Bešić, Miloš Lj.

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orcid::0000-0003-0774-0944
  • Bešić, Miloš Lj. (15)
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Author's Bibliography

How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia

Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Džuverović, Nemanja

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/795
AB  - In this paper, we offer a possible interpretation of reconciliation in the former Yugoslav area. In a conflicting past and not-reconciled region, it is presumed that the truth should be the main pillar of reconciliation. However, according to our empirical analysis of 146 reconciliation projects implemented in the period between 2002 and 2015, there are many interpretations of truths in the region which are opposed to each other. These interpretations are the result of different national political constructions, supported by the dominant structures of the societies in question. Accordingly, instead of insisting on a single factual truth, we propose the introduction of the 'agonistic dialogue' principle, where multiple truths would coexist, thus turning former war enemies into political adversaries in the post-conflict setting.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
T1  - How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia
EP  - 472
IS  - 3
SP  - 455
VL  - 20
DO  - 10.1080/14683857.2020.1793463
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Džuverović, Nemanja",
year = "2020",
abstract = "In this paper, we offer a possible interpretation of reconciliation in the former Yugoslav area. In a conflicting past and not-reconciled region, it is presumed that the truth should be the main pillar of reconciliation. However, according to our empirical analysis of 146 reconciliation projects implemented in the period between 2002 and 2015, there are many interpretations of truths in the region which are opposed to each other. These interpretations are the result of different national political constructions, supported by the dominant structures of the societies in question. Accordingly, instead of insisting on a single factual truth, we propose the introduction of the 'agonistic dialogue' principle, where multiple truths would coexist, thus turning former war enemies into political adversaries in the post-conflict setting.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Southeast European and Black Sea Studies",
title = "How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia",
pages = "472-455",
number = "3",
volume = "20",
doi = "10.1080/14683857.2020.1793463"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.,& Džuverović, N.. (2020). How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 20(3), 455-472.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2020.1793463
Bešić ML, Džuverović N. How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 2020;20(3):455-472.
doi:10.1080/14683857.2020.1793463 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., Džuverović, Nemanja, "How many truths are there? Reconciliation and agonistic dialogue in the former Yugoslavia" in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 20, no. 3 (2020):455-472,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2020.1793463 . .
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The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design

Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Milenković, Dejan Lj.

(Sveucliste Zagrebu, Pravni Fakulted-Univ Zagreb, Fac Law, Zagreb, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Milenković, Dejan Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/706
AB  - This paper is based on the estimation of the effects of the self-employment of the Roma on their social values and work attitudes. To provide the evidence for the possible positive outcomes of starting their own business, we used a quasi experimental design, i.e. we provided the design based on a comparison of the self-employed Roma (experimental group) and those who did not start their business (control group). We tested the operational hypothesis onto eight measurements of the values and work attitudes. As a method, OLS regression and logistic regression have been employed. We found that self-employment policy of Roma can significantly contribute to their positive work attitude, internal locus of control, interpersonal trust, perceived treatment by the majority and job satisfaction. However, we found no significant effect of starting new business by the Roma onto intrinsic work orientation, gender equality attitude and overall life satisfaction. We conclude that promoting and investing in self-employment policy of the Roma and marginalized groups in general can be an effective policy measure in improving their overall social inclusion.
PB  - Sveucliste Zagrebu, Pravni Fakulted-Univ Zagreb, Fac Law, Zagreb
T2  - Revija za socijalnu politiku
T1  - The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design
EP  - 357
IS  - 3
SP  - 339
VL  - 26
DO  - 10.3935/rsp.v26i3.1620
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Milenković, Dejan Lj.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper is based on the estimation of the effects of the self-employment of the Roma on their social values and work attitudes. To provide the evidence for the possible positive outcomes of starting their own business, we used a quasi experimental design, i.e. we provided the design based on a comparison of the self-employed Roma (experimental group) and those who did not start their business (control group). We tested the operational hypothesis onto eight measurements of the values and work attitudes. As a method, OLS regression and logistic regression have been employed. We found that self-employment policy of Roma can significantly contribute to their positive work attitude, internal locus of control, interpersonal trust, perceived treatment by the majority and job satisfaction. However, we found no significant effect of starting new business by the Roma onto intrinsic work orientation, gender equality attitude and overall life satisfaction. We conclude that promoting and investing in self-employment policy of the Roma and marginalized groups in general can be an effective policy measure in improving their overall social inclusion.",
publisher = "Sveucliste Zagrebu, Pravni Fakulted-Univ Zagreb, Fac Law, Zagreb",
journal = "Revija za socijalnu politiku",
title = "The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design",
pages = "357-339",
number = "3",
volume = "26",
doi = "10.3935/rsp.v26i3.1620"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.,& Milenković, D. Lj.. (2019). The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design. in Revija za socijalnu politiku
Sveucliste Zagrebu, Pravni Fakulted-Univ Zagreb, Fac Law, Zagreb., 26(3), 339-357.
https://doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v26i3.1620
Bešić ML, Milenković DL. The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design. in Revija za socijalnu politiku. 2019;26(3):339-357.
doi:10.3935/rsp.v26i3.1620 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., Milenković, Dejan Lj., "The Effectiveness of Self-Employment of the Roma - A Quasi Experimental Design" in Revija za socijalnu politiku, 26, no. 3 (2019):339-357,
https://doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v26i3.1620 . .

Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe

Pavlović, Dušan; Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Dušan
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/763
AB  - Do political factors have any effect on fiscal policy and public spending in the post-communist Europe? We answer this question by using annual data for 15 Central and Eastern European democracies from 1992-2017. We look into several political variables: number of parties in the cabinet, partisan cycle (ideology), electoral cycle, and coalition type. We deploy fixed-effect estimates, showing that the peculiarities of a country explain a large part of the variance, thus validating the path dependency and incrementalism theses in public policy analysis. We find positive impact of the pre-electoral and electoral year on public spending, but no statistically significant support for other poitical determinats.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - East European Politics
T1  - Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe
EP  - 237
IS  - 2
SP  - 220
VL  - 35
DO  - 10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Pavlović, Dušan and Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Do political factors have any effect on fiscal policy and public spending in the post-communist Europe? We answer this question by using annual data for 15 Central and Eastern European democracies from 1992-2017. We look into several political variables: number of parties in the cabinet, partisan cycle (ideology), electoral cycle, and coalition type. We deploy fixed-effect estimates, showing that the peculiarities of a country explain a large part of the variance, thus validating the path dependency and incrementalism theses in public policy analysis. We find positive impact of the pre-electoral and electoral year on public spending, but no statistically significant support for other poitical determinats.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "East European Politics",
title = "Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe",
pages = "237-220",
number = "2",
volume = "35",
doi = "10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786"
}
Pavlović, D.,& Bešić, M. Lj.. (2019). Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe. in East European Politics
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 35(2), 220-237.
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786
Pavlović D, Bešić ML. Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe. in East European Politics. 2019;35(2):220-237.
doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786 .
Pavlović, Dušan, Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe" in East European Politics, 35, no. 2 (2019):220-237,
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786 . .
6
4
3
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Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects

Petrović, Dalibor; Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Dalibor
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/704
AB  - Social media play a significant role in political informing across Europe and the rest of the world. That is why the political consequences of social media use have become one of the prominent issues in contemporary social research. In line with that, this paper investigates how the use of social media for political informing is associated with the state of democracy in European countries and how individual satisfaction with the level of democracy and the political activism of citizens are affected by social media use. We have used data from the latest European Value Survey, conducted in 2017-2018. Our data sample included 30 countries with the referent number of more than 56000 respondents involved in the survey. The main finding of our research is that a deficit of democracy leads people to use social media as a part of their political informing repertoires. This finding applies to both, those who live in undemocratic circumstances and those who live in developed democracies but have a negative personal perception of democratic procedures in their country. It seems that once citizens are "forced" to use social media for political informing, they, in turn, become influenced by media content displayed there and by other peoples' ideas. In other words, the very use of social media makes them even more critical of democracy and consequently more politically active, which brings them back to social media.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects
EP  - 584
IS  - 4
SP  - 565
VL  - 61
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1904565P
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Petrović, Dalibor and Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Social media play a significant role in political informing across Europe and the rest of the world. That is why the political consequences of social media use have become one of the prominent issues in contemporary social research. In line with that, this paper investigates how the use of social media for political informing is associated with the state of democracy in European countries and how individual satisfaction with the level of democracy and the political activism of citizens are affected by social media use. We have used data from the latest European Value Survey, conducted in 2017-2018. Our data sample included 30 countries with the referent number of more than 56000 respondents involved in the survey. The main finding of our research is that a deficit of democracy leads people to use social media as a part of their political informing repertoires. This finding applies to both, those who live in undemocratic circumstances and those who live in developed democracies but have a negative personal perception of democratic procedures in their country. It seems that once citizens are "forced" to use social media for political informing, they, in turn, become influenced by media content displayed there and by other peoples' ideas. In other words, the very use of social media makes them even more critical of democracy and consequently more politically active, which brings them back to social media.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects",
pages = "584-565",
number = "4",
volume = "61",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1904565P"
}
Petrović, D.,& Bešić, M. Lj.. (2019). Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 61(4), 565-584.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1904565P
Petrović D, Bešić ML. Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects. in Sociologija. 2019;61(4):565-584.
doi:10.2298/SOC1904565P .
Petrović, Dalibor, Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Political informing through social media across Europe - factors and effects" in Sociologija, 61, no. 4 (2019):565-584,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1904565P . .
3
1

Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence

Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/738
AB  - This paper represents an analysis of inter-ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after this former Yugoslav Republic gained its independence. Ethnic relations are analyzed using the method of ethnic distance measurement. We use empirical data to provide evidence of the level of inter-ethnic and overall ethnic distance in Montenegro. The research and measurement of ethnic distance is based on a traditional Bogardus social distance scale. Besides the descriptive task, the research goal of this paper is to show the effect of political factors on ethic distancing. We test this hypothesis using OLS regression analysis. We found a high level of inter-ethnic distance between Serbs on one side and minorities on the other. We also found a low level of ethnic distance between Montenegrins and Serbs, confirming that the clash between the two is political rather than ethnic by nature.
AB  - Ovaj rad predstavlja analizu međuetničkih odnosa u Crnoj Gori 12 godina nakon što je ova sada već bivša članica Jugoslavije stekla svoju nezavisnost. Etničke odnose analizirali smo koristeći metodu merenja etničke distance. Rad se oslanja na empirijske podatke koji ukazuju na nivo međuetničkog i ukupnog etničkog distanciranja. Ovo istraživanje, odnosno sva merenja sprovedena tokom ovog istraživanja, zasnivaju se na tradicionalnoj Bogardusovoj skali socijalne distance. Istraživački cilj ove analize, osim deskriptivnih zadataka koje ima, jeste i to da pokaže efekat političkih faktora na etničko distanciranje. Osnovnu hipotezu smo testirali koristeći OLS regresionu metodu (regresiona analiza). Podaci koje smo dobili ukazuju na veoma visok nivo međuetničke distance između Srba, s jedne strane, i nacionalnih manjina, s druge strane. Takođe smo utvrdili da postoji veoma nizak nivo etničke distance između Crnogoraca i Srba, što potvrđuje tezu da je razdor između njih, odnosno razlika koja postoji više političke nego etničke prirode.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence
T1  - Etnički odnosi u Crnoj Gori gori 12 godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti
EP  - 835
IS  - 3
SP  - 812
VL  - 53
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg53-22481
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper represents an analysis of inter-ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after this former Yugoslav Republic gained its independence. Ethnic relations are analyzed using the method of ethnic distance measurement. We use empirical data to provide evidence of the level of inter-ethnic and overall ethnic distance in Montenegro. The research and measurement of ethnic distance is based on a traditional Bogardus social distance scale. Besides the descriptive task, the research goal of this paper is to show the effect of political factors on ethic distancing. We test this hypothesis using OLS regression analysis. We found a high level of inter-ethnic distance between Serbs on one side and minorities on the other. We also found a low level of ethnic distance between Montenegrins and Serbs, confirming that the clash between the two is political rather than ethnic by nature., Ovaj rad predstavlja analizu međuetničkih odnosa u Crnoj Gori 12 godina nakon što je ova sada već bivša članica Jugoslavije stekla svoju nezavisnost. Etničke odnose analizirali smo koristeći metodu merenja etničke distance. Rad se oslanja na empirijske podatke koji ukazuju na nivo međuetničkog i ukupnog etničkog distanciranja. Ovo istraživanje, odnosno sva merenja sprovedena tokom ovog istraživanja, zasnivaju se na tradicionalnoj Bogardusovoj skali socijalne distance. Istraživački cilj ove analize, osim deskriptivnih zadataka koje ima, jeste i to da pokaže efekat političkih faktora na etničko distanciranje. Osnovnu hipotezu smo testirali koristeći OLS regresionu metodu (regresiona analiza). Podaci koje smo dobili ukazuju na veoma visok nivo međuetničke distance između Srba, s jedne strane, i nacionalnih manjina, s druge strane. Takođe smo utvrdili da postoji veoma nizak nivo etničke distance između Crnogoraca i Srba, što potvrđuje tezu da je razdor između njih, odnosno razlika koja postoji više političke nego etničke prirode.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence, Etnički odnosi u Crnoj Gori gori 12 godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti",
pages = "835-812",
number = "3",
volume = "53",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg53-22481"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.. (2019). Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 53(3), 812-835.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg53-22481
Bešić ML. Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence. in Sociološki pregled. 2019;53(3):812-835.
doi:10.5937/socpreg53-22481 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after gaining independence" in Sociološki pregled, 53, no. 3 (2019):812-835,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg53-22481 . .

Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]

Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/720
AB  - In this paper, we present a longitudinal research study examining ethnic distance in Montenegro. The research is based on measuring ethnic distance at two points in time: in 2013 and 2018. This research was carried out using the nine-level Bogardus social distance scale. There are some important notions con-sidering the significance of measuring ethnic distance in Montenegro. First, this is a multi-ethnic country where Montene-grins, as the main ethnic group, have a relatively small majority. Second, this was the last country to leave former Yugosla-via, gaining independence in 2006. Third, the main political and social cleavage in this society is based on ethnicity. Fourth, there has been no change in the ruling elite of Montenegro since the beginning of the transition from socialism to liberal democracy. The main hypothetical argument re-garding the expected changes in inter-ethnic distancing is, therefore, political. During the process of gaining independ-ence, there was an informal alliance among Montenegrins and non-Serbian minorities, since Serbs as an ethnic group wanted Montenegro to remain in a com-mon state with Serbia. This caused clear and pronounced political division in Mon-tenegrin society. Of course, this kind of social cleavage has historical precedents in the Balkans. Prior to the independence issue, which was raised in the late 1990s, Montenegrins and Serbs, as the combined ethnic majori-ty, were in favour of Serbia and Montene-gro remaining united. However, after gaining independence, Serbs, who had been a majority in their own country, suddenly become a minority in Montene-gro. Since almost any politics in the Balkans is ethno-politics, we examined inter-ethnic distance across two reference periods in order to identify the trends in inter-ethnic distancing. The results showed that the overall inter-ethnic distance in Montene-gro increased during that five-year period. We argue that the temporary alliance between Montenegrins and non-Serbian minorities resulted in good inter-ethnic relations among these groups, while they were striving to achieve a common politi-cal goal. However, after independence was achieved, it was to be expected that inter-ethnic relations would deteriorate. We provide evidence to support this thesis. The results of our research show that overall inter-ethnic distance increased in the five-year period surveyed. In partic-ular, we saw a dramatic increase in the ethnic distancing of Albanians away from all other groups. In addition, ethnic Bosni-ans are distancing themselves from Mon-tenegrins and Serbs more so than they were in 2013. On the other hand, we found that there was no change in ethnic distancing be-tween Montenegrins and Serbs. Addition-ally, item analysis showed that the dis-tance between Montenegrins and Serbs is very small, and is not in fact an issue of ethnicity, but rather one of politics. This was evidenced by the fact that the only sensitive issue between Serbs and Monte-negrins was for a member of the other ethnicity "to have a leadership position in my country". In all other regards, we measured a low inter-ethnic distance be-tween Serbs and Montenegrins. We conclude that increase in ethnic dis-tance is caused by political variables and overall regional context. As Montenegro is a multi-ethnic country, the deterioration of ethnic relations could seriously jeopard-ize the country's overall political stability.
PB  - Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Stanovnistvo
T1  - Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]
EP  - 25
IS  - 1
SP  - 1
VL  - 57
DO  - 10.2298/STNV190226002B
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In this paper, we present a longitudinal research study examining ethnic distance in Montenegro. The research is based on measuring ethnic distance at two points in time: in 2013 and 2018. This research was carried out using the nine-level Bogardus social distance scale. There are some important notions con-sidering the significance of measuring ethnic distance in Montenegro. First, this is a multi-ethnic country where Montene-grins, as the main ethnic group, have a relatively small majority. Second, this was the last country to leave former Yugosla-via, gaining independence in 2006. Third, the main political and social cleavage in this society is based on ethnicity. Fourth, there has been no change in the ruling elite of Montenegro since the beginning of the transition from socialism to liberal democracy. The main hypothetical argument re-garding the expected changes in inter-ethnic distancing is, therefore, political. During the process of gaining independ-ence, there was an informal alliance among Montenegrins and non-Serbian minorities, since Serbs as an ethnic group wanted Montenegro to remain in a com-mon state with Serbia. This caused clear and pronounced political division in Mon-tenegrin society. Of course, this kind of social cleavage has historical precedents in the Balkans. Prior to the independence issue, which was raised in the late 1990s, Montenegrins and Serbs, as the combined ethnic majori-ty, were in favour of Serbia and Montene-gro remaining united. However, after gaining independence, Serbs, who had been a majority in their own country, suddenly become a minority in Montene-gro. Since almost any politics in the Balkans is ethno-politics, we examined inter-ethnic distance across two reference periods in order to identify the trends in inter-ethnic distancing. The results showed that the overall inter-ethnic distance in Montene-gro increased during that five-year period. We argue that the temporary alliance between Montenegrins and non-Serbian minorities resulted in good inter-ethnic relations among these groups, while they were striving to achieve a common politi-cal goal. However, after independence was achieved, it was to be expected that inter-ethnic relations would deteriorate. We provide evidence to support this thesis. The results of our research show that overall inter-ethnic distance increased in the five-year period surveyed. In partic-ular, we saw a dramatic increase in the ethnic distancing of Albanians away from all other groups. In addition, ethnic Bosni-ans are distancing themselves from Mon-tenegrins and Serbs more so than they were in 2013. On the other hand, we found that there was no change in ethnic distancing be-tween Montenegrins and Serbs. Addition-ally, item analysis showed that the dis-tance between Montenegrins and Serbs is very small, and is not in fact an issue of ethnicity, but rather one of politics. This was evidenced by the fact that the only sensitive issue between Serbs and Monte-negrins was for a member of the other ethnicity "to have a leadership position in my country". In all other regards, we measured a low inter-ethnic distance be-tween Serbs and Montenegrins. We conclude that increase in ethnic dis-tance is caused by political variables and overall regional context. As Montenegro is a multi-ethnic country, the deterioration of ethnic relations could seriously jeopard-ize the country's overall political stability.",
publisher = "Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Stanovnistvo",
title = "Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]",
pages = "25-1",
number = "1",
volume = "57",
doi = "10.2298/STNV190226002B"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.,& Bešić, M. Lj.. (2019). Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]. in Stanovnistvo
Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd., 57(1), 1-25.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV190226002B
Bešić ML, Bešić ML. Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]. in Stanovnistvo. 2019;57(1):1-25.
doi:10.2298/STNV190226002B .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Ethnic distance in montenegro 10 years after gaining independence [Etnička distanca u Crnoj Gori deset godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti]" in Stanovnistvo, 57, no. 1 (2019):1-25,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV190226002B . .
1
3

Montenegro, NATO and the divided society

Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Spasojević, Dušan

(Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/660
AB  - In this paper we are investigating the political and social effects of Montenegro joining NATO. This issue is highly controversial and follows the political divisions in Montenegro, which motivated us to apply social cleavage theory. As method, we applied logistic regression clustered for standard error. We found that besides socio-demographic variables (ethnic division between Montenegrins and Serbs), the main line of the cleavage indicated by support of, or opposition to NATO membership falls along the issues of the independence of Montenegro, its relationship with the EU vs. Russia, as well as the attitude toward political power and party identification. (C) 2018 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
PB  - Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford
T2  - Communist and Post-Communist Studies
T1  - Montenegro, NATO and the divided society
EP  - 150
IS  - 2
SP  - 139
VL  - 51
DO  - 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In this paper we are investigating the political and social effects of Montenegro joining NATO. This issue is highly controversial and follows the political divisions in Montenegro, which motivated us to apply social cleavage theory. As method, we applied logistic regression clustered for standard error. We found that besides socio-demographic variables (ethnic division between Montenegrins and Serbs), the main line of the cleavage indicated by support of, or opposition to NATO membership falls along the issues of the independence of Montenegro, its relationship with the EU vs. Russia, as well as the attitude toward political power and party identification. (C) 2018 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.",
publisher = "Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford",
journal = "Communist and Post-Communist Studies",
title = "Montenegro, NATO and the divided society",
pages = "150-139",
number = "2",
volume = "51",
doi = "10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.,& Spasojević, D.. (2018). Montenegro, NATO and the divided society. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Elsevier Sci Ltd, Oxford., 51(2), 139-150.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006
Bešić ML, Spasojević D. Montenegro, NATO and the divided society. in Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 2018;51(2):139-150.
doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., Spasojević, Dušan, "Montenegro, NATO and the divided society" in Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 51, no. 2 (2018):139-150,
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.04.006 . .
2
7
3
8

Social trust as a factor of economic innovation

Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/693
AB  - In this paper we empirically test the effect of social capital as a factor of innovation. Theoretically we rely on Social Capital Theory with the main thesis that culture of the society has an economic outcome. We used for the analysis aggregate date from 44 countries in Europe. The data are taken from relevant international sources and researches. Dependent variable in the research was Global Innovation Index. Social capital, as well as other predictors was taken from World Value Survey. Results of the hypothesis testing confirm a significant effect of social capital onto economic innovation. Among few dimensions of social capital, by using regression analysis and Structural Equation Modeling we found that social trust has the strongest effect on innovation. In conclusion, we provide theoretical argumentation regarding the effect of culture onto economic outcomes. Finally, we assume that one of the factors of the low level of economic innovation in Serbia is due to the lack of social capital.
AB  - U radu se empirijski testira efekat socijalnog kapitala kao faktora inovativnosti. Teorijski okvir istraživanja je teorija socijalnog kapitala, kao i relevantni pristupi koji ukazuju na uticaj koji kultura ima na ekonomske ishode. Analiza se oslanja na agregatne podatke 44 zemlje Evrope, koji su dobijeni na osnovu relevantnih međunarodnih izvora podataka. Zavisna varijabla koja meri inovativnost u ovom istraživanju jeste Globalni indeks inovativnosti (Global Innovation Index). Socijalni kapital, kao i druge prediktorske varijable, formirani su, kao agregatni za sve zemlje, na osnovu Svetskog istraživanja vrednosti (WVS). Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na značajan prediktorski kapacitet socijalnog poverenja kao faktora inovativnosti. Regresionom analizom smo utvrdili da, od svih dimenzija socijalnog kapitala, najveći efekat na inovativnost ima socijalno poverenje. U zaključku se insistira na značaju koji kultura ima na ekonomske ishode, posebno na proces inoviranja, i konstatuje se da nizak nivo inovativnosti privrede u Srbiji jeste delom usled deficita u pogledu socijalnog kapitala.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Social trust as a factor of economic innovation
T1  - Socijalno poverenje kao faktor ekonomske inovativnosti
EP  - 29
IS  - 20
SP  - 9
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_693
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In this paper we empirically test the effect of social capital as a factor of innovation. Theoretically we rely on Social Capital Theory with the main thesis that culture of the society has an economic outcome. We used for the analysis aggregate date from 44 countries in Europe. The data are taken from relevant international sources and researches. Dependent variable in the research was Global Innovation Index. Social capital, as well as other predictors was taken from World Value Survey. Results of the hypothesis testing confirm a significant effect of social capital onto economic innovation. Among few dimensions of social capital, by using regression analysis and Structural Equation Modeling we found that social trust has the strongest effect on innovation. In conclusion, we provide theoretical argumentation regarding the effect of culture onto economic outcomes. Finally, we assume that one of the factors of the low level of economic innovation in Serbia is due to the lack of social capital., U radu se empirijski testira efekat socijalnog kapitala kao faktora inovativnosti. Teorijski okvir istraživanja je teorija socijalnog kapitala, kao i relevantni pristupi koji ukazuju na uticaj koji kultura ima na ekonomske ishode. Analiza se oslanja na agregatne podatke 44 zemlje Evrope, koji su dobijeni na osnovu relevantnih međunarodnih izvora podataka. Zavisna varijabla koja meri inovativnost u ovom istraživanju jeste Globalni indeks inovativnosti (Global Innovation Index). Socijalni kapital, kao i druge prediktorske varijable, formirani su, kao agregatni za sve zemlje, na osnovu Svetskog istraživanja vrednosti (WVS). Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na značajan prediktorski kapacitet socijalnog poverenja kao faktora inovativnosti. Regresionom analizom smo utvrdili da, od svih dimenzija socijalnog kapitala, najveći efekat na inovativnost ima socijalno poverenje. U zaključku se insistira na značaju koji kultura ima na ekonomske ishode, posebno na proces inoviranja, i konstatuje se da nizak nivo inovativnosti privrede u Srbiji jeste delom usled deficita u pogledu socijalnog kapitala.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Social trust as a factor of economic innovation, Socijalno poverenje kao faktor ekonomske inovativnosti",
pages = "29-9",
number = "20",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_693"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.. (2018). Social trust as a factor of economic innovation. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd.(20), 9-29.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_693
Bešić ML. Social trust as a factor of economic innovation. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2018;(20):9-29.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_693 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Social trust as a factor of economic innovation" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, no. 20 (2018):9-29,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_693 .

How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication

Petrović, Dalibor; Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Petrović, Marijana

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za psihologiju, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Dalibor
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Petrović, Marijana
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/598
AB  - If different dimensions of online interaction are neglected and/or unknowingly combined in a research study there is a risk of misleading results due to compensatory effect. With respect to the multidimensionality of online interaction, two substantially different types of online communication are defined - procreative and transmissional. The procreative online communication is understood as a person's tendency to use the internet as a space for social interaction, which essentially differs from using the internet transmissionally, as a peer-to-peer communication channel between people who are familiar with one another. The aim of this paper is to explore more deeply the procreative dimensions of online communication. Based on our conceptual framework, we defined three procreativity dimensions and developed an Online Procreativity Scale (OPS) to measure them. The OPS has been validated through EFA and CFA and the three-dimensional structure has been confirmed. Using the OLS regression analyses we found that gender and psychological characteristics and social network sites (SNS) use have diverse influence depending on the procreativity dimension under observation. Gender, city size, share of unfamiliar SNS friends and loneliness predicted willingness to interact with strangers, while the time spent on SNS predicted only the tendency to participate in public online interaction.
AB  - Ukoliko se ne vodi računa o različitim dimenzijama onlajn interakcije lako se može desiti da zbog njihovog međusobnog preklapanja i maskiranja dođemo do sasvim pogrešnih istraživačkih nalaza. U skladu sa razumevanjem onlajn interakcije kao multidimenzionalnog procesa izdvojili smo dva suštinski različita tipa on-lajn komunikacije - prokreativni i transmisioni. Onlajn komunikaciju prokreativnog tipa razumemo kao tendenciju pojedinca ka upotrebi interneta kao prostora za društvenu interakciju nasuprot suštinski različitog transmisionog tipa onlajn interakcije koja se zasniva na kanalskoj, jedan na jedan komunikaciji, međusobno poznatih subjekata. Cilj ovog rada je da se bolje istraže različite dimenzije on-lajn prokreativnosti. Na osnovu našeg teorijskog polazišta identifikovali smo tri dimenzije prokreativnosti i razvili skalu onlajn prokreativnosti (OPS-Online Pro-creativity Scale) za njihovo merenje. Validnost OPS je verifikovana posredstvom EFA i CFA čime je potvrđena trodimenzionalna struktura skale. Koristeći OLS regresionu analizu utvrdili smo da pol, psihološke karakteristike i upotreba platformi za društveno umrežavanje, imaju različit uticaj na tri dimenzije prokreativnosti. Utvrdili smo da su pol, veličina mesta boravka, udeo nepoznatih ljudi među prijateljima na onlajn mrežama i usamljenost prediktori spremnosti da se uđe u interakciju sa nepoznatim ljudima na internetu, dok je vreme koje se provodi na onlajn mrežama jedino bilo prediktor tendencije da se učestvuje u javnoj onlajn interakciji.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za psihologiju, Beograd
T2  - Psihološka istraživanja
T1  - How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication
T1  - Kakva je naša onlajn interakcija? Jedan pristup za proučavanje multidimenzionalnosti onlajn komunikacije
EP  - 62
IS  - 1
SP  - 35
VL  - 19
DO  - 10.5937/PsIstra1601035P
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Petrović, Dalibor and Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Petrović, Marijana",
year = "2016",
abstract = "If different dimensions of online interaction are neglected and/or unknowingly combined in a research study there is a risk of misleading results due to compensatory effect. With respect to the multidimensionality of online interaction, two substantially different types of online communication are defined - procreative and transmissional. The procreative online communication is understood as a person's tendency to use the internet as a space for social interaction, which essentially differs from using the internet transmissionally, as a peer-to-peer communication channel between people who are familiar with one another. The aim of this paper is to explore more deeply the procreative dimensions of online communication. Based on our conceptual framework, we defined three procreativity dimensions and developed an Online Procreativity Scale (OPS) to measure them. The OPS has been validated through EFA and CFA and the three-dimensional structure has been confirmed. Using the OLS regression analyses we found that gender and psychological characteristics and social network sites (SNS) use have diverse influence depending on the procreativity dimension under observation. Gender, city size, share of unfamiliar SNS friends and loneliness predicted willingness to interact with strangers, while the time spent on SNS predicted only the tendency to participate in public online interaction., Ukoliko se ne vodi računa o različitim dimenzijama onlajn interakcije lako se može desiti da zbog njihovog međusobnog preklapanja i maskiranja dođemo do sasvim pogrešnih istraživačkih nalaza. U skladu sa razumevanjem onlajn interakcije kao multidimenzionalnog procesa izdvojili smo dva suštinski različita tipa on-lajn komunikacije - prokreativni i transmisioni. Onlajn komunikaciju prokreativnog tipa razumemo kao tendenciju pojedinca ka upotrebi interneta kao prostora za društvenu interakciju nasuprot suštinski različitog transmisionog tipa onlajn interakcije koja se zasniva na kanalskoj, jedan na jedan komunikaciji, međusobno poznatih subjekata. Cilj ovog rada je da se bolje istraže različite dimenzije on-lajn prokreativnosti. Na osnovu našeg teorijskog polazišta identifikovali smo tri dimenzije prokreativnosti i razvili skalu onlajn prokreativnosti (OPS-Online Pro-creativity Scale) za njihovo merenje. Validnost OPS je verifikovana posredstvom EFA i CFA čime je potvrđena trodimenzionalna struktura skale. Koristeći OLS regresionu analizu utvrdili smo da pol, psihološke karakteristike i upotreba platformi za društveno umrežavanje, imaju različit uticaj na tri dimenzije prokreativnosti. Utvrdili smo da su pol, veličina mesta boravka, udeo nepoznatih ljudi među prijateljima na onlajn mrežama i usamljenost prediktori spremnosti da se uđe u interakciju sa nepoznatim ljudima na internetu, dok je vreme koje se provodi na onlajn mrežama jedino bilo prediktor tendencije da se učestvuje u javnoj onlajn interakciji.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za psihologiju, Beograd",
journal = "Psihološka istraživanja",
title = "How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication, Kakva je naša onlajn interakcija? Jedan pristup za proučavanje multidimenzionalnosti onlajn komunikacije",
pages = "62-35",
number = "1",
volume = "19",
doi = "10.5937/PsIstra1601035P"
}
Petrović, D., Bešić, M. Lj.,& Petrović, M.. (2016). How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication. in Psihološka istraživanja
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za psihologiju, Beograd., 19(1), 35-62.
https://doi.org/10.5937/PsIstra1601035P
Petrović D, Bešić ML, Petrović M. How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication. in Psihološka istraživanja. 2016;19(1):35-62.
doi:10.5937/PsIstra1601035P .
Petrović, Dalibor, Bešić, Miloš Lj., Petrović, Marijana, "How do we interact online? An approach to researching multidimensionality of online communication" in Psihološka istraživanja, 19, no. 1 (2016):35-62,
https://doi.org/10.5937/PsIstra1601035P . .

Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics

Bešić, Miloš Lj.; Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/583
AB  - In this paper, we identify the main factors of confidence in institutions in the six former Yugoslav republics. Conceptually, we introduce two theoretical approaches: social capital theory and political approach. To test our hypotheses, we rely on European Value Study 2008 data, and we use OLS regression analysis. We conclude that the six countries are quite similar in terms of identified factors of confidence in institutions. Satisfaction with democracy proves to be the most reliable predictor of confidence in institutions in each country. Additionally, we conclude that social capital theory provides a better framework for explaining confidence in institutions, rather than the political approach.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics
EP  - 318
IS  - 2
SP  - 302
VL  - 58
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1602302B
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj. and Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2016",
abstract = "In this paper, we identify the main factors of confidence in institutions in the six former Yugoslav republics. Conceptually, we introduce two theoretical approaches: social capital theory and political approach. To test our hypotheses, we rely on European Value Study 2008 data, and we use OLS regression analysis. We conclude that the six countries are quite similar in terms of identified factors of confidence in institutions. Satisfaction with democracy proves to be the most reliable predictor of confidence in institutions in each country. Additionally, we conclude that social capital theory provides a better framework for explaining confidence in institutions, rather than the political approach.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics",
pages = "318-302",
number = "2",
volume = "58",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1602302B"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.,& Bešić, M. Lj.. (2016). Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 58(2), 302-318.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602302B
Bešić ML, Bešić ML. Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics. in Sociologija. 2016;58(2):302-318.
doi:10.2298/SOC1602302B .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Confidence in institutions in former Yugoslav republics" in Sociologija, 58, no. 2 (2016):302-318,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602302B . .
3
3
6

Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe

Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/557
AB  - In this article we empirically and comparatively test the concept of civic political culture. For this analysis, we used European Value Study data. The main goal of the article was to measure the level and predictors of civic political culture I Europe and Serbia. Civic political culture is defined as a construct consisting of interest in politics, political activism, democratic orientation, social trust and liberal value orientation. The main hypothesis that has been tested is that value orientation as a part of the culture of the society shape civic political culture. As a method, we use Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Multilevel Modeling. We found that intrinsic and extrinsic work orientation, civic morality, permissiveness, family traditionalism and religiosity are the main value orientation that can explain civic political culture. It was identified that high level of conservatism (non/permissiveness), high level of extrinsic orientation, as well as high level of traditionalism, are the main obstacles of the strengthening of civic culture in Serbia.
AB  - U tekstu se komparativno i empirijski testira koncept građanske političke kulture. Za analizu smo koristili podatke iz Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti. Osnovni cilj rada jeste merenje stepena i prediktora građanske političke kulture u Evropi i Srbiji. Građanska politička kultura je operacionalizovana kao konstrukt koji se sastoji iz interesovanja za politiku, političkog aktivizma, demokratske orijentacije, socijalnog poverenja i liberalne vrednosne orijentacije. Ključna hipoteza koju smo testirali jeste da vrednosne orijentacije kao indikacije širih kulturnih obrazaca oblikuju građansku političku kulturu. Kao metod koristili smo konfirmatornu faktorsku analizu i hijerarhijsko linearno modeliranje. Testiranjem hipoteza identifikovali smo da su ekstrinzična i intrinzična radna orijentacija, građanski moral, permisivnost, porodični tradicionalizam i religioznost ključne vrednosne orijentacije koje utiču na građansku političku kulturu. Utvrdili smo da su visok nivo konzervativizma (nepermisivnosti), visok nivo ekstrinzične radne orijentacije, te visok nivo tradicionalizma ključne kulturne prepreke jačanja građanske političke kulture u Srbiji. .
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe
T1  - Građanska politička kultura - Srbija u Evropi
EP  - 326
IS  - 3
SP  - 299
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1603299B
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2016",
abstract = "In this article we empirically and comparatively test the concept of civic political culture. For this analysis, we used European Value Study data. The main goal of the article was to measure the level and predictors of civic political culture I Europe and Serbia. Civic political culture is defined as a construct consisting of interest in politics, political activism, democratic orientation, social trust and liberal value orientation. The main hypothesis that has been tested is that value orientation as a part of the culture of the society shape civic political culture. As a method, we use Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Multilevel Modeling. We found that intrinsic and extrinsic work orientation, civic morality, permissiveness, family traditionalism and religiosity are the main value orientation that can explain civic political culture. It was identified that high level of conservatism (non/permissiveness), high level of extrinsic orientation, as well as high level of traditionalism, are the main obstacles of the strengthening of civic culture in Serbia., U tekstu se komparativno i empirijski testira koncept građanske političke kulture. Za analizu smo koristili podatke iz Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti. Osnovni cilj rada jeste merenje stepena i prediktora građanske političke kulture u Evropi i Srbiji. Građanska politička kultura je operacionalizovana kao konstrukt koji se sastoji iz interesovanja za politiku, političkog aktivizma, demokratske orijentacije, socijalnog poverenja i liberalne vrednosne orijentacije. Ključna hipoteza koju smo testirali jeste da vrednosne orijentacije kao indikacije širih kulturnih obrazaca oblikuju građansku političku kulturu. Kao metod koristili smo konfirmatornu faktorsku analizu i hijerarhijsko linearno modeliranje. Testiranjem hipoteza identifikovali smo da su ekstrinzična i intrinzična radna orijentacija, građanski moral, permisivnost, porodični tradicionalizam i religioznost ključne vrednosne orijentacije koje utiču na građansku političku kulturu. Utvrdili smo da su visok nivo konzervativizma (nepermisivnosti), visok nivo ekstrinzične radne orijentacije, te visok nivo tradicionalizma ključne kulturne prepreke jačanja građanske političke kulture u Srbiji. .",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe, Građanska politička kultura - Srbija u Evropi",
pages = "326-299",
number = "3",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1603299B"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.. (2016). Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 50(3), 299-326.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1603299B
Bešić ML. Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe. in Sociološki pregled. 2016;50(3):299-326.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1603299B .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Civic political culture: Serbia in Europe" in Sociološki pregled, 50, no. 3 (2016):299-326,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1603299B . .
2

Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji

Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/472
AB  - The main goal of this paper is to measure and compare certain value orientations in countries of former Yugoslavia. Also, we compare mean values for the ex Yugoslavia with the reference measurement in western and eastern Europe, respectively. The value orientations which are about to be analyzed are: religiosity, racial/ethnic tolerance, democratic orientation, permissiveness and social trust. We used European Value Survey data 2008-2009 wave. As a method, analysis of covariance, as well as canonical discriminant analysis had been applied. Results showed that in former Yugoslavia we measure higher level of tolerance and democratic orientation comparing to rest of Europe. On the other hand, in the former Yugoslavia we measure lower level of social trust and permissiveness comparing to eastern and western Europe, respectively. Also, we recognized that Slovenia is differing from other ex Yugoslav countries, in a sense that measured values are closer to western societies.
AB  - Osnovni cilj ovog rada jeste da izmeri i uporedi vrednosne orijentacije u zemljama/entitetima koje su naslednice Jugoslavije. Osnovno pitanje na koje ćemo pokušati da odgovorimo jeste: u kojoj meri još uvek postoji sličnost u pogledu vrednosnih orijentacija između zemalja bivše SFRJ, odnosno, u kojoj meri se zemlje bivše Jugoslavije razlikuju u odnosu na zapadnu Evropu sa jedne, i ostale postkomunističke države, sa druge strane? Vrednosti koje su bile predmet našeg interesovanja i koje smo uporedili jesu: religioznost, rasna/etnička netolerancija, demokratska vrednosna orijentacija, permisivnost i socijalno poverenje. Pristup je komparativan, a kao metod koristićemo analizu kovarijase i kanoničku diskriminacionu analizu. Podaci na osnovu kojih ćemo meriti vrednosne orijentacije obezbeđeni su na osnovu Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti 2008. i 2009. godine. Rezultati ukazuju da su zemlje bivše Jugoslavije u većem stepenu rasno/etnički tolerantnije i demokratski vrednosno orijentisane u odnosu na ostale evropske zemlje. Sa druge strane, u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije niži je stepen permisivnosti i socijalnog poverenja. Konačno, istraživanje vrednosnih orijentacija je ukazalo na to da Slovenija u velikoj meri odstupa od vrednosnih obrazaca ostalih zemalja bivše Jugoslavije, a da je značajno bliža merenim vrednostima zapadne Evrope.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji
EP  - 40
IS  - 1
SP  - 17
VL  - 48
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1401017B
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The main goal of this paper is to measure and compare certain value orientations in countries of former Yugoslavia. Also, we compare mean values for the ex Yugoslavia with the reference measurement in western and eastern Europe, respectively. The value orientations which are about to be analyzed are: religiosity, racial/ethnic tolerance, democratic orientation, permissiveness and social trust. We used European Value Survey data 2008-2009 wave. As a method, analysis of covariance, as well as canonical discriminant analysis had been applied. Results showed that in former Yugoslavia we measure higher level of tolerance and democratic orientation comparing to rest of Europe. On the other hand, in the former Yugoslavia we measure lower level of social trust and permissiveness comparing to eastern and western Europe, respectively. Also, we recognized that Slovenia is differing from other ex Yugoslav countries, in a sense that measured values are closer to western societies., Osnovni cilj ovog rada jeste da izmeri i uporedi vrednosne orijentacije u zemljama/entitetima koje su naslednice Jugoslavije. Osnovno pitanje na koje ćemo pokušati da odgovorimo jeste: u kojoj meri još uvek postoji sličnost u pogledu vrednosnih orijentacija između zemalja bivše SFRJ, odnosno, u kojoj meri se zemlje bivše Jugoslavije razlikuju u odnosu na zapadnu Evropu sa jedne, i ostale postkomunističke države, sa druge strane? Vrednosti koje su bile predmet našeg interesovanja i koje smo uporedili jesu: religioznost, rasna/etnička netolerancija, demokratska vrednosna orijentacija, permisivnost i socijalno poverenje. Pristup je komparativan, a kao metod koristićemo analizu kovarijase i kanoničku diskriminacionu analizu. Podaci na osnovu kojih ćemo meriti vrednosne orijentacije obezbeđeni su na osnovu Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti 2008. i 2009. godine. Rezultati ukazuju da su zemlje bivše Jugoslavije u većem stepenu rasno/etnički tolerantnije i demokratski vrednosno orijentisane u odnosu na ostale evropske zemlje. Sa druge strane, u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije niži je stepen permisivnosti i socijalnog poverenja. Konačno, istraživanje vrednosnih orijentacija je ukazalo na to da Slovenija u velikoj meri odstupa od vrednosnih obrazaca ostalih zemalja bivše Jugoslavije, a da je značajno bliža merenim vrednostima zapadne Evrope.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji",
pages = "40-17",
number = "1",
volume = "48",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1401017B"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.. (2014). Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 48(1), 17-40.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1401017B
Bešić ML. Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. in Sociološki pregled. 2014;48(1):17-40.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1401017B .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Vrednosne orijentacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji" in Sociološki pregled, 48, no. 1 (2014):17-40,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1401017B . .

Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions

Bešić, Miloš Lj.

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešić, Miloš Lj.
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/310
AB  - The paper is aimed at testing several important hypotheses pertaining to trust in institutions in Serbia. The institutions are divided in to several categories according to usage of factorial analysis as the criterion of preferences of Serbian citizens. All hypotheses were tested by situational and political predictors of trust. The paper first theoretically and critically reconsider the theories of social capital and-pointing to limitations of these theories and using empirical tools-it advocates for analternative approach grounded in the idea that trust in institutions is explained by party identification and identification with leaders. Equally, It tests the hypothesis based on social-demographic variables together with programme approach postulating perception of social problems as the basis for under standing of trust in institutions. For the purpose of testing the hypothesis, the paper relies on OLS regression analysis. The results show that political and situation predictors have a significant predicative power, however still being in sufficient to completely explain citizens' trust in institutions. At the end, this paper suggests further Research efforts in order to improve identification of factors of trust in institutions.
AB  - Rad ima za cilj da testira nekoliko značajnih hipoteza kada je u pitanju poverenje u institucije u Srbiji. Institucije su podeljene u nekoliko kategorija s obzirom na korišćenje faktorske analize kao kriterijuma preferencijala samih građanaki Srbije. Sve hipoteze su testirane posredstvom situacionih i političkih prediktora poverenja. Rad najpre teorijski i kritički preispituje teorije o socijalnom kapitalu i, ukazujući na ograničenja ovih teorija a koristeći empirijska oruđa, zalaže se za alternativni pristup koji počiva na ideji da se poverenje u institucije objašnjava partijskom identifikacijom,kao i identifikacijom sa liderima. Jednako, testira se hipoteza koja počiva na sociodemografskim varijablama, ali i programski pristup koji postulira percepciju društvenih problema kao osnove za razumevanje poverenja u institucije. Za samo testiranje hipoteze, rad se oslanjana OLS regresionu analizu. Rezultati ukazuju da politički i situacioni prediktori imaju značajnu prediktivnu moć, ali da i dalje nisu dovoljni da u potpunosti objasne poverenje građana u institucije. Na kraju, ovaj rad predlaže dalje istraživačke napore kako bi se unapredila identifikacija faktora poverenja u institucije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions
T1  - Politički i situacioni prediktori poverenja u institucije
EP  - 148
IS  - 6
SP  - 119
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_310
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bešić, Miloš Lj.",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The paper is aimed at testing several important hypotheses pertaining to trust in institutions in Serbia. The institutions are divided in to several categories according to usage of factorial analysis as the criterion of preferences of Serbian citizens. All hypotheses were tested by situational and political predictors of trust. The paper first theoretically and critically reconsider the theories of social capital and-pointing to limitations of these theories and using empirical tools-it advocates for analternative approach grounded in the idea that trust in institutions is explained by party identification and identification with leaders. Equally, It tests the hypothesis based on social-demographic variables together with programme approach postulating perception of social problems as the basis for under standing of trust in institutions. For the purpose of testing the hypothesis, the paper relies on OLS regression analysis. The results show that political and situation predictors have a significant predicative power, however still being in sufficient to completely explain citizens' trust in institutions. At the end, this paper suggests further Research efforts in order to improve identification of factors of trust in institutions., Rad ima za cilj da testira nekoliko značajnih hipoteza kada je u pitanju poverenje u institucije u Srbiji. Institucije su podeljene u nekoliko kategorija s obzirom na korišćenje faktorske analize kao kriterijuma preferencijala samih građanaki Srbije. Sve hipoteze su testirane posredstvom situacionih i političkih prediktora poverenja. Rad najpre teorijski i kritički preispituje teorije o socijalnom kapitalu i, ukazujući na ograničenja ovih teorija a koristeći empirijska oruđa, zalaže se za alternativni pristup koji počiva na ideji da se poverenje u institucije objašnjava partijskom identifikacijom,kao i identifikacijom sa liderima. Jednako, testira se hipoteza koja počiva na sociodemografskim varijablama, ali i programski pristup koji postulira percepciju društvenih problema kao osnove za razumevanje poverenja u institucije. Za samo testiranje hipoteze, rad se oslanjana OLS regresionu analizu. Rezultati ukazuju da politički i situacioni prediktori imaju značajnu prediktivnu moć, ali da i dalje nisu dovoljni da u potpunosti objasne poverenje građana u institucije. Na kraju, ovaj rad predlaže dalje istraživačke napore kako bi se unapredila identifikacija faktora poverenja u institucije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions, Politički i situacioni prediktori poverenja u institucije",
pages = "148-119",
number = "6",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_310"
}
Bešić, M. Lj.. (2011). Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(6), 119-148.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_310
Bešić ML. Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(6):119-148.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_310 .
Bešić, Miloš Lj., "Political and situational predictors of trust in institutions" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 6 (2011):119-148,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_310 .