The Democratic and National Capacities of Serbia’s Institutions in the Process of International Integrations

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The Democratic and National Capacities of Serbia’s Institutions in the Process of International Integrations (en)
Демократски и национални капацитети политичких институција Србије у процесу међународних интеграција (sr)
Demokratski i nacionalni kapaciteti političkih institucija Srbije u procesu međunarodnih integracija (sr_RS)
Authors

Publications

Political consequences of mixed electoral systems

Vučićević, Dušan

(Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka, 2017)

TY  - THES
AU  - Vučićević, Dušan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=5342
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=49489167
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/8870
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/818
AB  - The study Political Consequences of Mixed Electoral Systems is dedicated to the examination of the genesis of hybrid electoral rules and the consequences of their application at the macro and micro levels. The paper uses qualitative and quantitative methodology - multivariate statistical analysis (ordinary least squares regression and fixed effects model estimation) – as well as the paradigm of rational choice institutionalism. The aim of the paper is the analysis of the effects of the application of a system with hybrid electoral rules, including one-vote systems – plurality systems with a compensatory list – as well as two-vote systems – mixed-member systems. The study encompasses 35 states and 185 electoral cycles...
AB  - Studija Političke posledice mešovitih izbornih sistema posvećena je ispitivanju geneze kombinovanih izbornih pravila i posledica njihove primene na makro i mikro nivou. Cilj rada je analiza efekata primene sistema sa kombinovanim izbornim pravilima, kako onih u kojima birači imaju jedan glas – većinski sistemi sa kompenzacijskom listom – tako i onih u kojima su im na raspolaganju dva glasa – mešoviti sistemi. Studijom je obuhvaćeno 35 država i 185 izbornih ciklusa. U radu su korišćene kvalitativne, ali i kvantitativne metode: multivarijantna statistička analiza – binominalna regresiona analiza, linearna regresiona analiza (ordinary least squares regresija i fixed effects model estimation); kao i paradigma institucionalizma racionalnog izbora...
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Political consequences of mixed electoral systems
T1  - Političke posledice mešovitih izbornih sistema
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_8870
ER  - 
@phdthesis{
author = "Vučićević, Dušan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The study Political Consequences of Mixed Electoral Systems is dedicated to the examination of the genesis of hybrid electoral rules and the consequences of their application at the macro and micro levels. The paper uses qualitative and quantitative methodology - multivariate statistical analysis (ordinary least squares regression and fixed effects model estimation) – as well as the paradigm of rational choice institutionalism. The aim of the paper is the analysis of the effects of the application of a system with hybrid electoral rules, including one-vote systems – plurality systems with a compensatory list – as well as two-vote systems – mixed-member systems. The study encompasses 35 states and 185 electoral cycles..., Studija Političke posledice mešovitih izbornih sistema posvećena je ispitivanju geneze kombinovanih izbornih pravila i posledica njihove primene na makro i mikro nivou. Cilj rada je analiza efekata primene sistema sa kombinovanim izbornim pravilima, kako onih u kojima birači imaju jedan glas – većinski sistemi sa kompenzacijskom listom – tako i onih u kojima su im na raspolaganju dva glasa – mešoviti sistemi. Studijom je obuhvaćeno 35 država i 185 izbornih ciklusa. U radu su korišćene kvalitativne, ali i kvantitativne metode: multivarijantna statistička analiza – binominalna regresiona analiza, linearna regresiona analiza (ordinary least squares regresija i fixed effects model estimation); kao i paradigma institucionalizma racionalnog izbora...",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Political consequences of mixed electoral systems, Političke posledice mešovitih izbornih sistema",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_8870"
}
Vučićević, D.. (2017). Political consequences of mixed electoral systems. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_8870
Vučićević D. Political consequences of mixed electoral systems. 2017;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_8870 .
Vučićević, Dušan, "Political consequences of mixed electoral systems" (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_8870 .

Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move'

Jovanović, Milan N.; Vučićević, Dušan

(Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jovanović, Milan N.
AU  - Vučićević, Dušan
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/470
AB  - Tenth elections for the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia since the reestablishment of a multiparty system were held on March 16th, 2014, under a proportional electoral system. Electoral model essentially established in 2000 also included a single electoral district, closed party lists, five percent electoral threshold for non-minority parties and a use of D'Hondt formula for distribution of seats. Most important results of the March elections include: the lowest voter turnout and close to half of the votes won by the Serbian Progressive Party (which, in turn, gave them 63% of parliament members). Moreover, more than 80 percent of the seats was won by lists led by governing parties, i. e. Progressive or Socialist party. Elections were also not just a disaster for Democratic party, but also for Democratic Party of Serbia, Liberal Democratic Party, and United Regions of Serbia, which all lost seats in the National Assembly. Traditional success of the minority parties of most numerous national minorities (i.e. Hungarians, Bosniaks and Albanians) was noted. Also, for the first time, the parliament will convene without so-called sovereignists and opponents of European integration process. Finally, March elections were marked by a large number of squandered votes.
AB  - Deseti izbori za Narodnu skupštinu Republike Srbije od ponovnog uspostavljanja višestranačja, 16 marta. 2014. godine, održani su po proporcionalnom izbornom sistemu, sa jednom izbornom jedinicom, zatvorenom blokiranom listom, petoprocentnim zakonskim izbornim pragom i D'Ontovom formulom za raspodelu mandata, modelu koji je suštinski uspostavljen 2000. godine. Najmanja izlaznost birača na birališta, gotovo natpolovičan broj osvojenih glasova i više od 63% osvojenih mandata liste Srpske napredne stranke, više od četiri petine poslaničkih mesta za liste koju se predvodile vladine stranke, naprednjaci i socijalisti, krah DS-a, gubitak parlamentarnog statusa za tri relevantne stranke, DSS, LDP i URS, tradicionalan uspeh lista najbrojnijih nacionalnih manjina, Mađara, Bošnjaka i Albanaca, izostanak iz parlamenta svih stranaka suverenista, protivnika evrointegracija, veliki broj rasutih glasova, neki su od najznačajnijih rezultata martovskih izbora 2014. godine.
PB  - Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politeia
T1  - Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move'
T1  - Parlamentrani izbori u Srbiji 2014. godine - politička rokada
EP  - 328
IS  - 8
SP  - 301
VL  - 4
DO  - 10.7251/POL1408301J
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Jovanović, Milan N. and Vučićević, Dušan",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Tenth elections for the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia since the reestablishment of a multiparty system were held on March 16th, 2014, under a proportional electoral system. Electoral model essentially established in 2000 also included a single electoral district, closed party lists, five percent electoral threshold for non-minority parties and a use of D'Hondt formula for distribution of seats. Most important results of the March elections include: the lowest voter turnout and close to half of the votes won by the Serbian Progressive Party (which, in turn, gave them 63% of parliament members). Moreover, more than 80 percent of the seats was won by lists led by governing parties, i. e. Progressive or Socialist party. Elections were also not just a disaster for Democratic party, but also for Democratic Party of Serbia, Liberal Democratic Party, and United Regions of Serbia, which all lost seats in the National Assembly. Traditional success of the minority parties of most numerous national minorities (i.e. Hungarians, Bosniaks and Albanians) was noted. Also, for the first time, the parliament will convene without so-called sovereignists and opponents of European integration process. Finally, March elections were marked by a large number of squandered votes., Deseti izbori za Narodnu skupštinu Republike Srbije od ponovnog uspostavljanja višestranačja, 16 marta. 2014. godine, održani su po proporcionalnom izbornom sistemu, sa jednom izbornom jedinicom, zatvorenom blokiranom listom, petoprocentnim zakonskim izbornim pragom i D'Ontovom formulom za raspodelu mandata, modelu koji je suštinski uspostavljen 2000. godine. Najmanja izlaznost birača na birališta, gotovo natpolovičan broj osvojenih glasova i više od 63% osvojenih mandata liste Srpske napredne stranke, više od četiri petine poslaničkih mesta za liste koju se predvodile vladine stranke, naprednjaci i socijalisti, krah DS-a, gubitak parlamentarnog statusa za tri relevantne stranke, DSS, LDP i URS, tradicionalan uspeh lista najbrojnijih nacionalnih manjina, Mađara, Bošnjaka i Albanaca, izostanak iz parlamenta svih stranaka suverenista, protivnika evrointegracija, veliki broj rasutih glasova, neki su od najznačajnijih rezultata martovskih izbora 2014. godine.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politeia",
title = "Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move', Parlamentrani izbori u Srbiji 2014. godine - politička rokada",
pages = "328-301",
number = "8",
volume = "4",
doi = "10.7251/POL1408301J"
}
Jovanović, M. N.,& Vučićević, D.. (2014). Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move'. in Politeia
Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 4(8), 301-328.
https://doi.org/10.7251/POL1408301J
Jovanović MN, Vučićević D. Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move'. in Politeia. 2014;4(8):301-328.
doi:10.7251/POL1408301J .
Jovanović, Milan N., Vučićević, Dušan, "Serbian parliamentary elections 2014: Political 'castling move'" in Politeia, 4, no. 8 (2014):301-328,
https://doi.org/10.7251/POL1408301J . .

The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process

Vučićević, Dušan

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vučićević, Dušan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/359
AB  - This paper examines what role political parties are playing in the democracy consolidation process and their contribution to the stage of completing and deepening democracy in Serbia. Analyzing the degree of party and party system institutionalization, inter-party democratic relations and partocratic tendencies in Serbian society, the author points to political parties as one of the main culprits for a slow increase of Serbian political institutions democratic capacities.
AB  - U članku se razmatra kakvu ulogu u procesu konsolidacije demokratije imaju političke partije i kakav je njihov doprinos u fazama ispunjenja i produbljivanja demokratije u Srbiji. Analizirajući stepen institucionalizovanosti partija i partijskog sistema, unutarpartijske demokratske odnose i razvoj partokratskih tendencija u srpskom društvu autor ukazuje na srpske partije kao jednog od glavnih krivaca za sporo uvećanje demokratskih kapaciteta političkih institucija u Srbiji.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politička revija
T1  - The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process
T1  - Uloga političkih partija u procesu konsolidacije demokratije u Srbiji
EP  - 64
IS  - 3
SP  - 31
VL  - 11
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_359
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vučićević, Dušan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "This paper examines what role political parties are playing in the democracy consolidation process and their contribution to the stage of completing and deepening democracy in Serbia. Analyzing the degree of party and party system institutionalization, inter-party democratic relations and partocratic tendencies in Serbian society, the author points to political parties as one of the main culprits for a slow increase of Serbian political institutions democratic capacities., U članku se razmatra kakvu ulogu u procesu konsolidacije demokratije imaju političke partije i kakav je njihov doprinos u fazama ispunjenja i produbljivanja demokratije u Srbiji. Analizirajući stepen institucionalizovanosti partija i partijskog sistema, unutarpartijske demokratske odnose i razvoj partokratskih tendencija u srpskom društvu autor ukazuje na srpske partije kao jednog od glavnih krivaca za sporo uvećanje demokratskih kapaciteta političkih institucija u Srbiji.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politička revija",
title = "The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process, Uloga političkih partija u procesu konsolidacije demokratije u Srbiji",
pages = "64-31",
number = "3",
volume = "11",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_359"
}
Vučićević, D.. (2012). The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process. in Politička revija
Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 11(3), 31-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_359
Vučićević D. The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process. in Politička revija. 2012;11(3):31-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_359 .
Vučićević, Dušan, "The role of political parties in Serbian democratic consolidation process" in Politička revija, 11, no. 3 (2012):31-64,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_359 .

The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections

Vučićević, Dušan

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vučićević, Dušan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/352
AB  - Relatively low voter turnout, higher number of spoilt votes, URS and Preokret failure, SRS winning seats in provincial parliament despite fact they did not reach electoral threshold at national elections, three times higher number of seats under PR comparing with previous elections for coalition gathered around SPS, only one minority list - SVM - in Assembly of APV are some of the 2012 provincial elections results. However, the most important result of these elections is the consequence of the parallel electoral system main characteristic. A large number of seats won by coalition around Democratic Party under TRS have compensated their relatively poor result under PR and allowed them to win almost absolute majority of seats in the Assembly of Vojvodina and to form government with only one coalition partner.
AB  - Relativno visoka izlaznost, uvećan broj nevažećih glasačkih listića, neuspeh URS-a i Preokreta, ulazak radikala u pokrajinski parlament i pored nedosezanja izbornog praga na republičkim izborima, tri puta veći broj mandata osvojenih na proporcionalnim izborima koalicije okupljene oko SPS-a, ulazak samo jedne manjinske liste - SVM - u Skupštinu APV - neki su od rezultata pokrajinskih izbora iz 2012. godine. Ipak, onaj najvažniji rezultat posledica je glavnog obeležja paralelnog mešovitog izbornog sistema. Veliki broj mandata osvojenih po većinskom sistemu od strane koalicije Izbor za bolji život nadomestio je njihov relativno slab izborni rezultat u proporcionalnoj komponenti izbora i omogućio im da osvoje gotovo apsolutnu većinu mandata u vojvođanskoj skupštini i da samo sa jednim koalicionim partnerom formiraju izvršnu vlast.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections
T1  - Izbori za poslanike Skupštine APV 2012. godine
EP  - 93
IS  - 4
SP  - 67
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_352
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vučićević, Dušan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "Relatively low voter turnout, higher number of spoilt votes, URS and Preokret failure, SRS winning seats in provincial parliament despite fact they did not reach electoral threshold at national elections, three times higher number of seats under PR comparing with previous elections for coalition gathered around SPS, only one minority list - SVM - in Assembly of APV are some of the 2012 provincial elections results. However, the most important result of these elections is the consequence of the parallel electoral system main characteristic. A large number of seats won by coalition around Democratic Party under TRS have compensated their relatively poor result under PR and allowed them to win almost absolute majority of seats in the Assembly of Vojvodina and to form government with only one coalition partner., Relativno visoka izlaznost, uvećan broj nevažećih glasačkih listića, neuspeh URS-a i Preokreta, ulazak radikala u pokrajinski parlament i pored nedosezanja izbornog praga na republičkim izborima, tri puta veći broj mandata osvojenih na proporcionalnim izborima koalicije okupljene oko SPS-a, ulazak samo jedne manjinske liste - SVM - u Skupštinu APV - neki su od rezultata pokrajinskih izbora iz 2012. godine. Ipak, onaj najvažniji rezultat posledica je glavnog obeležja paralelnog mešovitog izbornog sistema. Veliki broj mandata osvojenih po većinskom sistemu od strane koalicije Izbor za bolji život nadomestio je njihov relativno slab izborni rezultat u proporcionalnoj komponenti izbora i omogućio im da osvoje gotovo apsolutnu većinu mandata u vojvođanskoj skupštini i da samo sa jednim koalicionim partnerom formiraju izvršnu vlast.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections, Izbori za poslanike Skupštine APV 2012. godine",
pages = "93-67",
number = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_352"
}
Vučićević, D.. (2012). The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(4), 67-93.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_352
Vučićević D. The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections. in Srpska politička misao. 2012;(4):67-93.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_352 .
Vučićević, Dušan, "The Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina: 2012 elections" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2012):67-93,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_352 .

Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences

Jovanović, Milan N.

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jovanović, Milan N.
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/356
AB  - The increase in abstinence and the change in parties in power are the main characteristics of the 2012 elections in Serbia. The coalition gathered around the Democratic Party, the Socialist Party and the G17, which previously had a majority in 2008 elections and formed the government, won slightly fewer votes in the May elections, but this ruling coalition failed to retain power. The change of government was caused by the defeat of the DS (Democratic Party) leader Boris Tadić in the presidential elections. The victory in the presidential elections of Tomislav Nikolić, the leader of the Serbian Progressive Party opened the door to the changes in the relations of the parliamentary parties and the formation of new political alliances. SNS (Serbian Progressive Party) was the winner of the general elections: they defeated the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) by taking over their members, officials and voters; the SNS candidate became the head of state, they formed the government and they are in power in most local governments. The leader of DS, Boris Tadić was the biggest loser in the general elections: after years of dominance on the political scene, he has lost the presidency of the Republic, and the Democrats have become the opposition in Parliament. This defeat cost B. Tadić the leadership of his Democratic Party. The turning point in the formation of the government was enabled by the coalition gathered around the Socialists. Having won 80% more votes than in the previous elections, the Socialists left their 'strategic partner' thus making possible the electoral shift. The transformed Radicals and Socialists, who were political partners in the 1990’s, after twelve years, are in power again.
AB  - Povećanje apstinencije i promena stranaka na vlasti, glavne su karakteristike izbora 2012.godine. Koalicije okupljene oko Demokratske stranke, Socijalističke partije i G17, koje su prethodnim izborima 2008.godine imale većinu i formirale vladu, osvojile su neznatno manje glasova na majskim izborima, ali vladajuća koalicija nije zadržala vlast. Promenu vlade uzrokovao je poraz lidera DS, Borisa Tadića na predsedničkim izborima. Pobeda Tomislava Nikolića, predsednika Srpske napredne stranke, na predsedničkim izborima otvorila je promene u odnosima parlamentarnih stranaka i formiranje novih političkih saveza. SNS je pobednik opštih izbora: porazili su Srpsku radikalnu stranku tako što su joj preuzeli članstvo, funkcionere i biračko telo; njihov kandidat vršiće funkciju šefa države; formirali su Vladu i vrše vlast u većini jedinica lokalne samouprave. Lider DS B.Tadić najveći je gubitnik opštih izbora: posle višegodišnje dominacije na političkoj sceni on je izgubio mesto predsednika Republike, a demokrate su opozicija u parlamentu. Taj poraz B.Tadića koštao je i mesta lidera stranke. Preokret u formiranje vlasti omogućila je koalicija okupljena oko socijalista. Osvojivši oko 80% glasova više nego na prethodnim izborima, socijalisti su napustili doskorašnjeg 'strateškog partnera' i omogućili izborni preokret. Transformisani radikali i socijalisti, politički partneri iz 90-tih, posle dvanaest godina, ponovo su na vlasti. Politika koju će voditi pokazaće da li su u pravu skeptici koji tvrde da se radi o restauraciji starog režima i politike ili jačanju konsolidacije demokratije.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences
T1  - Parlamentarni izbori u Srbiji 2012. godine - rezultati i političke posledice
EP  - 32
IS  - 4
SP  - 11
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_356
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Jovanović, Milan N.",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The increase in abstinence and the change in parties in power are the main characteristics of the 2012 elections in Serbia. The coalition gathered around the Democratic Party, the Socialist Party and the G17, which previously had a majority in 2008 elections and formed the government, won slightly fewer votes in the May elections, but this ruling coalition failed to retain power. The change of government was caused by the defeat of the DS (Democratic Party) leader Boris Tadić in the presidential elections. The victory in the presidential elections of Tomislav Nikolić, the leader of the Serbian Progressive Party opened the door to the changes in the relations of the parliamentary parties and the formation of new political alliances. SNS (Serbian Progressive Party) was the winner of the general elections: they defeated the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) by taking over their members, officials and voters; the SNS candidate became the head of state, they formed the government and they are in power in most local governments. The leader of DS, Boris Tadić was the biggest loser in the general elections: after years of dominance on the political scene, he has lost the presidency of the Republic, and the Democrats have become the opposition in Parliament. This defeat cost B. Tadić the leadership of his Democratic Party. The turning point in the formation of the government was enabled by the coalition gathered around the Socialists. Having won 80% more votes than in the previous elections, the Socialists left their 'strategic partner' thus making possible the electoral shift. The transformed Radicals and Socialists, who were political partners in the 1990’s, after twelve years, are in power again., Povećanje apstinencije i promena stranaka na vlasti, glavne su karakteristike izbora 2012.godine. Koalicije okupljene oko Demokratske stranke, Socijalističke partije i G17, koje su prethodnim izborima 2008.godine imale većinu i formirale vladu, osvojile su neznatno manje glasova na majskim izborima, ali vladajuća koalicija nije zadržala vlast. Promenu vlade uzrokovao je poraz lidera DS, Borisa Tadića na predsedničkim izborima. Pobeda Tomislava Nikolića, predsednika Srpske napredne stranke, na predsedničkim izborima otvorila je promene u odnosima parlamentarnih stranaka i formiranje novih političkih saveza. SNS je pobednik opštih izbora: porazili su Srpsku radikalnu stranku tako što su joj preuzeli članstvo, funkcionere i biračko telo; njihov kandidat vršiće funkciju šefa države; formirali su Vladu i vrše vlast u većini jedinica lokalne samouprave. Lider DS B.Tadić najveći je gubitnik opštih izbora: posle višegodišnje dominacije na političkoj sceni on je izgubio mesto predsednika Republike, a demokrate su opozicija u parlamentu. Taj poraz B.Tadića koštao je i mesta lidera stranke. Preokret u formiranje vlasti omogućila je koalicija okupljena oko socijalista. Osvojivši oko 80% glasova više nego na prethodnim izborima, socijalisti su napustili doskorašnjeg 'strateškog partnera' i omogućili izborni preokret. Transformisani radikali i socijalisti, politički partneri iz 90-tih, posle dvanaest godina, ponovo su na vlasti. Politika koju će voditi pokazaće da li su u pravu skeptici koji tvrde da se radi o restauraciji starog režima i politike ili jačanju konsolidacije demokratije.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences, Parlamentarni izbori u Srbiji 2012. godine - rezultati i političke posledice",
pages = "32-11",
number = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_356"
}
Jovanović, M. N.. (2012). Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(4), 11-32.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_356
Jovanović MN. Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences. in Srpska politička misao. 2012;(4):11-32.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_356 .
Jovanović, Milan N., "Parliamentary elections in Serbia 2012: Results and political consequences" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2012):11-32,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_356 .

The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum

Jovanović, Milan N.

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jovanović, Milan N.
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/297
AB  - The referendum and the popular initiative as the forms of direct democracy are more and more present in the decision making process within the model of the representative democracy. 'Let the citizens be the lawmakers for one single day' is a principle especially current in the European states. Envisaged as a corrective, but not as the substitution for representative democracy, it is both glorified and contested at the same time. From their basic function consisting of the elected politicians control and the wider citizen's participation in the politics, they can also become a means of the manipulation. The Serbian experience with these political mechanisms is not so different comparing with the average situation - we have more referendums, but less popular initiatives, especially on the local level. The Serbian constitution from 2006. has precise and aggravated the conditions of using of the referendum and popular initiative. On the basis of this constitution was made the draft of law. The proposed solutions are in accordance with the EU recommendations regarding good referendum practice, but they also admit the dilemmas about the setting of the turnout quorum and quorum for acceptance of the referendum decisions.
AB  - Referendum i narodna inicijativa kao oblici direktne demokratije sve su prisutniji u procesu donošenja odluka u modelu predstavničke demokratije. Da građani 'bar jedan dan budu zakonodavci' posebno je rasprostranjeno u evropskim državama. Zamišljeni kao korektiv, a ne zamena predstavničkoj demokratiji oni se glorifikuju koliko i osporavaju. Od kontrole izabranih i veće participacije građana u politici oni mogu postati i sredstvo manipulacije. Iskustva Srbije u korišćenju ovih mehanizama ne odudaraju od proseka - više je referenduma, a manje inicijativa, posebno na lokalnom planu. Ustav RS iz 2006. godine razradio je i pooštrio uslove korišćenja referenduma i inicijative. Na osnovu njega sačinjen je nacrt Zakona. Predložena rešenja slede preporuke EU o dobroj referendumskoj praksi, ali ostavljaju i dileme oko određivanja kvoruma izlaznosti i kvoruma za prihvatanje referendumskih odluka.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum
T1  - Oblici direktne demokratije - narodna inicijativa i referendum
EP  - 49
IS  - 4
SP  - 33
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_297
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Jovanović, Milan N.",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The referendum and the popular initiative as the forms of direct democracy are more and more present in the decision making process within the model of the representative democracy. 'Let the citizens be the lawmakers for one single day' is a principle especially current in the European states. Envisaged as a corrective, but not as the substitution for representative democracy, it is both glorified and contested at the same time. From their basic function consisting of the elected politicians control and the wider citizen's participation in the politics, they can also become a means of the manipulation. The Serbian experience with these political mechanisms is not so different comparing with the average situation - we have more referendums, but less popular initiatives, especially on the local level. The Serbian constitution from 2006. has precise and aggravated the conditions of using of the referendum and popular initiative. On the basis of this constitution was made the draft of law. The proposed solutions are in accordance with the EU recommendations regarding good referendum practice, but they also admit the dilemmas about the setting of the turnout quorum and quorum for acceptance of the referendum decisions., Referendum i narodna inicijativa kao oblici direktne demokratije sve su prisutniji u procesu donošenja odluka u modelu predstavničke demokratije. Da građani 'bar jedan dan budu zakonodavci' posebno je rasprostranjeno u evropskim državama. Zamišljeni kao korektiv, a ne zamena predstavničkoj demokratiji oni se glorifikuju koliko i osporavaju. Od kontrole izabranih i veće participacije građana u politici oni mogu postati i sredstvo manipulacije. Iskustva Srbije u korišćenju ovih mehanizama ne odudaraju od proseka - više je referenduma, a manje inicijativa, posebno na lokalnom planu. Ustav RS iz 2006. godine razradio je i pooštrio uslove korišćenja referenduma i inicijative. Na osnovu njega sačinjen je nacrt Zakona. Predložena rešenja slede preporuke EU o dobroj referendumskoj praksi, ali ostavljaju i dileme oko određivanja kvoruma izlaznosti i kvoruma za prihvatanje referendumskih odluka.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum, Oblici direktne demokratije - narodna inicijativa i referendum",
pages = "49-33",
number = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_297"
}
Jovanović, M. N.. (2011). The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(4), 33-49.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_297
Jovanović MN. The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum. in Srpska politička misao. 2011;(4):33-49.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_297 .
Jovanović, Milan N., "The forms of direct democracy: Popular initiative and referendum" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2011):33-49,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_297 .