je poštovanje ustava i zakona uglavnom ograničeno na ove oblasti a u ostalima je ponašanje ključnih učesnika u političkom životu uglavnom u skladu s neformalnim pravilima, kao što su klijentelizam i korupcija., The concept of democratic consolidation creates conceptual con-
fusion and complicates empirical research in the field in which the-
re is a widely accepted conceptual framework. It‘s strong teleogical
flavour produces unrealistic expectations that a strong improve-
ment in the quality of democracy will occur, which once unfull-
filled create frustration and the exaggeration of differences betwe-
en old and new democracies. One alternative is to build typologies
of contemporary democracies on the basis of their positive featu-
res and to explore factors that enable states to move from one type
of democracy to another. Serbia today is a democracy since the-
re are free and fair elections, the broad protection of freedoms of
speech, press and association and the absence of „reserved domains“
that restrict the power of elected officials. Still, the formal rules are
followed in these areas only, while the behaviour of key political
players in other areas unfolds largely in line with the informal rules,
such as clientelism and corruption",
publisher = "Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd",
journal = "Ustav i demokratija u procesu transformacije",
booktitle = "Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije, Democracy, democratic consolidation and the case of Serbia",
pages = "207-195",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_948"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2011). Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije. in Ustav i demokratija u procesu transformacije
Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd., 195-207.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_948
Vladisavljević N. Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije. in Ustav i demokratija u procesu transformacije. 2011;:195-207.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_948 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Demokratija, konsolidacija demokratije i primer Srbije" in Ustav i demokratija u procesu transformacije (2011):195-207,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_948 .

Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd, 2011)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/947
PB  - Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd
T2  - Javne politike Srbije
T1  - Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas
EP  - 19
SP  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2011",
publisher = "Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd",
journal = "Javne politike Srbije",
booktitle = "Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas",
pages = "19-13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2011). Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas. in Javne politike Srbije
Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd., 13-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947
Vladisavljević N. Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas. in Javne politike Srbije. 2011;:13-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas" in Javne politike Srbije (2011):13-19,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947 .

Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/282
AB  - In debates over the Kosovo conflict, scholars and policy- makers have focused largely on broadly conceived Serb–Albanian relations, centred on: the conflicting nationalist ideologies of Serbs and Albanians; the status of Kosovo; and relations between Belgrade and Priština (or Priština/Tirana). Yet such a focus can be misleading. Another, equally important, dimension of the Kosovo conflict is the Albanian–Serb conflict within the province. Yet over the past two decades scholars and policy- makers have not taken into account the grievances and behaviour of local actors, particularly those of the Kosovo Serbs, within the climate of the changing political context within which they have struggled. The failure of local and external political actors – before, during and after the rule of Milošević, including that of representatives of the international organisations involved in the post- war reconstruction and institution building – has strongly contributed to the atmosphere of intractability that threatens to undermine a major opportunity to reach a fair and sustainable solution.
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
T2  - After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics within the Successor States
T1  - Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict
EP  - 42
SP  - 26
DO  - 10.1057/9780230305137
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2011",
abstract = "In debates over the Kosovo conflict, scholars and policy- makers have focused largely on broadly conceived Serb–Albanian relations, centred on: the conflicting nationalist ideologies of Serbs and Albanians; the status of Kosovo; and relations between Belgrade and Priština (or Priština/Tirana). Yet such a focus can be misleading. Another, equally important, dimension of the Kosovo conflict is the Albanian–Serb conflict within the province. Yet over the past two decades scholars and policy- makers have not taken into account the grievances and behaviour of local actors, particularly those of the Kosovo Serbs, within the climate of the changing political context within which they have struggled. The failure of local and external political actors – before, during and after the rule of Milošević, including that of representatives of the international organisations involved in the post- war reconstruction and institution building – has strongly contributed to the atmosphere of intractability that threatens to undermine a major opportunity to reach a fair and sustainable solution.",
publisher = "Palgrave Macmillan",
journal = "After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics within the Successor States",
booktitle = "Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict",
pages = "42-26",
doi = "10.1057/9780230305137"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2011). Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict. in After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics within the Successor States
Palgrave Macmillan., 26-42.
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230305137
Vladisavljević N. Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict. in After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics within the Successor States. 2011;:26-42.
doi:10.1057/9780230305137 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Kosovo and two dimensions of the contemporary Serb-Albanian conflict" in After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics within the Successor States (2011):26-42,
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230305137 . .
4
1
4

Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd, 2010)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/950
AB  - Članak istražuje odnos između jednog oblika mešovitog režima i politike protesta na primeru Srbije i pokazuje da je takmičarski autoritarizam strukturno nestabilan i naročito podložan pritisku „odozdo“.
PB  - Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd
T2  - Razvoj demokratskih ustanova u Srbiji - deset godina posle
T1  - Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar
EP  - 23
SP  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_950
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2010",
abstract = "Članak istražuje odnos između jednog oblika mešovitog režima i politike protesta na primeru Srbije i pokazuje da je takmičarski autoritarizam strukturno nestabilan i naročito podložan pritisku „odozdo“.",
publisher = "Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd",
journal = "Razvoj demokratskih ustanova u Srbiji - deset godina posle",
booktitle = "Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar",
pages = "23-13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_950"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2010). Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar. in Razvoj demokratskih ustanova u Srbiji - deset godina posle
Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd., 13-23.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_950
Vladisavljević N. Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar. in Razvoj demokratskih ustanova u Srbiji - deset godina posle. 2010;:13-23.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_950 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Mešoviti režimi, protesti i 5. oktobar" in Razvoj demokratskih ustanova u Srbiji - deset godina posle (2010):13-23,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_950 .

The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2010)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/270
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - New Perspectives on Yugoslavia: Key Issues and Controversies
T1  - The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics
EP  - 160
SP  - 143
DO  - 10.4324/9780203846018
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2010",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "New Perspectives on Yugoslavia: Key Issues and Controversies",
booktitle = "The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics",
pages = "160-143",
doi = "10.4324/9780203846018"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2010). The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics. in New Perspectives on Yugoslavia: Key Issues and Controversies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 143-160.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203846018
Vladisavljević N. The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics. in New Perspectives on Yugoslavia: Key Issues and Controversies. 2010;:143-160.
doi:10.4324/9780203846018 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "The break-up of Yugoslavia: The role of popular politics" in New Perspectives on Yugoslavia: Key Issues and Controversies (2010):143-160,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203846018 . .
4
10
2

Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Palgrave Macmillan, 2008)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/158
AB  - The antibureaucratic revolution was the most crucial episode of Yugoslav conflicts after Tito. Drawing on primary sources and cutting-edge research, this book explains how popular unrest contributed to the fall of communism and the rise of a new form of authoritarianism, competing nationalisms and the break-up of Yugoslavia.
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
T2  - Serbia's Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism and Nationalist Mobilization
T1  - Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization
EP  - 235
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.1057/9780230227798
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The antibureaucratic revolution was the most crucial episode of Yugoslav conflicts after Tito. Drawing on primary sources and cutting-edge research, this book explains how popular unrest contributed to the fall of communism and the rise of a new form of authoritarianism, competing nationalisms and the break-up of Yugoslavia.",
publisher = "Palgrave Macmillan",
journal = "Serbia's Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism and Nationalist Mobilization",
title = "Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization",
pages = "235-1",
doi = "10.1057/9780230227798"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2008). Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization. in Serbia's Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism and Nationalist Mobilization
Palgrave Macmillan., 1-235.
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230227798
Vladisavljević N. Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization. in Serbia's Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism and Nationalist Mobilization. 2008;:1-235.
doi:10.1057/9780230227798 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević, the fall of communism and nationalist mobilization" in Serbia's Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism and Nationalist Mobilization (2008):1-235,
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230227798 . .
18
60
85

Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans

Vladisavljević, Nebojša

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2006)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2006
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/122
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - West European Politics
T1  - Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans
EP  - 859
IS  - 4
SP  - 859
VL  - 29
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_122
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2006",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "West European Politics",
title = "Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans",
pages = "859-859",
number = "4",
volume = "29",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_122"
}
Vladisavljević, N.. (2006). Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans. in West European Politics
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 29(4), 859-859.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_122
Vladisavljević N. Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans. in West European Politics. 2006;29(4):859-859.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_122 .
Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Partisan interventions: European party politics and peace enforcement in the Balkans" in West European Politics, 29, no. 4 (2006):859-859,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_122 .