TY  - CONF
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1151
AB  - This paper investigates the development of Belgrade public transport system, and issues arising therefrom, through the lens of two concepts developed by scholars from the field of science, technology, and society: relevant social groups and sociotechnical imaginaries. Both concepts were conceived in order to explain and adequately theorize ways in which society and technology shape each other, with special emphasis on the political aspects of this process. Rather than trying to explain the entire history of the system, the paper will focus on several points of controversy during the 20th and 21st centuries. The main aim of the paper is to show, through these examples, that the proposed conceptual framework could be useful for understanding complex sociotechnical systems such as public transport.
PB  - New York : Association for Computing Machinery
C3  - CEEeGov '23: Proceedings of the Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 2023
T1  - The tram to the 21st century and other stories: Belgrade public transport between technology and politics
EP  - 14
SP  - 8
DO  - 10.1145/3603304.3603348
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2023",
abstract = "This paper investigates the development of Belgrade public transport system, and issues arising therefrom, through the lens of two concepts developed by scholars from the field of science, technology, and society: relevant social groups and sociotechnical imaginaries. Both concepts were conceived in order to explain and adequately theorize ways in which society and technology shape each other, with special emphasis on the political aspects of this process. Rather than trying to explain the entire history of the system, the paper will focus on several points of controversy during the 20th and 21st centuries. The main aim of the paper is to show, through these examples, that the proposed conceptual framework could be useful for understanding complex sociotechnical systems such as public transport.",
publisher = "New York : Association for Computing Machinery",
journal = "CEEeGov '23: Proceedings of the Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 2023",
title = "The tram to the 21st century and other stories: Belgrade public transport between technology and politics",
pages = "14-8",
doi = "10.1145/3603304.3603348"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2023). The tram to the 21st century and other stories: Belgrade public transport between technology and politics. in CEEeGov '23: Proceedings of the Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 2023
New York : Association for Computing Machinery., 8-14.
https://doi.org/10.1145/3603304.3603348

Damnjanović I. The tram to the 21st century and other stories: Belgrade public transport between technology and politics. in CEEeGov '23: Proceedings of the Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 2023. 2023;:8-14.
doi:10.1145/3603304.3603348 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "The tram to the 21st century and other stories: Belgrade public transport between technology and politics" in CEEeGov '23: Proceedings of the Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 2023 (2023):8-14,
https://doi.org/10.1145/3603304.3603348 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1147
AB  - Намера овог рада је да кроз политиколошку призму, пре свега применом теорија о политичком насиљу, анализира три романа из серијала Дигитални угљеник Ричарда Моргана и на основу њих насталу Нетфликсову серију. Полазећи од Галтунговог разликовања структурног и интерперсоналног насиља и Камариног концепта спирале насиља, анализиране су доминантне форме насиља у романима и серији. Закључак ове анализе јесте да у романима доминира структурно, као изразито политичко насиље, док је у серији насиље пре свега интерперсонално, и произлази из личних, а не друштвених односа. Кључна хипотеза рада јесте да је ова промена тежишта – од структурног ка интерперсоналном насиљу у адаптацији романа јесте делимично последица захтева различитих медија и различитих карактеристика ових врста насиља, али да је превасходно узрокована темељном деполитизацијом литерарног предлошка.
AB  - Both Richard Morgan’s Altered Carbon (alternatively Takeshi Kovacs) series
and its Netflix adaptation have already attracted some academic attention, but although their political aspects are acknowledged by some scholars, this is usually
not what the main focus is on. The present paper is an attempt to fill this gap in
literature and analyze the novels as well as the Netflix show from the perspective
of political science, specifically using theories of political violence. After a short
review of literature on adaptations, especially regarding the emerging role of the
showrunners as creative authors in their own right, the theoretical framework for
the discussion of violence in both novels and the show is presented. It relies primarily on the notion of structural violence as social injustice, first developed by Johan
Galtung, and combines it with the idea of the spiral of violence as conceptualized
by Helder Camara. A key feature of structural violence is that, as the terms suggests,
it stems from the social structure, and manifests as social injustice, with no identifiable perpetrator of violence. This social injustice, Camara claims in his work, is
the first step of the spiral of violence, since it begets rage, either of those suffering,
or of the youth that sympathizes with them, erupting in violent protest against the
authorities. Authorities then respond with the use of force, thus inflicting new in-
justices, and the spiral continues. This is exactly what is found in the Altered Carbon novels – the omnipresent poverty and lack of opportunities draws the father
of the protagonist, the typical antihero Takeshi Kovacs, to abusive behavior. The
young Takeshi then responds in kind, first by joining a street gang, and later em-
barking on a military career. It is also why the Harlans World is the birthplace of a
resistance philosophy and movement, led by Quellkrist Falconer. The Netflix show,
however, replaces all external motivations for violent behavior of Takeshi Kovacs
(and other characters) with those that are strictly personal: love, betrayal, revenge.
This effectively erases structural violence present in the novel substituting it with
interpersonal, non-political violence. There are three possible reasons for this: the
very features of structural violence that make it harder to show through the visual
medium (as opposed to the intrinsic action and drama of interpersonal violence);
the process of adaptation which favors psychological over sociological narratives,
focusing on internal instead on external incentives and motivations of the characters; and, finally, a creative decision made by the showrunner and the production
company. Since the first two reasons can be mitigated, evaded, or overcome by the
creative vision, the final conclusion is that this shift from structural to interpersonal
violence is the consequence of the de-politization of the narrative, consciously made
by the creators of the Netflix show.
PB  - Београд : Институт за књижевност и уметност
T2  - Књижевна историја
T1  - Авети Харлановог света: структурално и имперсонално насиље у романима и серији Дигитални угљеник
T1  - Spectres of The Harlan’s World: Structural and Interpersonal Violence in Novels and Netflix Show Altered Carbon
EP  - 125
IS  - 179
SP  - 105
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.18485/kis.2023.55.179.6
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Намера овог рада је да кроз политиколошку призму, пре свега применом теорија о политичком насиљу, анализира три романа из серијала Дигитални угљеник Ричарда Моргана и на основу њих насталу Нетфликсову серију. Полазећи од Галтунговог разликовања структурног и интерперсоналног насиља и Камариног концепта спирале насиља, анализиране су доминантне форме насиља у романима и серији. Закључак ове анализе јесте да у романима доминира структурно, као изразито политичко насиље, док је у серији насиље пре свега интерперсонално, и произлази из личних, а не друштвених односа. Кључна хипотеза рада јесте да је ова промена тежишта – од структурног ка интерперсоналном насиљу у адаптацији романа јесте делимично последица захтева различитих медија и различитих карактеристика ових врста насиља, али да је превасходно узрокована темељном деполитизацијом литерарног предлошка., Both Richard Morgan’s Altered Carbon (alternatively Takeshi Kovacs) series
and its Netflix adaptation have already attracted some academic attention, but although their political aspects are acknowledged by some scholars, this is usually
not what the main focus is on. The present paper is an attempt to fill this gap in
literature and analyze the novels as well as the Netflix show from the perspective
of political science, specifically using theories of political violence. After a short
review of literature on adaptations, especially regarding the emerging role of the
showrunners as creative authors in their own right, the theoretical framework for
the discussion of violence in both novels and the show is presented. It relies primarily on the notion of structural violence as social injustice, first developed by Johan
Galtung, and combines it with the idea of the spiral of violence as conceptualized
by Helder Camara. A key feature of structural violence is that, as the terms suggests,
it stems from the social structure, and manifests as social injustice, with no identifiable perpetrator of violence. This social injustice, Camara claims in his work, is
the first step of the spiral of violence, since it begets rage, either of those suffering,
or of the youth that sympathizes with them, erupting in violent protest against the
authorities. Authorities then respond with the use of force, thus inflicting new in-
justices, and the spiral continues. This is exactly what is found in the Altered Carbon novels – the omnipresent poverty and lack of opportunities draws the father
of the protagonist, the typical antihero Takeshi Kovacs, to abusive behavior. The
young Takeshi then responds in kind, first by joining a street gang, and later em-
barking on a military career. It is also why the Harlans World is the birthplace of a
resistance philosophy and movement, led by Quellkrist Falconer. The Netflix show,
however, replaces all external motivations for violent behavior of Takeshi Kovacs
(and other characters) with those that are strictly personal: love, betrayal, revenge.
This effectively erases structural violence present in the novel substituting it with
interpersonal, non-political violence. There are three possible reasons for this: the
very features of structural violence that make it harder to show through the visual
medium (as opposed to the intrinsic action and drama of interpersonal violence);
the process of adaptation which favors psychological over sociological narratives,
focusing on internal instead on external incentives and motivations of the characters; and, finally, a creative decision made by the showrunner and the production
company. Since the first two reasons can be mitigated, evaded, or overcome by the
creative vision, the final conclusion is that this shift from structural to interpersonal
violence is the consequence of the de-politization of the narrative, consciously made
by the creators of the Netflix show.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за књижевност и уметност",
journal = "Књижевна историја",
title = "Авети Харлановог света: структурално и имперсонално насиље у романима и серији Дигитални угљеник, Spectres of The Harlan’s World: Structural and Interpersonal Violence in Novels and Netflix Show Altered Carbon",
pages = "125-105",
number = "179",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.18485/kis.2023.55.179.6"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2023). Авети Харлановог света: структурално и имперсонално насиље у романима и серији Дигитални угљеник. in Књижевна историја
Београд : Институт за књижевност и уметност., 55(179), 105-125.
https://doi.org/10.18485/kis.2023.55.179.6

Damnjanović I. Авети Харлановог света: структурално и имперсонално насиље у романима и серији Дигитални угљеник. in Књижевна историја. 2023;55(179):105-125.
doi:10.18485/kis.2023.55.179.6 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Авети Харлановог света: структурално и имперсонално насиље у романима и серији Дигитални угљеник" in Књижевна историја, 55, no. 179 (2023):105-125,
https://doi.org/10.18485/kis.2023.55.179.6 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1148
AB  - The Culture series created by Scottish author Iain (M.) Banks con-sists of nine novels, one novella and a couple of short stories situated in the same fictional universe. The eponymous Culture is a space-faring (and space-dwelling) civilization, a conglomeration of several humanoid species and sentient machines, most intellectually powerful beings called The Minds. Technological advances made the Culture a post-scarcity society focused on the maximization of personal freedom. The character of its socio-political structure, however, is somewhat unclear. Based on the differences between its internal and external politics, scholars have mostly placed the Culture within the categories of Utopia and Empire. This is, as the present paper argues, a false dilemma since the Culture is simultaneously both and neither of those. The main argument is that the truly adequate label for the political complexities of the Culture civilization was coined only after the untimely death of the author himself – around 2015, when the far (or, some would say, radical) left activists on the Internet coined the phrase Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism. Using both writings of Marx and Engels on the features of communism and Ollman’s systematization of these features, I will try to show that this is indeed the case.
PB  - Katowice : Uniwersytet Śląski
T2  - Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne
T1  - Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture
EP  - 17
IS  - 1
SP  - 1
VL  - 21
DO  - 10.31261/SSP.2023.21.10
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2023",
abstract = "The Culture series created by Scottish author Iain (M.) Banks con-sists of nine novels, one novella and a couple of short stories situated in the same fictional universe. The eponymous Culture is a space-faring (and space-dwelling) civilization, a conglomeration of several humanoid species and sentient machines, most intellectually powerful beings called The Minds. Technological advances made the Culture a post-scarcity society focused on the maximization of personal freedom. The character of its socio-political structure, however, is somewhat unclear. Based on the differences between its internal and external politics, scholars have mostly placed the Culture within the categories of Utopia and Empire. This is, as the present paper argues, a false dilemma since the Culture is simultaneously both and neither of those. The main argument is that the truly adequate label for the political complexities of the Culture civilization was coined only after the untimely death of the author himself – around 2015, when the far (or, some would say, radical) left activists on the Internet coined the phrase Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism. Using both writings of Marx and Engels on the features of communism and Ollman’s systematization of these features, I will try to show that this is indeed the case.",
publisher = "Katowice : Uniwersytet Śląski",
journal = "Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne",
title = "Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture",
pages = "17-1",
number = "1",
volume = "21",
doi = "10.31261/SSP.2023.21.10"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2023). Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture. in Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne
Katowice : Uniwersytet Śląski., 21(1), 1-17.
https://doi.org/10.31261/SSP.2023.21.10

Damnjanović I. Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture. in Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne. 2023;21(1):1-17.
doi:10.31261/SSP.2023.21.10 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture" in Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne, 21, no. 1 (2023):1-17,
https://doi.org/10.31261/SSP.2023.21.10 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1152
AB  - Драгољуб Јовановић је још од формирања шпанског Народног фронта са великим занимањем пратио догађања у Шпанији. Са избијањем грађанског рата, његово интересовање се још више интензивира, што је довело до тога да као изасланик српских парламентараца 1938. године и проведе десет дана у ратом опустошеној Шпанији. О томе је оставио два комплементарна сведочанства, која пружају један нешто другачији поглед на Шпански грађански рат и југословенске добровољце у њему. У својим анализама узрока и последица рата Јовановић показује изузетну проницљивост и аналитички дар, мада су његови текстови често обојени политичким ставовима које је заступао. Инсистирао је на томе да је „шпанска дилема“; која се поставља пред цео свет, избор не између фашизма и комунизма, већ између фашизма и демократије.
AB  - Dragoljub Jovanović closely followed situation in Spain ever since Popular Front was
established in this country. His interest in it becomes even greater with the beginning of
the Spanish Civil War. It has lead him to Spain, where he had spent ten days in 1938 as
a representative of Serbian parliamentarians. He had left us two complementary
accounts from this journey, which provide somewhat unusual view of the Spanish Civil
War and Yugoslav volunteers. He shows great perspicacity and gift for political
analysis in his musings on the causes and consequences of the war, although his
writings are frequently colored by his own political views. He insisted that the “Spanish
dilemma”, which the world was facing, is not between fascism and communism, but
between fascism and democracy.
PB  - Београд : САНУ
C3  - Друштвено-политичка и научна мисао и делатност Драгољуба Јовановића
T1  - Драгољуб Јовановић и Шпански грађански рат
T1  - Dragoljub Jovanović and Spanish Civil War
EP  - 168
SP  - 155
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1152
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Драгољуб Јовановић је још од формирања шпанског Народног фронта са великим занимањем пратио догађања у Шпанији. Са избијањем грађанског рата, његово интересовање се још више интензивира, што је довело до тога да као изасланик српских парламентараца 1938. године и проведе десет дана у ратом опустошеној Шпанији. О томе је оставио два комплементарна сведочанства, која пружају један нешто другачији поглед на Шпански грађански рат и југословенске добровољце у њему. У својим анализама узрока и последица рата Јовановић показује изузетну проницљивост и аналитички дар, мада су његови текстови често обојени политичким ставовима које је заступао. Инсистирао је на томе да је „шпанска дилема“; која се поставља пред цео свет, избор не између фашизма и комунизма, већ између фашизма и демократије., Dragoljub Jovanović closely followed situation in Spain ever since Popular Front was
established in this country. His interest in it becomes even greater with the beginning of
the Spanish Civil War. It has lead him to Spain, where he had spent ten days in 1938 as
a representative of Serbian parliamentarians. He had left us two complementary
accounts from this journey, which provide somewhat unusual view of the Spanish Civil
War and Yugoslav volunteers. He shows great perspicacity and gift for political
analysis in his musings on the causes and consequences of the war, although his
writings are frequently colored by his own political views. He insisted that the “Spanish
dilemma”, which the world was facing, is not between fascism and communism, but
between fascism and democracy.",
publisher = "Београд : САНУ",
journal = "Друштвено-политичка и научна мисао и делатност Драгољуба Јовановића",
title = "Драгољуб Јовановић и Шпански грађански рат, Dragoljub Jovanović and Spanish Civil War",
pages = "168-155",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1152"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2019). Драгољуб Јовановић и Шпански грађански рат. in Друштвено-политичка и научна мисао и делатност Драгољуба Јовановића
Београд : САНУ., 155-168.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1152

Damnjanović I. Драгољуб Јовановић и Шпански грађански рат. in Друштвено-политичка и научна мисао и делатност Драгољуба Јовановића. 2019;:155-168.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1152 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Драгољуб Јовановић и Шпански грађански рат" in Друштвено-политичка и научна мисао и делатност Драгољуба Јовановића (2019):155-168,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1152 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1149
AB  - Љубомир Тадић има значајно место међу ретким српским мислиоцима који су своју пажњу посветили питању односа технике са друштвеном и, у оквиру ње, политичком сфером. Чврсто смештена у шири контекст његове мисли о друштву и политици, Тадићева разматрања технике везана су пре свега за једну кључну тему: однос технике и моћи. Управо повезивање технике и политичке моћи је, по Тадићевом мишљењу, један од суштинских проблема савременог друштва. Уместо да остварује своју еманципаторску функцију и допринесе успостављању темељних људских и друштвених вредности, савремена техника се претвара у инструмент доминације. На тај начин политика се из руку народа измешта у делокруг политичких стручњака. Ову тежњу ка успостављању технократске власти Тадић види као дубоко реакционарну, а технократизам као идеологију смешта недвосмислено у корпус конзервативизма. Тадићеве анализе технике, тачније техничке цивилизације, као специфичног проблема савременог друштва, ослањају се у великој мери на радове немачких филозофа: Хајдегера, Хоркхајмера и Адорна, као и Маркузеа. Његове интерпретације ових аутора, делимично систематизоване у "Парергону", несумњиво представљају врло значајан допринос нашој друштвенонаучној и филозофској мисли о техници. Циљ овог рада је да покуша да кроз анализу дела Љубомира Тадића аргументовано покаже да се друштвенонаучно разматрање технике развијало пре свега у оквиру југословенске филозофије праксе, и да се из њене перспективе може сагледати сложени однос између овог филозофског правца и критичке теорије друштва, пре свега Франкфуртске школе. Својим делом Тадић, наиме, не остаје при пуком усвајању ставова немачких аутора, већ се са њима упушта у дијалог, користећи их као подлогу за изградњу сопствених концепата и закључака о односу технике и моћи.
AB  - Ljubomir Tadić is among rare Serbian authors who wrote on the topic of the technics and its relationship with social and
political sphere. Firmly embedded into
the wider context of his thought on society and politics, Tadić’s considerations
of the technics are primarily focused on
one important issue - the relation
between the technics and power.
This very connection between the technics and the political power, in Tadić’s view,
is one of the essential problems of the
modern society. Instead of fulfilling its
emancipatory function and contributing
to establishment of fundamentally human
values as foundation of society, modern
technics turns into an instrument of domination. In this manner, politics is removed
from the hands of the people and turned
into the field accessible to experts only.
This tendency toward technocratic forms
of government Tadić sees as deeply reactionary, and thus he emphatically pla-
ces technocratism as an ideology deep within the conservative part of the spectrum.
Tadić’s analysis of the technics, more precisely of the technical civilization as a specific problem of modern society, relies heavily on the works of German philosophers
– Heidegger, Horkheimer and Adorno,
Marcuse. His interpretations of these authors, partially systematized in Parergon,
are undoubtedly a significant contribution to Serbian social and philosophical thought on technics.
This paper shows that thought about technics in Serbia had developed primarily wit-
hin Yugoslav philosophy of practice, and
that it can be used as an illustration of the
complex relationship between this school
of thought and the critical theory of society,
primarily of the Frankfurt school. Namely, in
his works Tadić does not only passively
adopt the ideas of other authors, but uses
them as a starting point for dialogue and a
foundations for his own concepts and conclusions about the relationship between the
technics and the power.
PB  - Београд : САНУ, Институт друштвених наука
PB  - Београд : Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет
PB  - Београд : Српско социолошко друштво
C3  - Филозофија кризе и отпора
T1  - Техника и моћ - Тадићева рецепција критичке мисли о техници
T1  - Technics and power - Tadić’s reception of critical thought on technics
EP  - 361
SP  - 346
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1149
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Љубомир Тадић има значајно место међу ретким српским мислиоцима који су своју пажњу посветили питању односа технике са друштвеном и, у оквиру ње, политичком сфером. Чврсто смештена у шири контекст његове мисли о друштву и политици, Тадићева разматрања технике везана су пре свега за једну кључну тему: однос технике и моћи. Управо повезивање технике и политичке моћи је, по Тадићевом мишљењу, један од суштинских проблема савременог друштва. Уместо да остварује своју еманципаторску функцију и допринесе успостављању темељних људских и друштвених вредности, савремена техника се претвара у инструмент доминације. На тај начин политика се из руку народа измешта у делокруг политичких стручњака. Ову тежњу ка успостављању технократске власти Тадић види као дубоко реакционарну, а технократизам као идеологију смешта недвосмислено у корпус конзервативизма. Тадићеве анализе технике, тачније техничке цивилизације, као специфичног проблема савременог друштва, ослањају се у великој мери на радове немачких филозофа: Хајдегера, Хоркхајмера и Адорна, као и Маркузеа. Његове интерпретације ових аутора, делимично систематизоване у "Парергону", несумњиво представљају врло значајан допринос нашој друштвенонаучној и филозофској мисли о техници. Циљ овог рада је да покуша да кроз анализу дела Љубомира Тадића аргументовано покаже да се друштвенонаучно разматрање технике развијало пре свега у оквиру југословенске филозофије праксе, и да се из њене перспективе може сагледати сложени однос између овог филозофског правца и критичке теорије друштва, пре свега Франкфуртске школе. Својим делом Тадић, наиме, не остаје при пуком усвајању ставова немачких аутора, већ се са њима упушта у дијалог, користећи их као подлогу за изградњу сопствених концепата и закључака о односу технике и моћи., Ljubomir Tadić is among rare Serbian authors who wrote on the topic of the technics and its relationship with social and
political sphere. Firmly embedded into
the wider context of his thought on society and politics, Tadić’s considerations
of the technics are primarily focused on
one important issue - the relation
between the technics and power.
This very connection between the technics and the political power, in Tadić’s view,
is one of the essential problems of the
modern society. Instead of fulfilling its
emancipatory function and contributing
to establishment of fundamentally human
values as foundation of society, modern
technics turns into an instrument of domination. In this manner, politics is removed
from the hands of the people and turned
into the field accessible to experts only.
This tendency toward technocratic forms
of government Tadić sees as deeply reactionary, and thus he emphatically pla-
ces technocratism as an ideology deep within the conservative part of the spectrum.
Tadić’s analysis of the technics, more precisely of the technical civilization as a specific problem of modern society, relies heavily on the works of German philosophers
– Heidegger, Horkheimer and Adorno,
Marcuse. His interpretations of these authors, partially systematized in Parergon,
are undoubtedly a significant contribution to Serbian social and philosophical thought on technics.
This paper shows that thought about technics in Serbia had developed primarily wit-
hin Yugoslav philosophy of practice, and
that it can be used as an illustration of the
complex relationship between this school
of thought and the critical theory of society,
primarily of the Frankfurt school. Namely, in
his works Tadić does not only passively
adopt the ideas of other authors, but uses
them as a starting point for dialogue and a
foundations for his own concepts and conclusions about the relationship between the
technics and the power.",
publisher = "Београд : САНУ, Институт друштвених наука, Београд : Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет, Београд : Српско социолошко друштво",
journal = "Филозофија кризе и отпора",
title = "Техника и моћ - Тадићева рецепција критичке мисли о техници, Technics and power - Tadić’s reception of critical thought on technics",
pages = "361-346",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1149"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2019). Техника и моћ - Тадићева рецепција критичке мисли о техници. in Филозофија кризе и отпора
Београд : САНУ, Институт друштвених наука., 346-361.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1149

Damnjanović I. Техника и моћ - Тадићева рецепција критичке мисли о техници. in Филозофија кризе и отпора. 2019;:346-361.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1149 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Техника и моћ - Тадићева рецепција критичке мисли о техници" in Филозофија кризе и отпора (2019):346-361,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1149 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/721
AB  - This article compares the results of three projects from Serbia, which share the assumption that the power of information and communication technologies (ICTs) can improve communication between the government and the citizens, and increase, to a limited extent, citizens' participation. Using interviews and document analysis, it investigates the intended objectives and actual results of the projects. The key findings are that none of these projects can be unequivocally seen as a success, although they fail in different ways and to the various degrees. These results will primarily contribute to the underdeveloped body of knowledge about democratic innovations in Eastern Europe, but will also help to identify the factors of success (or failure) of this type of technologically-based democratic innovations.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Contemporary Politics
T1  - Democratic innovations in Serbia: a misplaced trust in technology
EP  - 127
IS  - 1
SP  - 111
VL  - 25
DO  - 10.1080/13569775.2018.1544028
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This article compares the results of three projects from Serbia, which share the assumption that the power of information and communication technologies (ICTs) can improve communication between the government and the citizens, and increase, to a limited extent, citizens' participation. Using interviews and document analysis, it investigates the intended objectives and actual results of the projects. The key findings are that none of these projects can be unequivocally seen as a success, although they fail in different ways and to the various degrees. These results will primarily contribute to the underdeveloped body of knowledge about democratic innovations in Eastern Europe, but will also help to identify the factors of success (or failure) of this type of technologically-based democratic innovations.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Contemporary Politics",
title = "Democratic innovations in Serbia: a misplaced trust in technology",
pages = "127-111",
number = "1",
volume = "25",
doi = "10.1080/13569775.2018.1544028"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2019). Democratic innovations in Serbia: a misplaced trust in technology. in Contemporary Politics
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 25(1), 111-127.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2018.1544028

Damnjanović I. Democratic innovations in Serbia: a misplaced trust in technology. in Contemporary Politics. 2019;25(1):111-127.
doi:10.1080/13569775.2018.1544028 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Democratic innovations in Serbia: a misplaced trust in technology" in Contemporary Politics, 25, no. 1 (2019):111-127,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2018.1544028 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/530
AB  - he complex relationship between politics, technology, military art and warfare is Ivana Damnjanović certainly one of the most interesting and always topical areas of research in the area of social sciences. The aim of this paper is to shed light on several aspects of this relation, as well as their explanations in the scientific literature. First of all, the tie between the state, the army and the technology has prompted many authors to point to the far-reaching social consequences of such a complex of power. In addition, the military technology, exactly because of its association with the state, is characterized by a range of specific features that require special analysis. Finally, the technology may be a multiplier of the military power, and thus, indirectly, of the political power.
AB  - Složen odnos između politike, tehnologije, vojne veštine i ratovanja svakako predstavlja jedno od najzanimljivijih i uvek aktuelnih polja istraživanja u društvenim naukama. Cilj ovog rada jeste da osvetli nekoliko aspekata ove relacije, kao i njihova objašnjenja u naučnoj literaturi. Pre svega, sprega između države, vojske i tehnologije podstakla je mnoge autore da ukažu na dalekosežne društvene posledice ovakvog kompleksa moći. Osim toga, vojnu tehnologiju, upravo zbog veze sa državom, karakteriše niz osobenosti koje zahtevaju posebnu analizu. Konačno, tehnologija može biti u funkciji multiplikatora vojne, a time posredno i političke moći.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Technology and power: Specificities of military technology
T1  - Tehnologija i moć - specifičnosti vojne tehnologije
EP  - 141
IS  - 4
SP  - 130
VL  - 67
DO  - 10.5937/vojdelo1504130D
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "he complex relationship between politics, technology, military art and warfare is Ivana Damnjanović certainly one of the most interesting and always topical areas of research in the area of social sciences. The aim of this paper is to shed light on several aspects of this relation, as well as their explanations in the scientific literature. First of all, the tie between the state, the army and the technology has prompted many authors to point to the far-reaching social consequences of such a complex of power. In addition, the military technology, exactly because of its association with the state, is characterized by a range of specific features that require special analysis. Finally, the technology may be a multiplier of the military power, and thus, indirectly, of the political power., Složen odnos između politike, tehnologije, vojne veštine i ratovanja svakako predstavlja jedno od najzanimljivijih i uvek aktuelnih polja istraživanja u društvenim naukama. Cilj ovog rada jeste da osvetli nekoliko aspekata ove relacije, kao i njihova objašnjenja u naučnoj literaturi. Pre svega, sprega između države, vojske i tehnologije podstakla je mnoge autore da ukažu na dalekosežne društvene posledice ovakvog kompleksa moći. Osim toga, vojnu tehnologiju, upravo zbog veze sa državom, karakteriše niz osobenosti koje zahtevaju posebnu analizu. Konačno, tehnologija može biti u funkciji multiplikatora vojne, a time posredno i političke moći.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Technology and power: Specificities of military technology, Tehnologija i moć - specifičnosti vojne tehnologije",
pages = "141-130",
number = "4",
volume = "67",
doi = "10.5937/vojdelo1504130D"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2015). Technology and power: Specificities of military technology. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 67(4), 130-141.
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1504130D

Damnjanović I. Technology and power: Specificities of military technology. in Vojno delo. 2015;67(4):130-141.
doi:10.5937/vojdelo1504130D .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Technology and power: Specificities of military technology" in Vojno delo, 67, no. 4 (2015):130-141,
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1504130D . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/463
AB  - Deep changes technology brought to everyday life in twentieth century had lead to sharp polarization of attitudes about this pervading phenomenon. In terms of interpretations of social and political implications of technology, it is hard to avoid associations with concepts of utopia and dystopia. These concepts were, from the very beginning, closely intertwined with positions on technological progress. These two extreme positions are also visible in scientific works on technology and society, and can be named technological optimism and technological pessimism. There is, however, third, more moderate position, technological realism, promoted mainly by constructivists and proponents of technology as value-neutral phenomenon.
AB  - Duboke promene koje je tehnologija u dvadesetom veku izazvala u čovekovom svakodnevnom životu dovele su do oštre polarizacije stavova o ovom sveprožimajućem fenomenu. Kada je reč o interpretacijama društveno-političkih posledica tehnologije, teško je izbeći asocijacije na koncepte utopije i distopije, koji su od samih svojih početaka tesno povezani sa određenjem prema tehnološkom napretku. Ova dva ekstremna stava vidljiva su i u naučnim obradama odnosa tehnologije i društva, i mogu se odrediti kao tehnološki optimizam i tehnološki pesimizam. Prisutan je, ipak, i treći, umereniji stav, koji bi se mogao nazvati tehnološkim realizmom, a koji zastupaju autori bliski ideji vrednosne neutralnosti tehnologije i konstruktivisti.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Technology between utopia and dystopia
T1  - Tehnologija između utopije i distopije
EP  - 22
IS  - 11
SP  - 9
VL  - 8
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1411009D
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Deep changes technology brought to everyday life in twentieth century had lead to sharp polarization of attitudes about this pervading phenomenon. In terms of interpretations of social and political implications of technology, it is hard to avoid associations with concepts of utopia and dystopia. These concepts were, from the very beginning, closely intertwined with positions on technological progress. These two extreme positions are also visible in scientific works on technology and society, and can be named technological optimism and technological pessimism. There is, however, third, more moderate position, technological realism, promoted mainly by constructivists and proponents of technology as value-neutral phenomenon., Duboke promene koje je tehnologija u dvadesetom veku izazvala u čovekovom svakodnevnom životu dovele su do oštre polarizacije stavova o ovom sveprožimajućem fenomenu. Kada je reč o interpretacijama društveno-političkih posledica tehnologije, teško je izbeći asocijacije na koncepte utopije i distopije, koji su od samih svojih početaka tesno povezani sa određenjem prema tehnološkom napretku. Ova dva ekstremna stava vidljiva su i u naučnim obradama odnosa tehnologije i društva, i mogu se odrediti kao tehnološki optimizam i tehnološki pesimizam. Prisutan je, ipak, i treći, umereniji stav, koji bi se mogao nazvati tehnološkim realizmom, a koji zastupaju autori bliski ideji vrednosne neutralnosti tehnologije i konstruktivisti.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Technology between utopia and dystopia, Tehnologija između utopije i distopije",
pages = "22-9",
number = "11",
volume = "8",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1411009D"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2014). Technology between utopia and dystopia. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 8(11), 9-22.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1411009D

Damnjanović I. Technology between utopia and dystopia. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2014;8(11):9-22.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1411009D .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Technology between utopia and dystopia" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 8, no. 11 (2014):9-22,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1411009D . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=484
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:6369/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=515325783
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/3080
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/806
AB  - A systematic study of politics-technology relation, both of them seen as relatively independent spheres of social reality, begins from mid-twentieth century. In this relatively short period of time, several significant theoretical approaches and problem circles had crystallized. Systematization and verification of these approaches is the aim of this study. Scientific goal, as well as subject of research, require application of dialectical general method, including the use of hypothetically-deductive, axiomatic, analytically-deductive and comparative scientific methods, and qualitative content analysis as operational method. In order to adequately systematize and evaluate contemporary theoretical thought on politics-technology relation, it is necessary to analyze its conceptual roots. Although some important elements of later theoretical discourses can be found in the ancient Greek thought, the basic framework for consideration of this relationship was posed by Francis Bacon in seventeenth century. After him, many other theorist have influenced the formation of modern theoretical discourse, including philosophers of Enlightenment, as well as Karl Marx and Max Weber who, each in his own way, determined, to a great, the course of later discussion about this problem. In parallel with boundless optimism and a belief in technological progress, identified too often with social progress, appears bleaker interpretation, where autonomy of technology is directly opposed to personal autonomy, and technological progress to progress of mankind. This latter perspective is represented by thinkers of the Frankfurt School, as well as Erich Fromm, Jacques Ellul and Lewis Mumford. Today, there are four dominant theoretical approaches: instrumentalism, technological determinism, socio-centric and systemic. Instrumentalism is based on definition of technology as a means, which implies its political neutrality. Technological determinism postulates, basically, that technology develops independently, and that its development stands as primary determinant of social and political systems. Conversely, socio-centric approach insists that technology develops within society, and that social factors, including political ones, play an important and often decisive role in the final design of technological artifacts. Systemic approach indicates a mutual shaping of politics and technology, or, more precisely, some of their elements. Different theoretical approaches are visible in a study of individual problem circles, such as relationship between technology and power, technology and state, technocracy, and politics in postindustrial or information society. Finally, theoretical thought about politics-technology relation frequently floats between utopia and dystopia, from uncritical enthusiasm for technology and the belief in its ability to transform society and politics in the direction of a better and fairer community, to apocalyptic visions of technology that locks mankind in the “iron cage”. This debate is continuing, and nowadays particularly controversial questions are posed by biotechnologies, global environmental problems and new information technologies. Some aspects of politics-technology relation are well explored in contemporary political theory. It seems, however, that this field still remains at the margins of interest of political scientists – fact that results in some serious problems in theoretical conceptualization. Key difficulties are linking of micro and macro levels of analysis, as well as absence of general theory that tends to explain the relationship between these two social spheres in their totality.
AB  - Sistematično proučavanje odnosa između politike i tehnologije kao relativno samostalnih sfera drušvene realnosti počinje tek polovinom dvadesetog veka. U ovom relativno kratkom periodu iskristalisalo se nekoliko značajnih teorijskih pristupa i problemskih krugova čija je sistematizacija i verifikacija cilj ovog rada. Naučni cilj, kao i predmet rada, zahtevaju da se u istraživanju pođe od dijalektičkog opštefilozofskog metoda, uz upotrebu hipotetičko-deduktivnog, aksiomatskog, analitičko-deduktivnog i komparativnog kao opštenaučnih i kvalitativne analize sadržaja kao operativnog metoda. Da bi se savremena teorijska misao o odnosu politike i tehnologije mogla na odgovarajući način sistematizovati i proceniti neophodno je prethodno analizirati njene idejne korene. Iako se neki važni elementi kasnijeg teorijskog diskursa mogu naći već u antici, osnovni okvir za razmatranje ove relacije postavio je Frensis Bekon u sedamnaestom veku. Nakon njega i mnogi drugi autori su svojim idejama uticali na formiranje modernog teorijskog diskursa, uključujući filozofe prosvetiteljstva, kao i Karla Marksa i Maksa Vebera koji su, svaki na svoj način, u velikoj meri odredili tok kasnije diskusije o ovom problemu. Naporedo sa bezgraničnim optimizmom i verom u tehnološki napredak, prečesto identifikovan sa društvenim, javljaju se i sumornija viđenja u kojima se autonomnost tehnologije direktno suprotstavlja autonomiji ličnosti, tehnološki progres progresu čovečanstva. Ovakva perspektiva karakteristična je za pripadnike Frankfurtske škole, Eriha Froma, Žala Elila i Luisa Mamforda. Četiri danas dominantna teorijska pristupa odnosu politike i tehnologije su instrumentalizam, tehnološki determinizam, sociocentrični i sistemski. Instrumentalizam se zasniva na određenju tehnologije kao sredstva, iz čega proizilazi njena politička neutralnost. Osnovni postulat tehnološkog determinizma je da se tehnologija razvija autonomno, i da njen razvoj predstavlja primarnu determinantu društvenog, pa i političkog sistema. Nasuprot tome, sociocentrični pristupi insistiraju na tome da se tehnologija razvija unutar društva, te da društveni faktori, uključujući i političke, igraju važnu i često odlučujuću ulogu u konačnom dizajnu tehnoloških artefakata. Sistemski pristup ukazuje na uzajamno oblikovanje politike i tehnologije, tačnije njihovih pojedinih elemenata. Različiti teorijski pristupi vidljivi su i u proučavanju pojedinih problemskih krugova, kao što su odnos tehnologije i moći, tehnologije i države, tehnokratija, i politika u postindustrijskom odnosno informatičkom društvu. Konačno, teorijska misao o odnosu politike i tehnologije kreće se često između utopije i distopije, to jest od nekritičkog oduševljenja tehnologijom i vere u njenu sposobnost da transformiše društvo i politiku u pravcu bolje i pravednije zajednice, i apokaliptičnih vizija tehnologije koja je celokupno čovečanstvo zatvorila u svoj „gvozdeni kavez“. Ova debata se stalno iznova aktuelizuje, a danas su naročito kontroverzna pitanja koja otvaraju biotehnologije, globalni ekološki problemi i nove informacione tehnologije. Pojedini aspekti odnosa između politike i tehnologije su u savremenoj političkoj teoriji dobro obrađeni. Čini se, međutim, da ova oblast ostaje i dalje na marginama interesovanja politikologa, što je rezultiralo nekim ozbiljnim problemima u teorijskoj konceptualizaciji. Ključne teškoće su povezivanje mikro i makro nivoa analize, kao i nepostojanje opšte teorije koja bi pretendovala da objasni odnos ove dve društvene sfere u njegovom totalitetu.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Politics-technology relation in contemporary political theory.  Умножено за одбрану
T1  - Odnos politike i tehnologije u savremenoj političkoj teoriji
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_3080
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2013",
abstract = "A systematic study of politics-technology relation, both of them seen as relatively independent spheres of social reality, begins from mid-twentieth century. In this relatively short period of time, several significant theoretical approaches and problem circles had crystallized. Systematization and verification of these approaches is the aim of this study. Scientific goal, as well as subject of research, require application of dialectical general method, including the use of hypothetically-deductive, axiomatic, analytically-deductive and comparative scientific methods, and qualitative content analysis as operational method. In order to adequately systematize and evaluate contemporary theoretical thought on politics-technology relation, it is necessary to analyze its conceptual roots. Although some important elements of later theoretical discourses can be found in the ancient Greek thought, the basic framework for consideration of this relationship was posed by Francis Bacon in seventeenth century. After him, many other theorist have influenced the formation of modern theoretical discourse, including philosophers of Enlightenment, as well as Karl Marx and Max Weber who, each in his own way, determined, to a great, the course of later discussion about this problem. In parallel with boundless optimism and a belief in technological progress, identified too often with social progress, appears bleaker interpretation, where autonomy of technology is directly opposed to personal autonomy, and technological progress to progress of mankind. This latter perspective is represented by thinkers of the Frankfurt School, as well as Erich Fromm, Jacques Ellul and Lewis Mumford. Today, there are four dominant theoretical approaches: instrumentalism, technological determinism, socio-centric and systemic. Instrumentalism is based on definition of technology as a means, which implies its political neutrality. Technological determinism postulates, basically, that technology develops independently, and that its development stands as primary determinant of social and political systems. Conversely, socio-centric approach insists that technology develops within society, and that social factors, including political ones, play an important and often decisive role in the final design of technological artifacts. Systemic approach indicates a mutual shaping of politics and technology, or, more precisely, some of their elements. Different theoretical approaches are visible in a study of individual problem circles, such as relationship between technology and power, technology and state, technocracy, and politics in postindustrial or information society. Finally, theoretical thought about politics-technology relation frequently floats between utopia and dystopia, from uncritical enthusiasm for technology and the belief in its ability to transform society and politics in the direction of a better and fairer community, to apocalyptic visions of technology that locks mankind in the “iron cage”. This debate is continuing, and nowadays particularly controversial questions are posed by biotechnologies, global environmental problems and new information technologies. Some aspects of politics-technology relation are well explored in contemporary political theory. It seems, however, that this field still remains at the margins of interest of political scientists – fact that results in some serious problems in theoretical conceptualization. Key difficulties are linking of micro and macro levels of analysis, as well as absence of general theory that tends to explain the relationship between these two social spheres in their totality., Sistematično proučavanje odnosa između politike i tehnologije kao relativno samostalnih sfera drušvene realnosti počinje tek polovinom dvadesetog veka. U ovom relativno kratkom periodu iskristalisalo se nekoliko značajnih teorijskih pristupa i problemskih krugova čija je sistematizacija i verifikacija cilj ovog rada. Naučni cilj, kao i predmet rada, zahtevaju da se u istraživanju pođe od dijalektičkog opštefilozofskog metoda, uz upotrebu hipotetičko-deduktivnog, aksiomatskog, analitičko-deduktivnog i komparativnog kao opštenaučnih i kvalitativne analize sadržaja kao operativnog metoda. Da bi se savremena teorijska misao o odnosu politike i tehnologije mogla na odgovarajući način sistematizovati i proceniti neophodno je prethodno analizirati njene idejne korene. Iako se neki važni elementi kasnijeg teorijskog diskursa mogu naći već u antici, osnovni okvir za razmatranje ove relacije postavio je Frensis Bekon u sedamnaestom veku. Nakon njega i mnogi drugi autori su svojim idejama uticali na formiranje modernog teorijskog diskursa, uključujući filozofe prosvetiteljstva, kao i Karla Marksa i Maksa Vebera koji su, svaki na svoj način, u velikoj meri odredili tok kasnije diskusije o ovom problemu. Naporedo sa bezgraničnim optimizmom i verom u tehnološki napredak, prečesto identifikovan sa društvenim, javljaju se i sumornija viđenja u kojima se autonomnost tehnologije direktno suprotstavlja autonomiji ličnosti, tehnološki progres progresu čovečanstva. Ovakva perspektiva karakteristična je za pripadnike Frankfurtske škole, Eriha Froma, Žala Elila i Luisa Mamforda. Četiri danas dominantna teorijska pristupa odnosu politike i tehnologije su instrumentalizam, tehnološki determinizam, sociocentrični i sistemski. Instrumentalizam se zasniva na određenju tehnologije kao sredstva, iz čega proizilazi njena politička neutralnost. Osnovni postulat tehnološkog determinizma je da se tehnologija razvija autonomno, i da njen razvoj predstavlja primarnu determinantu društvenog, pa i političkog sistema. Nasuprot tome, sociocentrični pristupi insistiraju na tome da se tehnologija razvija unutar društva, te da društveni faktori, uključujući i političke, igraju važnu i često odlučujuću ulogu u konačnom dizajnu tehnoloških artefakata. Sistemski pristup ukazuje na uzajamno oblikovanje politike i tehnologije, tačnije njihovih pojedinih elemenata. Različiti teorijski pristupi vidljivi su i u proučavanju pojedinih problemskih krugova, kao što su odnos tehnologije i moći, tehnologije i države, tehnokratija, i politika u postindustrijskom odnosno informatičkom društvu. Konačno, teorijska misao o odnosu politike i tehnologije kreće se često između utopije i distopije, to jest od nekritičkog oduševljenja tehnologijom i vere u njenu sposobnost da transformiše društvo i politiku u pravcu bolje i pravednije zajednice, i apokaliptičnih vizija tehnologije koja je celokupno čovečanstvo zatvorila u svoj „gvozdeni kavez“. Ova debata se stalno iznova aktuelizuje, a danas su naročito kontroverzna pitanja koja otvaraju biotehnologije, globalni ekološki problemi i nove informacione tehnologije. Pojedini aspekti odnosa između politike i tehnologije su u savremenoj političkoj teoriji dobro obrađeni. Čini se, međutim, da ova oblast ostaje i dalje na marginama interesovanja politikologa, što je rezultiralo nekim ozbiljnim problemima u teorijskoj konceptualizaciji. Ključne teškoće su povezivanje mikro i makro nivoa analize, kao i nepostojanje opšte teorije koja bi pretendovala da objasni odnos ove dve društvene sfere u njegovom totalitetu.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Politics-technology relation in contemporary political theory.  Умножено за одбрану, Odnos politike i tehnologije u savremenoj političkoj teoriji",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_3080"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2013). Politics-technology relation in contemporary political theory.  Умножено за одбрану. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_3080

Damnjanović I. Politics-technology relation in contemporary political theory.  Умножено за одбрану. 2013;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_3080 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Politics-technology relation in contemporary political theory.  Умножено за одбрану" (2013),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_3080 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/394
AB  - Contemporary understanding of technology, its place in society and connection to politics, had shaped together with concept of modernity itself. Starting point of this process is in the works of Francis Bacon, who was the first to establish firm relations between technology and science, as well as between knowledge and power. On the other hand, authors like Machiavelli, Hobbes and Spinoza establish modern political thought, bringing politics down to technology of power conquest or of functional organization of society. Enlightenment and positivism embrace legacy of both these lines of thought, and complement presumptions for self-reflection of modernity with faith in the power of reason, as well as emerging concept of both technological and social progress.
AB  - Savremeno razumevanje tehnologije, njenog mesta u društvu i veze sa politikom uobličavalo se paralelno sa konceptom same modernosti. Početnu tačku ovog procesa čini delo Frensisa Bekona, koji je prvi uspostavio čvrste veze između tehnologije i nauke, ali i između znanja i moći. Sa druge strane, autori poput Makijavelija, Hobsa i Spinoze uspostavljaju savremeno promišljanje politike, svodeći je, u velikoj meri, na tehnologiju osvajanja vlasti ili uspostavljanja funkcionalne organizacije društva. Na zaostavštinu ove dve struje mišljenja oslanja se kasnija misao prosvetiteljstva i pozitivizma, koja zaokružuje pretpostavke za samorazumevanje modernog sveta verom u moć razuma i konstituisanjem koncepta progresa, shvaćenog kao pravolinijski tehnološki i društveni napredak.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Knowledge is power: Idea of progress in history of political thought
T1  - Znanje je moć - ideja progresa u istoriji političke misli
EP  - 29
IS  - 9
SP  - 9
VL  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_394
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Contemporary understanding of technology, its place in society and connection to politics, had shaped together with concept of modernity itself. Starting point of this process is in the works of Francis Bacon, who was the first to establish firm relations between technology and science, as well as between knowledge and power. On the other hand, authors like Machiavelli, Hobbes and Spinoza establish modern political thought, bringing politics down to technology of power conquest or of functional organization of society. Enlightenment and positivism embrace legacy of both these lines of thought, and complement presumptions for self-reflection of modernity with faith in the power of reason, as well as emerging concept of both technological and social progress., Savremeno razumevanje tehnologije, njenog mesta u društvu i veze sa politikom uobličavalo se paralelno sa konceptom same modernosti. Početnu tačku ovog procesa čini delo Frensisa Bekona, koji je prvi uspostavio čvrste veze između tehnologije i nauke, ali i između znanja i moći. Sa druge strane, autori poput Makijavelija, Hobsa i Spinoze uspostavljaju savremeno promišljanje politike, svodeći je, u velikoj meri, na tehnologiju osvajanja vlasti ili uspostavljanja funkcionalne organizacije društva. Na zaostavštinu ove dve struje mišljenja oslanja se kasnija misao prosvetiteljstva i pozitivizma, koja zaokružuje pretpostavke za samorazumevanje modernog sveta verom u moć razuma i konstituisanjem koncepta progresa, shvaćenog kao pravolinijski tehnološki i društveni napredak.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Knowledge is power: Idea of progress in history of political thought, Znanje je moć - ideja progresa u istoriji političke misli",
pages = "29-9",
number = "9",
volume = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_394"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2013). Knowledge is power: Idea of progress in history of political thought. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 7(9), 9-29.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_394

Damnjanović I. Knowledge is power: Idea of progress in history of political thought. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2013;7(9):9-29.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_394 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Knowledge is power: Idea of progress in history of political thought" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 7, no. 9 (2013):9-29,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_394 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/368
AB  - This paper aims to describe and analyze views of Mihailo Marković on techniques within its’ social context, but primarily relationship between techniques and politics. Marković’s works on definitions of techniques, role of modern techniques in society and its’ influence on changing patterns of human behaviour, organization of labour and political organization of society are, in a way, representative for the 'zeitgeist', but in some aspect they are far beyond it. Pointing out deficiencies of one-sided approaches, he provides some unique and original insights, including a detailed analysis of those traits of modern technology that open great possibilities for misuse, but also bear huge potential for emancipation. Finally, one of major contributions of Mihailo Marković in the field of politics and techniques relations is his argumentation that politics can be seen as techniques. Drawing from Machiavelli’s works, he also provides a general analysis in which he shows why such understanding of politics is possible.
AB  - Cilj ovog rada je deskripcija i analiza stavova Mihaila Markovića o tehnici u njenom društvenom kontekstu, a pre svega o njenom odnosu sa politikom. Markovićevi radovi o pojmovnom određenju tehnike, ulozi savremene tehnike u društvu i njenom uticaju na promene u obrascima čovekovog ponašanja, organizacije rada i političke organizacije društva, u određenom smislu se uklapaju u 'duh vremena', ali u pojedinim aspektima ga daleko prevazilaze. Ukazujući na nedostatke jednostranih pristupa, on pruža neke sasvim originalne uvide i detaljnu analizu onih karakteristika savremene tehnike koje otvaraju velike mogućnosti za zloupotrebe, ali imaju i veliki emancipatorski potencijal. Konačno, jedan od velikih doprinosa Mihaila Markovića razmatranju odnosa između tehnike i politike jeste obrazloženje politike kao tehnike. Polazeći od Makijavelijevih dela, on daje i jednu opštu analizu u kojoj pokazuje zbog čega je ovakvo shvatanje politike moguće.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Politics and techniques in the works of Mihailo Markovic
T1  - Politika i tehnika u delu Mihaila Markovića
EP  - 76
IS  - 7
SP  - 61
VL  - 6
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_368
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2012",
abstract = "This paper aims to describe and analyze views of Mihailo Marković on techniques within its’ social context, but primarily relationship between techniques and politics. Marković’s works on definitions of techniques, role of modern techniques in society and its’ influence on changing patterns of human behaviour, organization of labour and political organization of society are, in a way, representative for the 'zeitgeist', but in some aspect they are far beyond it. Pointing out deficiencies of one-sided approaches, he provides some unique and original insights, including a detailed analysis of those traits of modern technology that open great possibilities for misuse, but also bear huge potential for emancipation. Finally, one of major contributions of Mihailo Marković in the field of politics and techniques relations is his argumentation that politics can be seen as techniques. Drawing from Machiavelli’s works, he also provides a general analysis in which he shows why such understanding of politics is possible., Cilj ovog rada je deskripcija i analiza stavova Mihaila Markovića o tehnici u njenom društvenom kontekstu, a pre svega o njenom odnosu sa politikom. Markovićevi radovi o pojmovnom određenju tehnike, ulozi savremene tehnike u društvu i njenom uticaju na promene u obrascima čovekovog ponašanja, organizacije rada i političke organizacije društva, u određenom smislu se uklapaju u 'duh vremena', ali u pojedinim aspektima ga daleko prevazilaze. Ukazujući na nedostatke jednostranih pristupa, on pruža neke sasvim originalne uvide i detaljnu analizu onih karakteristika savremene tehnike koje otvaraju velike mogućnosti za zloupotrebe, ali imaju i veliki emancipatorski potencijal. Konačno, jedan od velikih doprinosa Mihaila Markovića razmatranju odnosa između tehnike i politike jeste obrazloženje politike kao tehnike. Polazeći od Makijavelijevih dela, on daje i jednu opštu analizu u kojoj pokazuje zbog čega je ovakvo shvatanje politike moguće.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Politics and techniques in the works of Mihailo Markovic, Politika i tehnika u delu Mihaila Markovića",
pages = "76-61",
number = "7",
volume = "6",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_368"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2012). Politics and techniques in the works of Mihailo Markovic. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 6(7), 61-76.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_368

Damnjanović I. Politics and techniques in the works of Mihailo Markovic. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2012;6(7):61-76.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_368 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Politics and techniques in the works of Mihailo Markovic" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 6, no. 7 (2012):61-76,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_368 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/232
AB  - Relations and interactions between politics and technology is one of the central themes in the works of Lewis Mumford. Although sometimes presented in a not very systematical manner, Mumfords findings and standpoints had a big impact on formulating modern approaches to social study of technology (including research of technology in political science). This article aims to identify and systematize most important segments of Mumfords views on politics and technology: city as (political) community, status, functions, and significance of utopias, difference between authoritarian and democratic techniques, concept of mega machine as well as notion of socio-technical complex, and also to point out the influence of these views on modern research of the problem.
AB  - Odnos između politike i tehnologije jedna je od centralnih tema u opusu Luisa Mamforda. Iako u nekim segmentima izloženi na nedovoljno sistematičan način, Mamfordovi stavovi izvršili su veliki uticaj na formiranje savremenih pristupa proučavanju tehnologije sa aspekta društvenih, pa i političkih nauka. Cilj ovog članka je da identifikuje i sistematizuje najvažnije segmente Mamfordovog viđenja ovog problema: grad kao političku zajednicu, status, funkciju i značaj utopije, razliku između autoritarne i demokratske tehnike, koncept mega mašine i zamisao socio-tehničkog kompleksa, kao i da ukaže na njihov uticaj na današnja proučavanja odnosa između politike i tehnologije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Politics and technology in the works of Lewis Mumford
T1  - Politika i tehnologija u delu Luisa Mamforda
EP  - 208
IS  - 4
SP  - 193
VL  - 4
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_232
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2010",
abstract = "Relations and interactions between politics and technology is one of the central themes in the works of Lewis Mumford. Although sometimes presented in a not very systematical manner, Mumfords findings and standpoints had a big impact on formulating modern approaches to social study of technology (including research of technology in political science). This article aims to identify and systematize most important segments of Mumfords views on politics and technology: city as (political) community, status, functions, and significance of utopias, difference between authoritarian and democratic techniques, concept of mega machine as well as notion of socio-technical complex, and also to point out the influence of these views on modern research of the problem., Odnos između politike i tehnologije jedna je od centralnih tema u opusu Luisa Mamforda. Iako u nekim segmentima izloženi na nedovoljno sistematičan način, Mamfordovi stavovi izvršili su veliki uticaj na formiranje savremenih pristupa proučavanju tehnologije sa aspekta društvenih, pa i političkih nauka. Cilj ovog članka je da identifikuje i sistematizuje najvažnije segmente Mamfordovog viđenja ovog problema: grad kao političku zajednicu, status, funkciju i značaj utopije, razliku između autoritarne i demokratske tehnike, koncept mega mašine i zamisao socio-tehničkog kompleksa, kao i da ukaže na njihov uticaj na današnja proučavanja odnosa između politike i tehnologije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Politics and technology in the works of Lewis Mumford, Politika i tehnologija u delu Luisa Mamforda",
pages = "208-193",
number = "4",
volume = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_232"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2010). Politics and technology in the works of Lewis Mumford. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 4(4), 193-208.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_232

Damnjanović I. Politics and technology in the works of Lewis Mumford. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2010;4(4):193-208.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_232 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Politics and technology in the works of Lewis Mumford" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 4, no. 4 (2010):193-208,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_232 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2010
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/258
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Globalizam kao nova religija - Dragan Simeunović: Nacija i globalizacija, Zograf, Niš, 2010
EP  - 443
IS  - 4
SP  - 438
VL  - 62
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_258
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2010",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Globalizam kao nova religija - Dragan Simeunović: Nacija i globalizacija, Zograf, Niš, 2010",
pages = "443-438",
number = "4",
volume = "62",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_258"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2010). Globalizam kao nova religija - Dragan Simeunović: Nacija i globalizacija, Zograf, Niš, 2010. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 62(4), 438-443.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_258

Damnjanović I. Globalizam kao nova religija - Dragan Simeunović: Nacija i globalizacija, Zograf, Niš, 2010. in Vojno delo. 2010;62(4):438-443.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_258 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Globalizam kao nova religija - Dragan Simeunović: Nacija i globalizacija, Zograf, Niš, 2010" in Vojno delo, 62, no. 4 (2010):438-443,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_258 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2009
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/230
AB  - Expansion of Internet and Internet-based technologies, as well as their growing impact on social phenomena and processes, led to increased interest of social researchers for 'all things cyber'. Among these cyber phenomena is cyberterrorism, It occupies attention of numerous scholars and experts due to this possibly devastating consequences, but also its attractiveness for the media. Despite this interest, there is still no definition of cyberterrorism which is commonly accepted among scholars and government officials. One of the points of dissent among experts is also the proximity of cyberterrorism threat. It is not the technical feasibility of cyberterrorist attack that is contested, but rather capabitlity of present day terrorist organizations to engage in cyberterrorism. This paper aims to show that no attack carried out by now fits the definition of cyberterrorism. Threat of cyberterrorism is not immediate, so cyberterrorism is still in the domain of potential, rather than an actual political phenomenon.
AB  - Ekspanzija Interneta i na njemu zasnovanih tehnologija, kao i njihov sve veći uticaj na društvene pojave i procese, doveli su do povećanog zanimanja istraživača za sve fenomene koji su proizašli iz takvog razvoja. Jedan od takvih fenomena je i sajberterorizam, koji zahvaljujući svojim potencijalno razornim posledicama, ali i medijskoj atraktivnosti zaokuplja pažnju velikog broja autora. Uprkos tome, još uvek ne postoji definicija sajberterorizma koja bi bila opšteprihvaćena, kako u akademskim, tako i u političkim krugovima. Stručnjaci se takođe spore oko toga u kojoj meri je opasnost od sajberterorističkog napada realna i bliska. Pri tome se ne dovodi u pitanje tehnička izvodljivost sajberterorističkih akata, koliko osposobljenost danas prisutnih terorističkih organizacija da ih izvedu. Cilj ovog rada je da pokaže da do danas nije bilo napada koji bi se nedvosmisleno mogao nazvati sajberterorističkim, kao i da opasnost od takvog napada nije neposredna odnosno da je sajberterorizam, kao politički fenomen, još uvek više u domenu potencijalnog, nego aktuelnog.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politička revija
T1  - Is there cyber-terrorism present today?
T1  - Postoji li sajberterorizam?
EP  - 253
IS  - 1
SP  - 237
VL  - 8
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_230
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Expansion of Internet and Internet-based technologies, as well as their growing impact on social phenomena and processes, led to increased interest of social researchers for 'all things cyber'. Among these cyber phenomena is cyberterrorism, It occupies attention of numerous scholars and experts due to this possibly devastating consequences, but also its attractiveness for the media. Despite this interest, there is still no definition of cyberterrorism which is commonly accepted among scholars and government officials. One of the points of dissent among experts is also the proximity of cyberterrorism threat. It is not the technical feasibility of cyberterrorist attack that is contested, but rather capabitlity of present day terrorist organizations to engage in cyberterrorism. This paper aims to show that no attack carried out by now fits the definition of cyberterrorism. Threat of cyberterrorism is not immediate, so cyberterrorism is still in the domain of potential, rather than an actual political phenomenon., Ekspanzija Interneta i na njemu zasnovanih tehnologija, kao i njihov sve veći uticaj na društvene pojave i procese, doveli su do povećanog zanimanja istraživača za sve fenomene koji su proizašli iz takvog razvoja. Jedan od takvih fenomena je i sajberterorizam, koji zahvaljujući svojim potencijalno razornim posledicama, ali i medijskoj atraktivnosti zaokuplja pažnju velikog broja autora. Uprkos tome, još uvek ne postoji definicija sajberterorizma koja bi bila opšteprihvaćena, kako u akademskim, tako i u političkim krugovima. Stručnjaci se takođe spore oko toga u kojoj meri je opasnost od sajberterorističkog napada realna i bliska. Pri tome se ne dovodi u pitanje tehnička izvodljivost sajberterorističkih akata, koliko osposobljenost danas prisutnih terorističkih organizacija da ih izvedu. Cilj ovog rada je da pokaže da do danas nije bilo napada koji bi se nedvosmisleno mogao nazvati sajberterorističkim, kao i da opasnost od takvog napada nije neposredna odnosno da je sajberterorizam, kao politički fenomen, još uvek više u domenu potencijalnog, nego aktuelnog.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politička revija",
title = "Is there cyber-terrorism present today?, Postoji li sajberterorizam?",
pages = "253-237",
number = "1",
volume = "8",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_230"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2009). Is there cyber-terrorism present today?. in Politička revija
Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 8(1), 237-253.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_230

Damnjanović I. Is there cyber-terrorism present today?. in Politička revija. 2009;8(1):237-253.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_230 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "Is there cyber-terrorism present today?" in Politička revija, 8, no. 1 (2009):237-253,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_230 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Damnjanović, Ivana
PY  - 2009
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/224
AB  - Concept of e-democracy (cyber democracy, teledemocracy), although not completely clarified in political theory, is closely connected to democratization. So far there are two points of view: technocentric and sociocentric. Technocentrics claim that new digital information and communication technologies (ICTs) will inevitably lead to certain changes in the domain of democracy, while sociocentrics insist that impact and consequences of technology are conditioned by social factors. All three main currents in democratic theory - liberal, communitarian and deliberative agree that e -democracy could enhance the democratic process. They differ in conception of main advantages of e-democracy as well as desirable directions of its development. There is consent, however, that e-democracy bears significant potential for democratization at all levels - from democratic transition and further democratization of stable poliarchies, to democratization of society from local to global level.
AB  - Koncept elektronske demokratije (e-demokratija, sajber demokratija teledemokratija), iako nije do kraja razjašnjen u okviru političke teorije neraskidivo je povezan sa konceptom demokratizacije. U dosadašnjoj naučnoj obradi ovog fenomena izdvajaju se tehnocentrična i sociocentrična shvatanja. Zastupnici prvog pristupa smatraju da će nove digitalne informaciono-komunikacione tehnologija same po sebi neizbežno dovesti do određenih promena u domenu demokratije i demokratizacije, dok autori koji zastupaju sociocentrična shvatanja insistiraju na tome da posledice tehnologije zavise pre svega od društvenih činilaca. U okviru demokratske teorije sve glavne struje - liberalna, komunitarna i deliberativna smatraju da bi elektronska demokratka mogla da unapredi demokratski proces. Oni se uglavnom razlikuju po shvatanju osnovnih prednosti elektronske demokratije i poželjnih pravaca njenog razvoja. Zajednički je takođe stav da elektronska demokratija predstavlja značajan potencijal za demokratizaciju na svim nivoima - od demokratske tranzicije, preko dalje demokratizacije stabilnih poliarhija, do demokratizacije društva na lokalnom, ali i globalnom planu.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - E-democracy: A potential for democratization
T1  - Elektronska demokratija (e-democracy) kao mogućnost demokratizacije
EP  - 97
IS  - 1
SP  - 85
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_224
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Damnjanović, Ivana",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Concept of e-democracy (cyber democracy, teledemocracy), although not completely clarified in political theory, is closely connected to democratization. So far there are two points of view: technocentric and sociocentric. Technocentrics claim that new digital information and communication technologies (ICTs) will inevitably lead to certain changes in the domain of democracy, while sociocentrics insist that impact and consequences of technology are conditioned by social factors. All three main currents in democratic theory - liberal, communitarian and deliberative agree that e -democracy could enhance the democratic process. They differ in conception of main advantages of e-democracy as well as desirable directions of its development. There is consent, however, that e-democracy bears significant potential for democratization at all levels - from democratic transition and further democratization of stable poliarchies, to democratization of society from local to global level., Koncept elektronske demokratije (e-demokratija, sajber demokratija teledemokratija), iako nije do kraja razjašnjen u okviru političke teorije neraskidivo je povezan sa konceptom demokratizacije. U dosadašnjoj naučnoj obradi ovog fenomena izdvajaju se tehnocentrična i sociocentrična shvatanja. Zastupnici prvog pristupa smatraju da će nove digitalne informaciono-komunikacione tehnologija same po sebi neizbežno dovesti do određenih promena u domenu demokratije i demokratizacije, dok autori koji zastupaju sociocentrična shvatanja insistiraju na tome da posledice tehnologije zavise pre svega od društvenih činilaca. U okviru demokratske teorije sve glavne struje - liberalna, komunitarna i deliberativna smatraju da bi elektronska demokratka mogla da unapredi demokratski proces. Oni se uglavnom razlikuju po shvatanju osnovnih prednosti elektronske demokratije i poželjnih pravaca njenog razvoja. Zajednički je takođe stav da elektronska demokratija predstavlja značajan potencijal za demokratizaciju na svim nivoima - od demokratske tranzicije, preko dalje demokratizacije stabilnih poliarhija, do demokratizacije društva na lokalnom, ali i globalnom planu.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "E-democracy: A potential for democratization, Elektronska demokratija (e-democracy) kao mogućnost demokratizacije",
pages = "97-85",
number = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_224"
}

Damnjanović, I.. (2009). E-democracy: A potential for democratization. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(1), 85-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_224

Damnjanović I. E-democracy: A potential for democratization. in Srpska politička misao. 2009;(1):85-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_224 .

Damnjanović, Ivana, "E-democracy: A potential for democratization" in Srpska politička misao, no. 1 (2009):85-97,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_224 .