TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
AU  - Krstić, Aleksandra
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1024
AB  - We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian manipulation.
PB  - Glasgow : Routledge
T2  - Europe-Asia Studies
T1  - Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons
EP  - 24
SP  - 1
DO  - 10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša and Krstić, Aleksandra",
year = "2022",
abstract = "We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian manipulation.",
publisher = "Glasgow : Routledge",
journal = "Europe-Asia Studies",
title = "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons",
pages = "24-1",
doi = "10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700"
}

Vladisavljević, N.,& Krstić, A.. (2022). Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies
Glasgow : Routledge., 1-24.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700

Vladisavljević N, Krstić A. Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons. in Europe-Asia Studies. 2022;:1-24.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, Krstić, Aleksandra, "Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia under Vučić in Political Cartoons" in Europe-Asia Studies (2022):1-24,
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/954
AB  - Demokratija podrazumeva redovne, višestranačke i takmičarske izbore, ali se ne može poistovetiti sa takvim izborima. Bez slobodnih i poštenih a ne samo takmičarskih izbora, kao i zaštite osnovnih sloboda i ravnopravnog takmičenja između vladajućih i opozicionih stranaka, demokratska politička utakmica nije moguća. Srbija je jedna od mnogih država koje su posle socijalizma napustile jedan oblik autoritarizma, između ostalog i održavanjem takmičarskih izbora, a samo u polovini tog razdoblja može se smatrati demokratskom - tokom decenije i po posle Petog oktobra. Takmičarski autoritarizam, mešoviti režim koji spaja demokratske procedure i autoritarnu vladavinu, iskusili smo u dva navrata: tokom devedesetih, u vreme vladavine Miloševića, i posle sloma demokratije 2015/2016, u vreme vladavine Vučića. Oba puta bila su prisutna sva tri obeležja tog režima: takmičarski ali neslobodni i/ili nepošteni izbori, sistematsko kršenje medijskih sloboda i "iskrivljeno igralište" na kojem su se nadmetale vladajuće i opozicione stranke. Takav politički razvoj Srbije nije izuzetak u regionu već se u određenoj meri poklapa i sa razvojem demokratije u drugim državama Balkana.
AB  - Democracy entails regular, multiparty and competitive elections but also
elections that are free and fair and supported by the protection of basic freedoms and a level
playing field between ruling and opposition parties. Serbia is one of many postcommunist
countries that abandoned one form of authoritarianism by holding competitive elections
but whose democratic rule spanned only a decade and a half after the fall of Milošević.
Competitive authoritarianism, a hybrid regime that mixes democratic procedure with
authoritarian governance, occurred twice: during Milošević’s rule in the 1990s and during
Vučić’s rule following the end of democracy in 2015–2016. Both involved all three features
of competitive authoritarianism: competitive but unfree and/or unfair elections, systematic
violations of media freedoms and an uneven playing field between ruling and opposition
parties. Serbia is not an exceptional case in the region in this respect but reflects democratic
development in other parts of the Balkans.
PB  - Službeni glasnik : Beograd
T2  - Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
T1  - Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.
T1  - Elections, Democracy and Competitive Authoritarianism in Serbia 1990–2020.
EP  - 1010
SP  - 991
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Demokratija podrazumeva redovne, višestranačke i takmičarske izbore, ali se ne može poistovetiti sa takvim izborima. Bez slobodnih i poštenih a ne samo takmičarskih izbora, kao i zaštite osnovnih sloboda i ravnopravnog takmičenja između vladajućih i opozicionih stranaka, demokratska politička utakmica nije moguća. Srbija je jedna od mnogih država koje su posle socijalizma napustile jedan oblik autoritarizma, između ostalog i održavanjem takmičarskih izbora, a samo u polovini tog razdoblja može se smatrati demokratskom - tokom decenije i po posle Petog oktobra. Takmičarski autoritarizam, mešoviti režim koji spaja demokratske procedure i autoritarnu vladavinu, iskusili smo u dva navrata: tokom devedesetih, u vreme vladavine Miloševića, i posle sloma demokratije 2015/2016, u vreme vladavine Vučića. Oba puta bila su prisutna sva tri obeležja tog režima: takmičarski ali neslobodni i/ili nepošteni izbori, sistematsko kršenje medijskih sloboda i "iskrivljeno igralište" na kojem su se nadmetale vladajuće i opozicione stranke. Takav politički razvoj Srbije nije izuzetak u regionu već se u određenoj meri poklapa i sa razvojem demokratije u drugim državama Balkana., Democracy entails regular, multiparty and competitive elections but also
elections that are free and fair and supported by the protection of basic freedoms and a level
playing field between ruling and opposition parties. Serbia is one of many postcommunist
countries that abandoned one form of authoritarianism by holding competitive elections
but whose democratic rule spanned only a decade and a half after the fall of Milošević.
Competitive authoritarianism, a hybrid regime that mixes democratic procedure with
authoritarian governance, occurred twice: during Milošević’s rule in the 1990s and during
Vučić’s rule following the end of democracy in 2015–2016. Both involved all three features
of competitive authoritarianism: competitive but unfree and/or unfair elections, systematic
violations of media freedoms and an uneven playing field between ruling and opposition
parties. Serbia is not an exceptional case in the region in this respect but reflects democratic
development in other parts of the Balkans.",
publisher = "Službeni glasnik : Beograd",
journal = "Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine",
booktitle = "Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020., Elections, Democracy and Competitive Authoritarianism in Serbia 1990–2020.",
pages = "1010-991",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine
Službeni glasnik : Beograd., 991-1010.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954

Vladisavljević N. Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020.. in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine. 2020;:991-1010.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Izbori, demokratija i takmičarski autoritarizam u Srbiji 1990-2020." in Kako, koga i zašto smo birali: izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020. godine (2020):991-1010,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_954 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Beljinac, Nikola
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6995
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:20520/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518514263
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/11657
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/825
AB  - The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the ground of patriotic allegiance in plural liberal-democratic societies. In this work I explore the normative scope of the three most influential theoretical approaches to patriotism: liberal nationalism, new republicanism and constitutional patriotism. I argue that, in a multicultural context, a normatively justified conception of patriotic allegiance must rest on an extended understanding of equality that includes equality in belonging to the political community. Equality in belonging exists when every citizen, on an equal basis and independently of her particular identities, can experience the state she inhabits as her political home. The work is consisted of seven chapters. In the first chapter, I propose that patriotism should be defined as a form of allegiance expressed through care for the welfare of the patria and compatriots. Patriotic allegiance is then analytically divided into two parts: the object and nature of allegiance. Below is an overview of the historical genesis of the patriotic ethos through the following epochs: ancient Greece, ancient Rome, early Christianity, feudalism, the period of absolute monarchies and the age of the nation state. I ascertain that patriotism has sunk into nationalist discourse with the emergence of the nation state. The second chapter is devoted to ethical debates on patriotism. Ethical debates on the moral status of special ties are responsible for the return of patriotism to the sphere of academic study. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two groups: the consequentialist and non- consequentialist, and then I reconsider them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory. In the third chapter, I reflect on the place of patriotic allegiance in the liberal-communal debate. I pay special attention to the communal arguments of the unencumbered self, the social thesis and moral education. In the fourth chapter, I analyze the object and nature of patriotic allegiance in the theories of liberal nationalism. I affirm that the ethnic component of the national identity prevents the object of patriotic allegiance to be equally accessible to all citizens, which can induce the lack of self-esteem and selfevaluation among members of ethno-cultural minorities. The fifth chapter deals with the object and the nature of patriotic allegiance in the new republicanism, with the emphasis on Viroli's rooted republicanism. I consider Viroli's patriotism to be inappropriate for multicultural societies because it imposes a double burden to the members of ethnocultural minorities: they are asked to accept the cultural pattern of the republic and to take active care for the condition of the institutions of the republic. In chapter six I examine the tenets of the theory of constitutional patriotism in the works of Dolf Sternerger, Jürgen Habermas, Jan-Werner Müller and Patchen Markell. I reject the conceptions of constitutional patriotism in which the object of allegiance is fixed, but also those approaches that permanently reject any objects of allegiance. I advocate the version of constitutional patriotism in which nature of patriotic allegiance creates a political environment to which we are committed. In the last chapter I summarize my findings and conclude that the modified theory of constitutional patriotism is normatively most suitable for plural societies.
AB  - Predmet doktorske disertacije je osnov osećanja patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim liberalno-demokratskim društvima. U radu istražujem normativne domete tri najuticajnija teorijska pristupa patriotizmu: liberalnog nacionalizma, novog republikanizma i ustavnog patriotizma. Zastupam tezu da, u multikulturnom kontekstu, normativno opravdana koncepcija patriotske privrženosti mora počivati na proširenom shvatanju jednakosti koje u sebe uključuje jednakost u pripadanju političkoj zajednici. Jednakost u pripadanju postoji onda kada svaki građanin, na jednakoj osnovi i nezavisno od svojih posebnih identiteta, može doživeti državu koju nastanjuje kao svoj politički dom. Rad je sačinjen od sedam poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predlažem da patriotizam odredimo kao formu privrženosti koja se izražava putem brige za dobrobit patrie i zemljaka. Patriotska privrženost se potom analitički deli u dva dela: predmet i prirodu privrženosti. U nastavku sledi pregled istorijske geneze patriotskog etosa kroz sledeće epohe: antička Grčka, antički Rim, rano Hrišćanstvo, feudalno doba, period apsolustičkih monarhija i doba nacionalne države. Konstatujem da se s pojavom nacionalne države patriotizam utopio u nacionalistički diskurs. Drugo poglavlje je posvećeno etičkim raspravama o patriotizmu. Etičke debate o moralnom statusu posebnih odnosa zaslužne su za povratak patriotizma u sferu akademskog izučavanja. Etičke argumente u prilog patriotizma najpre delim u dve grupe: konsekvencijalističke i nekonsekvencijalističke, a potom ih detaljno preispitujem kroz model dodeljenih odgovornosti, teoriju fer-pleja i zahvalnosti, teoriju prirodnih dužnosti i kantijansku teoriju. U trećem poglavlju razmatram mesto patriotske privrženosti u liberalnokomunitarnom sporu. Posebnu pažnju posvećujem komunitarnim argumentima ukorenjenog sopstva, društvenog okruženja i moralnog obrazovanja. U četvrtom poglavlju analiziram predmet i prirodu patriotske privrženosti u teorijama liberalnog nacionalizma. Tvrdim da etnička komponenta nacionalnog identiteta onemogućava da predmet patriotske privrženosti bude jednako dostupan svim građanima što može uticati na manjak samopoštovanja i samovrednovanja kod pripadnika etnokulturnih manjina. Peto poglavlje se bavi predmetom i prirodom patriotske privrženosti u novom republikanizmu, s akcentom na Virolijev ukorenjeni republikanizam. Smatram da je Virolijev patriotizam nepodesan za multikulturna društva jer pripadnicima etnokulturnih manjina nameće dvostruki teret: prihvatanje kulturnog obrasca republike i aktivnu brigu za stanje republikanskih ustanova. U šestom poglavlju istražujem postavke teorije ustavnog patriotizma u delima Dolfa Sternergera, Jirgena Habermasa, Jan-Vernera Milera i Pečen Markel. Odbacujem shvatanja ustavnog patriotizma u kojima se predmet privrženosti fiksira, ali i one pristupe koje predmet privrženosti trajno odbacuju. Zastupam verziju ustavnog patriotizma u kojoj priroda patriotske privrženosti kreira politički ambijent kojem smo privrženi. U poslednjem poglavlju sumiram svoje nalaze i zaključujem da je modifikovana teorija ustavnog patriotizma normativno najprikladnija za pluralna društva.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.
T1  - Predmet i priroda patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim društvima
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Beljinac, Nikola",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the ground of patriotic allegiance in plural liberal-democratic societies. In this work I explore the normative scope of the three most influential theoretical approaches to patriotism: liberal nationalism, new republicanism and constitutional patriotism. I argue that, in a multicultural context, a normatively justified conception of patriotic allegiance must rest on an extended understanding of equality that includes equality in belonging to the political community. Equality in belonging exists when every citizen, on an equal basis and independently of her particular identities, can experience the state she inhabits as her political home. The work is consisted of seven chapters. In the first chapter, I propose that patriotism should be defined as a form of allegiance expressed through care for the welfare of the patria and compatriots. Patriotic allegiance is then analytically divided into two parts: the object and nature of allegiance. Below is an overview of the historical genesis of the patriotic ethos through the following epochs: ancient Greece, ancient Rome, early Christianity, feudalism, the period of absolute monarchies and the age of the nation state. I ascertain that patriotism has sunk into nationalist discourse with the emergence of the nation state. The second chapter is devoted to ethical debates on patriotism. Ethical debates on the moral status of special ties are responsible for the return of patriotism to the sphere of academic study. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two groups: the consequentialist and non- consequentialist, and then I reconsider them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory. In the third chapter, I reflect on the place of patriotic allegiance in the liberal-communal debate. I pay special attention to the communal arguments of the unencumbered self, the social thesis and moral education. In the fourth chapter, I analyze the object and nature of patriotic allegiance in the theories of liberal nationalism. I affirm that the ethnic component of the national identity prevents the object of patriotic allegiance to be equally accessible to all citizens, which can induce the lack of self-esteem and selfevaluation among members of ethno-cultural minorities. The fifth chapter deals with the object and the nature of patriotic allegiance in the new republicanism, with the emphasis on Viroli's rooted republicanism. I consider Viroli's patriotism to be inappropriate for multicultural societies because it imposes a double burden to the members of ethnocultural minorities: they are asked to accept the cultural pattern of the republic and to take active care for the condition of the institutions of the republic. In chapter six I examine the tenets of the theory of constitutional patriotism in the works of Dolf Sternerger, Jürgen Habermas, Jan-Werner Müller and Patchen Markell. I reject the conceptions of constitutional patriotism in which the object of allegiance is fixed, but also those approaches that permanently reject any objects of allegiance. I advocate the version of constitutional patriotism in which nature of patriotic allegiance creates a political environment to which we are committed. In the last chapter I summarize my findings and conclude that the modified theory of constitutional patriotism is normatively most suitable for plural societies., Predmet doktorske disertacije je osnov osećanja patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim liberalno-demokratskim društvima. U radu istražujem normativne domete tri najuticajnija teorijska pristupa patriotizmu: liberalnog nacionalizma, novog republikanizma i ustavnog patriotizma. Zastupam tezu da, u multikulturnom kontekstu, normativno opravdana koncepcija patriotske privrženosti mora počivati na proširenom shvatanju jednakosti koje u sebe uključuje jednakost u pripadanju političkoj zajednici. Jednakost u pripadanju postoji onda kada svaki građanin, na jednakoj osnovi i nezavisno od svojih posebnih identiteta, može doživeti državu koju nastanjuje kao svoj politički dom. Rad je sačinjen od sedam poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predlažem da patriotizam odredimo kao formu privrženosti koja se izražava putem brige za dobrobit patrie i zemljaka. Patriotska privrženost se potom analitički deli u dva dela: predmet i prirodu privrženosti. U nastavku sledi pregled istorijske geneze patriotskog etosa kroz sledeće epohe: antička Grčka, antički Rim, rano Hrišćanstvo, feudalno doba, period apsolustičkih monarhija i doba nacionalne države. Konstatujem da se s pojavom nacionalne države patriotizam utopio u nacionalistički diskurs. Drugo poglavlje je posvećeno etičkim raspravama o patriotizmu. Etičke debate o moralnom statusu posebnih odnosa zaslužne su za povratak patriotizma u sferu akademskog izučavanja. Etičke argumente u prilog patriotizma najpre delim u dve grupe: konsekvencijalističke i nekonsekvencijalističke, a potom ih detaljno preispitujem kroz model dodeljenih odgovornosti, teoriju fer-pleja i zahvalnosti, teoriju prirodnih dužnosti i kantijansku teoriju. U trećem poglavlju razmatram mesto patriotske privrženosti u liberalnokomunitarnom sporu. Posebnu pažnju posvećujem komunitarnim argumentima ukorenjenog sopstva, društvenog okruženja i moralnog obrazovanja. U četvrtom poglavlju analiziram predmet i prirodu patriotske privrženosti u teorijama liberalnog nacionalizma. Tvrdim da etnička komponenta nacionalnog identiteta onemogućava da predmet patriotske privrženosti bude jednako dostupan svim građanima što može uticati na manjak samopoštovanja i samovrednovanja kod pripadnika etnokulturnih manjina. Peto poglavlje se bavi predmetom i prirodom patriotske privrženosti u novom republikanizmu, s akcentom na Virolijev ukorenjeni republikanizam. Smatram da je Virolijev patriotizam nepodesan za multikulturna društva jer pripadnicima etnokulturnih manjina nameće dvostruki teret: prihvatanje kulturnog obrasca republike i aktivnu brigu za stanje republikanskih ustanova. U šestom poglavlju istražujem postavke teorije ustavnog patriotizma u delima Dolfa Sternergera, Jirgena Habermasa, Jan-Vernera Milera i Pečen Markel. Odbacujem shvatanja ustavnog patriotizma u kojima se predmet privrženosti fiksira, ali i one pristupe koje predmet privrženosti trajno odbacuju. Zastupam verziju ustavnog patriotizma u kojoj priroda patriotske privrženosti kreira politički ambijent kojem smo privrženi. U poslednjem poglavlju sumiram svoje nalaze i zaključujem da je modifikovana teorija ustavnog patriotizma normativno najprikladnija za pluralna društva.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies., Predmet i priroda patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim društvima",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657"
}

Beljinac, N.. (2019). The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657

Beljinac N. The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657 .

Beljinac, Nikola, "The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies." (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Danković-Stepanović, Sanja
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/749
AB  - The subject of analysis of this paper is validity of application of legal institute of compromise in various stages of administrative proceedings stemming out from infringement of competition. In domain of restrictive settlement it is analysed rate between relieving of obligation of payment of monetary amount for competition protection, partial or full, restrictive settlement participants, which make possible its finding out or its further trial (immunity-compromise) in one hand and compromise, which is concluded with the aim of its more successful final conclusion (compromise-settlement) in the other hand. It is known that domestic competition expresses different relationship regarding separate categories of compromise on the level of primary protection of effective competition. The law institute of breakage of proceedings due to compromise exists from the year 2013 and justifiably it has its upside path of the application. While competition protection stemming from restrictive understanding, already comprises a significant number of cases of immunity-compromises, legislature still does not recognize a possibility of a compromise in the course of administrative proceedings, by which sanction is decreased in order to achieve admission of taking part in unallowed agreement. If this form of settlement would be implemented in a domestic lawful frame, having in mind that harmful consequences of circumstances of its nonexistence are not significant, the order of its application needs to be gradual and restrictive.
AB  - Predmet istraživanja rada jeste osnovanost primene instituta nagodbe u različitim segmentima upravnog postupka zbog povrede konkurencije. U domenu restriktivnog sporazumevanja ispituje se odnos između oslobađanja od obaveze plaćanja novčanog iznosa mere zaštite konkurencije, potpunog ili delimičnog, učesnika restriktivnog sporazuma koji omogući njegovo otkrivanje ili dalje procesuiranje (imunitet-nagodba) sa jedne, i nagodbe koja se zaključuje u postupku u cilju njegovog efikasnijeg okončanja (nagodba-poravnanje), sa druge strane. Domaće pravo konkurencije iskazuje različit odnos prema pojedinim kategorijama nagodbe na nivou primarne zaštite efektivne konkurencije. Institut prekida postupka usled nagodbe postoji od 2013. godine i opravdano ima uzlaznu liniju primene. Dok praksa zaštite konkurencije od restriktivog sporazumevanja već sadrži značajan broj slučajeva imunitet-nagodbi, domaća legislativa još ne prepoznaje mogućnost nagodbe u toku postupka kojom se sankcija umanjuje zarad priznanja učešća u nedozvoljenom dogovoru. Ukoliko bi se ovaj vid poravnanja uveo u domaći zakonodavni okvir, s tim da štetne posledice okolnosti nepostojanja nisu značajne, režim njegove primene treba da bude postepen i restriktivan.
PB  - Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Pravo i privreda
T1  - The consent as a cause and consequent of the restrictive agreement
T1  - Nagodba kao kauza i posledica restriktivnog sporazuma
EP  - 251
IS  - 7-9
SP  - 236
VL  - 57
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_749
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Danković-Stepanović, Sanja",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The subject of analysis of this paper is validity of application of legal institute of compromise in various stages of administrative proceedings stemming out from infringement of competition. In domain of restrictive settlement it is analysed rate between relieving of obligation of payment of monetary amount for competition protection, partial or full, restrictive settlement participants, which make possible its finding out or its further trial (immunity-compromise) in one hand and compromise, which is concluded with the aim of its more successful final conclusion (compromise-settlement) in the other hand. It is known that domestic competition expresses different relationship regarding separate categories of compromise on the level of primary protection of effective competition. The law institute of breakage of proceedings due to compromise exists from the year 2013 and justifiably it has its upside path of the application. While competition protection stemming from restrictive understanding, already comprises a significant number of cases of immunity-compromises, legislature still does not recognize a possibility of a compromise in the course of administrative proceedings, by which sanction is decreased in order to achieve admission of taking part in unallowed agreement. If this form of settlement would be implemented in a domestic lawful frame, having in mind that harmful consequences of circumstances of its nonexistence are not significant, the order of its application needs to be gradual and restrictive., Predmet istraživanja rada jeste osnovanost primene instituta nagodbe u različitim segmentima upravnog postupka zbog povrede konkurencije. U domenu restriktivnog sporazumevanja ispituje se odnos između oslobađanja od obaveze plaćanja novčanog iznosa mere zaštite konkurencije, potpunog ili delimičnog, učesnika restriktivnog sporazuma koji omogući njegovo otkrivanje ili dalje procesuiranje (imunitet-nagodba) sa jedne, i nagodbe koja se zaključuje u postupku u cilju njegovog efikasnijeg okončanja (nagodba-poravnanje), sa druge strane. Domaće pravo konkurencije iskazuje različit odnos prema pojedinim kategorijama nagodbe na nivou primarne zaštite efektivne konkurencije. Institut prekida postupka usled nagodbe postoji od 2013. godine i opravdano ima uzlaznu liniju primene. Dok praksa zaštite konkurencije od restriktivog sporazumevanja već sadrži značajan broj slučajeva imunitet-nagodbi, domaća legislativa još ne prepoznaje mogućnost nagodbe u toku postupka kojom se sankcija umanjuje zarad priznanja učešća u nedozvoljenom dogovoru. Ukoliko bi se ovaj vid poravnanja uveo u domaći zakonodavni okvir, s tim da štetne posledice okolnosti nepostojanja nisu značajne, režim njegove primene treba da bude postepen i restriktivan.",
publisher = "Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Pravo i privreda",
title = "The consent as a cause and consequent of the restrictive agreement, Nagodba kao kauza i posledica restriktivnog sporazuma",
pages = "251-236",
number = "7-9",
volume = "57",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_749"
}

Danković-Stepanović, S.. (2019). The consent as a cause and consequent of the restrictive agreement. in Pravo i privreda
Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd., 57(7-9), 236-251.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_749

Danković-Stepanović S. The consent as a cause and consequent of the restrictive agreement. in Pravo i privreda. 2019;57(7-9):236-251.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_749 .

Danković-Stepanović, Sanja, "The consent as a cause and consequent of the restrictive agreement" in Pravo i privreda, 57, no. 7-9 (2019):236-251,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_749 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/757
AB  - Popular protest, which repeatedly occurred in Communist regimes, turned into massive mobilizational waves in the late Communist period. Why did some protests result in state cooptation and particularist nationalism (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union), and others in state-society polarization (Poland) and protest containment (China), when these states shared important historical, political, and institutional legacies? Political regimes with origins in indigenous popularly-based revolutionary movements are more resilient to popular protests and other major crises than other authoritarian regimes. Protracted ideological armed struggle largely overlaps with broader patriotic causes, such as liberation wars or struggles against foreign intervention. The revolutionary regimes thus acquire patriotic credentials, while boundaries between partisan and patriotic identities become blurred, which strengthens their elite unity and popular base. Popular protests thus facilitate a complex political game of old and new actors that may result in regime survival or transformation. In other regimes, popular unrest tends to produce state-society polarization and, ultimately, regime delegitimation and breakdown. Popular contention in complex multinational institutional settings, if there is no major external threat, highlights old and triggers new conflicts along these structural and institutional divides and, where dual political identities prevail, facilitates identity shifts in particularist direction.
PB  - Cambridge Univ Press, New York
T2  - Nationalities Papers
T1  - Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period
EP  - 561
IS  - 4
SP  - 545
VL  - 47
DO  - 10.1017/nps.2018.62
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Popular protest, which repeatedly occurred in Communist regimes, turned into massive mobilizational waves in the late Communist period. Why did some protests result in state cooptation and particularist nationalism (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union), and others in state-society polarization (Poland) and protest containment (China), when these states shared important historical, political, and institutional legacies? Political regimes with origins in indigenous popularly-based revolutionary movements are more resilient to popular protests and other major crises than other authoritarian regimes. Protracted ideological armed struggle largely overlaps with broader patriotic causes, such as liberation wars or struggles against foreign intervention. The revolutionary regimes thus acquire patriotic credentials, while boundaries between partisan and patriotic identities become blurred, which strengthens their elite unity and popular base. Popular protests thus facilitate a complex political game of old and new actors that may result in regime survival or transformation. In other regimes, popular unrest tends to produce state-society polarization and, ultimately, regime delegitimation and breakdown. Popular contention in complex multinational institutional settings, if there is no major external threat, highlights old and triggers new conflicts along these structural and institutional divides and, where dual political identities prevail, facilitates identity shifts in particularist direction.",
publisher = "Cambridge Univ Press, New York",
journal = "Nationalities Papers",
title = "Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period",
pages = "561-545",
number = "4",
volume = "47",
doi = "10.1017/nps.2018.62"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2019). Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period. in Nationalities Papers
Cambridge Univ Press, New York., 47(4), 545-561.
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.62

Vladisavljević N. Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period. in Nationalities Papers. 2019;47(4):545-561.
doi:10.1017/nps.2018.62 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period" in Nationalities Papers, 47, no. 4 (2019):545-561,
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.62 . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Đorđević, Biljana D.
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6117
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:18569/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518290519
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/10131
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/821
AB  - The topic of this doctoral dissertation is the problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. In contemporary analytic political theory this problem has been most commonly dealt with as the boundary problem that asks how to delimit the demos democratically, but in continental political theory it is rather considered as an issue of constitution of the demos and as one of the political and democratic paradoxes. This study has embraced the second methodological approach in tackling this issue. I contend that the original constitution of the demos by democratic means is logically impossible so instead of a quest for a permanent solution of this problem, the paradoxes of the stories of founding as well as chronic legitimacy deficit of any bounded bodies politic should be exposed. It is more productive to rethink the ways to remedy or mitigate the initial injustices committed toward the excluded from the demos and to legitimize the recomposition of the body politic (demos) via subsequent democratic reconstitution. It is argued that political body can be democratically reconstituted not just during extraordinary but also during ordinary, everyday political moments, when relations between popular sovereignty and human rights are negotiated and contested. The opportunities for these contestations and negotiations are situations of restoration of membership for the old members and recognition of membership to the new members, usually understood as situations addressing the compositional dimension of demos that responds to the question who is the passive member, and where should the external boundaries of the demos be drawn. But there are also situations when political identity can be redefined, especially when collective action is initiated, opportunities when performative dimension of the demos is activated, and which informs us about struggles concerning the internal boundaries of the demos - who can be an active member and how deep is the gap between the demos and the body politic. Performative account of the demos focus on the ways in which the demos demands recognition as the demos and at the same time enacts itself as an emerging body politic...
AB  - Predmet doktorske disertacije je problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama. Ovaj se problem u savremenoj analitičkoj političkoj teoriji uobičajeno razmatra kao problem ograničenja demosa, odnosno pitanje kako je moguće demokratski ograničiti demos, dok se u kontinentalnoj političkoj teoriji pre razmatra kao pitanje konstituisanja demosa odnosno kao jedan od paradoksa politike i demokratije. Metodološki se rad priklanja drugom načinu razmatranja ovog pitanja. Zastupam stanovište da je demokratsko konstituisanje demosa logički nerešiv problem te da, umesto pokušaja da se on trajno reši, treba razotkriti paradokse utemeljivačkih priča i hronični nedostatak legitimnosti na ma koji način ograničenog političkog tela. Produktivnije je misliti o načinima da se početne nepravde prema isključenima isprave ili ublaže i da se sastav političkog tela (demosa) naknadno legitimiše demokratskim rekonstituisanjem. Tvrdi se da se političko telo može demokratski rekonstituisati putem ne samo izvanrednih već i svakodnevnih političkih momenata tokom kojih se pregovaraju i osporavaju veze između narodnog suvereniteta i ljudskih prava. Takve situacije osporavanja i pregovaranja su one kada se obnavlja članstvo starim članovima ili priznaje članstvo novim članovima, o čemu se obično misli kao o kompozicionoj dimenziji demosa koja odgovara na pitanje ko je pasivni član, odnosno gde su spoljašnje granice političkog tela. Postoje takođe i situacije redefinisanja političkog identiteta i pokretanja kolektivne akcije što je način da se razmotri performativna dimenzija demosa odnosno unutrašnje granice političkog tela - ko može biti aktivni član i koliki je jaz između demosa i političkog tela. Performativna dimenzija demosa fokusira se na načine na koje demos zahteva priznanje da je demos i istovremeno proizvodi, otelotvoruje sebe, kao političko telo u nastajanju...
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories
T1  - Problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10131
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Đorđević, Biljana D.",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The topic of this doctoral dissertation is the problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. In contemporary analytic political theory this problem has been most commonly dealt with as the boundary problem that asks how to delimit the demos democratically, but in continental political theory it is rather considered as an issue of constitution of the demos and as one of the political and democratic paradoxes. This study has embraced the second methodological approach in tackling this issue. I contend that the original constitution of the demos by democratic means is logically impossible so instead of a quest for a permanent solution of this problem, the paradoxes of the stories of founding as well as chronic legitimacy deficit of any bounded bodies politic should be exposed. It is more productive to rethink the ways to remedy or mitigate the initial injustices committed toward the excluded from the demos and to legitimize the recomposition of the body politic (demos) via subsequent democratic reconstitution. It is argued that political body can be democratically reconstituted not just during extraordinary but also during ordinary, everyday political moments, when relations between popular sovereignty and human rights are negotiated and contested. The opportunities for these contestations and negotiations are situations of restoration of membership for the old members and recognition of membership to the new members, usually understood as situations addressing the compositional dimension of demos that responds to the question who is the passive member, and where should the external boundaries of the demos be drawn. But there are also situations when political identity can be redefined, especially when collective action is initiated, opportunities when performative dimension of the demos is activated, and which informs us about struggles concerning the internal boundaries of the demos - who can be an active member and how deep is the gap between the demos and the body politic. Performative account of the demos focus on the ways in which the demos demands recognition as the demos and at the same time enacts itself as an emerging body politic..., Predmet doktorske disertacije je problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama. Ovaj se problem u savremenoj analitičkoj političkoj teoriji uobičajeno razmatra kao problem ograničenja demosa, odnosno pitanje kako je moguće demokratski ograničiti demos, dok se u kontinentalnoj političkoj teoriji pre razmatra kao pitanje konstituisanja demosa odnosno kao jedan od paradoksa politike i demokratije. Metodološki se rad priklanja drugom načinu razmatranja ovog pitanja. Zastupam stanovište da je demokratsko konstituisanje demosa logički nerešiv problem te da, umesto pokušaja da se on trajno reši, treba razotkriti paradokse utemeljivačkih priča i hronični nedostatak legitimnosti na ma koji način ograničenog političkog tela. Produktivnije je misliti o načinima da se početne nepravde prema isključenima isprave ili ublaže i da se sastav političkog tela (demosa) naknadno legitimiše demokratskim rekonstituisanjem. Tvrdi se da se političko telo može demokratski rekonstituisati putem ne samo izvanrednih već i svakodnevnih političkih momenata tokom kojih se pregovaraju i osporavaju veze između narodnog suvereniteta i ljudskih prava. Takve situacije osporavanja i pregovaranja su one kada se obnavlja članstvo starim članovima ili priznaje članstvo novim članovima, o čemu se obično misli kao o kompozicionoj dimenziji demosa koja odgovara na pitanje ko je pasivni član, odnosno gde su spoljašnje granice političkog tela. Postoje takođe i situacije redefinisanja političkog identiteta i pokretanja kolektivne akcije što je način da se razmotri performativna dimenzija demosa odnosno unutrašnje granice političkog tela - ko može biti aktivni član i koliki je jaz između demosa i političkog tela. Performativna dimenzija demosa fokusira se na načine na koje demos zahteva priznanje da je demos i istovremeno proizvodi, otelotvoruje sebe, kao političko telo u nastajanju...",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories, Problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10131"
}

Đorđević, B. D.. (2018). The problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10131

Đorđević BD. The problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. 2018;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10131 .

Đorđević, Biljana D., "The problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories" (2018),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10131 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Danković-Stepanović, Sanja
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/696
AB  - International business transaction over frontier merger of capital association is realization of status linking with a foreign element in a subject, consequent to what its carries out by linking more law systems. Over frontier merger produces direct and indirect legal consequences. In the first concentric circle, its effects directly influence to interests of various categories of subjects, minority owners of shares or portions of creditors end employed in an association, which is a participant of transaction. In the second circle, resultant of business concentration is transposed in a border market ambient. The business transaction cannot be realized if a governmental body competent for competition protection of at least one state, which national attachment an economy association has got, a participant appraises to present a danger to effective market competition. Topic of this Paper is analysis of anti competition risk which appears to be realized by carrying out over frontier merging association of capital associations, in view of solution, which is expected in a domestic ambient, which adoption of the Law of amendments and additions of Law of economic associations in the year of 2018.
AB  - Međunarodna poslovna transakcija prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala predstavlja vid statusnog povezivanja sa elementom inostranosti u subjektu, konsekventno čemu se njeno sprovođenje ostvaruje povezivanjem više nacionalnih pravnih sistema. Prekogranično spajanje proizvodi direktne i indirektne pravne posledice. U prvom koncentričnom krugu, njegovi efekti neposredno utiču na interese različitih kategorija subjekata: manjinskih vlasnika akcija ili udela, poverilaca i zaposlenih u društvu koje je učesnik transakcije. U drugom krugu, rezultante statusne poslovne koncentracije se transponuju u širi tržišni ambijent. Poslovna transakcija ne može biti sprovedena ukoliko organ nadležan za zaštitu konkurencije bar jedne države čiju nacionalnu pripadnost ima privredno društvo učesnik oceni da predstavlja pretnju efektivnoj tržišnoj konkurenciji. Tema ovog rada jeste analiza anti-konkurencijskog rizika koji nastaje sprovođenjem prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala, u svetlu rešenja koja se očekuju u domaćem legislativnom ambijentu nakon usvajanja Zakona o izmenama i dopunama zakona o privrednim društvima 2018. godine.
PB  - Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Pravo i privreda
T1  - Protection of competition at cross-border merger of corporations
T1  - Zaštita konkurencije kod prekograničnih spajanja društava kapitala
EP  - 187
IS  - 7-9
SP  - 171
VL  - 56
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_696
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Danković-Stepanović, Sanja",
year = "2018",
abstract = "International business transaction over frontier merger of capital association is realization of status linking with a foreign element in a subject, consequent to what its carries out by linking more law systems. Over frontier merger produces direct and indirect legal consequences. In the first concentric circle, its effects directly influence to interests of various categories of subjects, minority owners of shares or portions of creditors end employed in an association, which is a participant of transaction. In the second circle, resultant of business concentration is transposed in a border market ambient. The business transaction cannot be realized if a governmental body competent for competition protection of at least one state, which national attachment an economy association has got, a participant appraises to present a danger to effective market competition. Topic of this Paper is analysis of anti competition risk which appears to be realized by carrying out over frontier merging association of capital associations, in view of solution, which is expected in a domestic ambient, which adoption of the Law of amendments and additions of Law of economic associations in the year of 2018., Međunarodna poslovna transakcija prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala predstavlja vid statusnog povezivanja sa elementom inostranosti u subjektu, konsekventno čemu se njeno sprovođenje ostvaruje povezivanjem više nacionalnih pravnih sistema. Prekogranično spajanje proizvodi direktne i indirektne pravne posledice. U prvom koncentričnom krugu, njegovi efekti neposredno utiču na interese različitih kategorija subjekata: manjinskih vlasnika akcija ili udela, poverilaca i zaposlenih u društvu koje je učesnik transakcije. U drugom krugu, rezultante statusne poslovne koncentracije se transponuju u širi tržišni ambijent. Poslovna transakcija ne može biti sprovedena ukoliko organ nadležan za zaštitu konkurencije bar jedne države čiju nacionalnu pripadnost ima privredno društvo učesnik oceni da predstavlja pretnju efektivnoj tržišnoj konkurenciji. Tema ovog rada jeste analiza anti-konkurencijskog rizika koji nastaje sprovođenjem prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala, u svetlu rešenja koja se očekuju u domaćem legislativnom ambijentu nakon usvajanja Zakona o izmenama i dopunama zakona o privrednim društvima 2018. godine.",
publisher = "Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Pravo i privreda",
title = "Protection of competition at cross-border merger of corporations, Zaštita konkurencije kod prekograničnih spajanja društava kapitala",
pages = "187-171",
number = "7-9",
volume = "56",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_696"
}

Danković-Stepanović, S.. (2018). Protection of competition at cross-border merger of corporations. in Pravo i privreda
Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd., 56(7-9), 171-187.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_696

Danković-Stepanović S. Protection of competition at cross-border merger of corporations. in Pravo i privreda. 2018;56(7-9):171-187.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_696 .

Danković-Stepanović, Sanja, "Protection of competition at cross-border merger of corporations" in Pravo i privreda, 56, no. 7-9 (2018):171-187,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_696 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Danković-Stepanović, Sanja
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/633
AB  - Concentration legal system of concentration of business consists of two levels and comprises notification phase, i.e. obligatory report of planned transactions of high values and a phase of estimation of their permissibility taking into account of various criteria, relating to economy and financial might of participants, market structure, law and other obstacles to entrance to market, trends in offer and demand for relevant goods and services, possibility of choice of suppliers, as well as approach to procurement, intermediary and final consumers interests, technology and technical and, as well as all inclusive social improvement. At domestic law, by legislative amendments of 2016 preventive aspect and notification phase gets on importance, solutions of order on content and a way of report of concentration submission as well, as by making of precise especially in respect of procedure of estimation of permissibility of connections of participants in concentration and connected associations, concentration of transactions, which allow submission of reports in shortened form, as well as indicators, which refer to significant level of probability , which refer to impermisablity of concentration. In a situation of significant legislative turning point to usage of egzact econometric instruments and quantitative criteria in the phase of research of permissible business concentrations it additionally gains in rule of ratio. By dual principle of qualification and estimation by which it is being determined internal correlation and then in outher side, as well market connections of one concentrational and cooperative business undertaking in order to come to an estimation to be passed, with recognition of specific circumstances of a single case-concentration in law field control of concentration whose makes utmost to reach an utmost rule of just of legal equity.
AB  - Pravni sistem kontrole poslovnih koncenracija je dvostepen i obuhvata fazu notifikacije, odnosno obavezne prijave planiranih transakcija velikih vrednosti i fazu ocene njihove dopuštenosti, uz uzimanje u obzir različitih kriterijuma koji se odnose na privrednu i finansijsku moć učesnika, strukturu tržišta, pravne i druge prepreke za ulazak na tržište, trendove u ponudi i potražnji za relevantne robe i usluge, mogućnost izbora dobavljača i pristup snabdevanju, interese intermedijalnih i konačnih potrošača, kao i tehničko-tehnološki i sveobuhvatni društveni napredak. U domaćem pravu, legislativnim izmenama iz 2016. godine preventivni aspekt i faza notifikacije dobijaju na značaju, rešenjima Uredbe o sadržini i načinu podnošenja prijave koncentracije i preciziranjem postupka naročito u pogledu: ocene dozvoljenosti zavisno od kvalifikacije veza između učesnika u koncentraciji i povezanih društava, transakcija koje dopuštaju podnošenje prijave u skraćenom obliku kao i indikatora koji upućuju sa visokim stepenom verovatnoće na zaključak o nedozvoljenosti koncentracije. U situaciji značajnog legislativnog zaokreta ka upotrebi egzatnih ekonometrijskih instrumenata i kvantitativnih kriterijuma, u sferi ispitivanja dopuštenosti poslovnih koncentracija dodatno dobija na značaju pravilo rezona. Dualnim principom kvalifikacije i ocene, kojim se precizno utvrđuju unutrašnje korelacije, a onda i spoljne, tržišne veze jednog koncentrativnog ili kooperativnog poslovnog poduhvata, da bi se zatim ocena donela uz uvažavanje specifičnih okolnosti pojedinačnog slučaja - pravo konkurencije na terenu kontrole koncentracija čini najviše da dosegne vrhovno načelo pravičnosti.
PB  - Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Pravo i privreda
T1  - Business concentration in the light of competition law
T1  - Poslovne koncentracije u svetlu prava konkurencije
EP  - 306
IS  - 4-6
SP  - 291
VL  - 55
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_633
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Danković-Stepanović, Sanja",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Concentration legal system of concentration of business consists of two levels and comprises notification phase, i.e. obligatory report of planned transactions of high values and a phase of estimation of their permissibility taking into account of various criteria, relating to economy and financial might of participants, market structure, law and other obstacles to entrance to market, trends in offer and demand for relevant goods and services, possibility of choice of suppliers, as well as approach to procurement, intermediary and final consumers interests, technology and technical and, as well as all inclusive social improvement. At domestic law, by legislative amendments of 2016 preventive aspect and notification phase gets on importance, solutions of order on content and a way of report of concentration submission as well, as by making of precise especially in respect of procedure of estimation of permissibility of connections of participants in concentration and connected associations, concentration of transactions, which allow submission of reports in shortened form, as well as indicators, which refer to significant level of probability , which refer to impermisablity of concentration. In a situation of significant legislative turning point to usage of egzact econometric instruments and quantitative criteria in the phase of research of permissible business concentrations it additionally gains in rule of ratio. By dual principle of qualification and estimation by which it is being determined internal correlation and then in outher side, as well market connections of one concentrational and cooperative business undertaking in order to come to an estimation to be passed, with recognition of specific circumstances of a single case-concentration in law field control of concentration whose makes utmost to reach an utmost rule of just of legal equity., Pravni sistem kontrole poslovnih koncenracija je dvostepen i obuhvata fazu notifikacije, odnosno obavezne prijave planiranih transakcija velikih vrednosti i fazu ocene njihove dopuštenosti, uz uzimanje u obzir različitih kriterijuma koji se odnose na privrednu i finansijsku moć učesnika, strukturu tržišta, pravne i druge prepreke za ulazak na tržište, trendove u ponudi i potražnji za relevantne robe i usluge, mogućnost izbora dobavljača i pristup snabdevanju, interese intermedijalnih i konačnih potrošača, kao i tehničko-tehnološki i sveobuhvatni društveni napredak. U domaćem pravu, legislativnim izmenama iz 2016. godine preventivni aspekt i faza notifikacije dobijaju na značaju, rešenjima Uredbe o sadržini i načinu podnošenja prijave koncentracije i preciziranjem postupka naročito u pogledu: ocene dozvoljenosti zavisno od kvalifikacije veza između učesnika u koncentraciji i povezanih društava, transakcija koje dopuštaju podnošenje prijave u skraćenom obliku kao i indikatora koji upućuju sa visokim stepenom verovatnoće na zaključak o nedozvoljenosti koncentracije. U situaciji značajnog legislativnog zaokreta ka upotrebi egzatnih ekonometrijskih instrumenata i kvantitativnih kriterijuma, u sferi ispitivanja dopuštenosti poslovnih koncentracija dodatno dobija na značaju pravilo rezona. Dualnim principom kvalifikacije i ocene, kojim se precizno utvrđuju unutrašnje korelacije, a onda i spoljne, tržišne veze jednog koncentrativnog ili kooperativnog poslovnog poduhvata, da bi se zatim ocena donela uz uvažavanje specifičnih okolnosti pojedinačnog slučaja - pravo konkurencije na terenu kontrole koncentracija čini najviše da dosegne vrhovno načelo pravičnosti.",
publisher = "Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Pravo i privreda",
title = "Business concentration in the light of competition law, Poslovne koncentracije u svetlu prava konkurencije",
pages = "306-291",
number = "4-6",
volume = "55",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_633"
}

Danković-Stepanović, S.. (2017). Business concentration in the light of competition law. in Pravo i privreda
Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd., 55(4-6), 291-306.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_633

Danković-Stepanović S. Business concentration in the light of competition law. in Pravo i privreda. 2017;55(4-6):291-306.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_633 .

Danković-Stepanović, Sanja, "Business concentration in the light of competition law" in Pravo i privreda, 55, no. 4-6 (2017):291-306,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_633 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vranić, Bojan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/620
AB  - The aim of this paper is to analyze Rawls's conception of political (public) culture, exploring whether his principle of tolerance (Political Liberalism) falls in moral relativism. The analysis consists of three sections. Firstly, the author introduces different critical accounts on Rawls's theory and identifies where they go wrong. Secondly, the author delineates the intellectual tradition of social liberalism from which sprang Rawls's conception, showing that he significantly alters the key ideas of dominant liberal justice of the Western world. In the final section of the paper it is argued that Rawls's idea of political culture is a cornerstone of just society and the spring of tolerance, providing arguments in favor of the idea that Rawls's conception of political liberalism is not morally relativistic but it is, however, in line with liberal pluralism.
AB  - Cilj ovog rada je da analizira Rolsovu koncepciju političke (javne) kulture, ispitujući da li njegovo načelo tolerancije (Politički liberalizam) zapada u moralni relativizam. Analiza se sastoji iz tri dela. Prvo, autor analizira različite kritičke pristupe Rolsovoj teoriji i pokazuje gde leži njihova greška. Drugo, autor razlučuje intelektualnu tradiciju socijalnog liberalizma iz koje je proizilazi Rolsova koncepcija, pokazujući da je on značajno primenio ključne ideje dominantne liberalne pravde Zapadnog sveta. U poslednjem delu rada nude se argumenti u prilog tezi da je Rolsova ideja političke kulture kamen temeljac pravednog društva i izvor tolerancije, čime se dodatno osnažuje ideja da Rolsova koncepcija političkog liberalizma ne zapada u moralni relativizam već je deo tradicije liberalnog pluralizma.
PB  - Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politeia
T1  - From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls's principle of tolerance morally relativistic?
T1  - Od metafizičkog do političkog - da li političkom kulturom Rolsov princip tolerancije zapada u moralni relativizam?
EP  - 22
IS  - 14
SP  - 9
VL  - 7
DO  - 10.5937/politeia0-15806
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vranić, Bojan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to analyze Rawls's conception of political (public) culture, exploring whether his principle of tolerance (Political Liberalism) falls in moral relativism. The analysis consists of three sections. Firstly, the author introduces different critical accounts on Rawls's theory and identifies where they go wrong. Secondly, the author delineates the intellectual tradition of social liberalism from which sprang Rawls's conception, showing that he significantly alters the key ideas of dominant liberal justice of the Western world. In the final section of the paper it is argued that Rawls's idea of political culture is a cornerstone of just society and the spring of tolerance, providing arguments in favor of the idea that Rawls's conception of political liberalism is not morally relativistic but it is, however, in line with liberal pluralism., Cilj ovog rada je da analizira Rolsovu koncepciju političke (javne) kulture, ispitujući da li njegovo načelo tolerancije (Politički liberalizam) zapada u moralni relativizam. Analiza se sastoji iz tri dela. Prvo, autor analizira različite kritičke pristupe Rolsovoj teoriji i pokazuje gde leži njihova greška. Drugo, autor razlučuje intelektualnu tradiciju socijalnog liberalizma iz koje je proizilazi Rolsova koncepcija, pokazujući da je on značajno primenio ključne ideje dominantne liberalne pravde Zapadnog sveta. U poslednjem delu rada nude se argumenti u prilog tezi da je Rolsova ideja političke kulture kamen temeljac pravednog društva i izvor tolerancije, čime se dodatno osnažuje ideja da Rolsova koncepcija političkog liberalizma ne zapada u moralni relativizam već je deo tradicije liberalnog pluralizma.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politeia",
title = "From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls's principle of tolerance morally relativistic?, Od metafizičkog do političkog - da li političkom kulturom Rolsov princip tolerancije zapada u moralni relativizam?",
pages = "22-9",
number = "14",
volume = "7",
doi = "10.5937/politeia0-15806"
}

Vranić, B.. (2017). From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls's principle of tolerance morally relativistic?. in Politeia
Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 7(14), 9-22.
https://doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-15806

Vranić B. From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls's principle of tolerance morally relativistic?. in Politeia. 2017;7(14):9-22.
doi:10.5937/politeia0-15806 .

Vranić, Bojan, "From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls's principle of tolerance morally relativistic?" in Politeia, 7, no. 14 (2017):9-22,
https://doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-15806 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/945
AB  - U radu autor ukazuje da kvalitet medijskog izveštavanja o političkim pitanjima ne zavisi samo od uticaja vlasti, već i drugih činilaca. Oslonac argumenta je teorija „indeksiranja“ koja objašnjava bitno drugačiji oblik medijskog izveštavanja – o međunarodnim sukobima i spoljnoj politici u bitno različitom političkom miljeu, u SAD. Prilagođena političkom miljeu novih demokratija, ta teorija sugeriše da medijsko izveštavanje o politici izvire i iz dinamike „beleženja“ odnosa političkih snaga od strane medija u demokratskim zemljama, koje reflektuje politički uticaj i kredibilnost ključnih učesnika u političkom životu, kao i njihov kapacitet da nametnu medijima svoju verziju događaja. Preliminarna, delimična empirijska provera ovog argumenta ukazuje da takvo objašnjenje u velikoj meri osvetljava složene uslove u kojima mediji deluju u novim demokratijama.
PB  - Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd
T2  - Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina
T1  - Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra
EP  - 230
SP  - 216
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2016",
abstract = "U radu autor ukazuje da kvalitet medijskog izveštavanja o političkim pitanjima ne zavisi samo od uticaja vlasti, već i drugih činilaca. Oslonac argumenta je teorija „indeksiranja“ koja objašnjava bitno drugačiji oblik medijskog izveštavanja – o međunarodnim sukobima i spoljnoj politici u bitno različitom političkom miljeu, u SAD. Prilagođena političkom miljeu novih demokratija, ta teorija sugeriše da medijsko izveštavanje o politici izvire i iz dinamike „beleženja“ odnosa političkih snaga od strane medija u demokratskim zemljama, koje reflektuje politički uticaj i kredibilnost ključnih učesnika u političkom životu, kao i njihov kapacitet da nametnu medijima svoju verziju događaja. Preliminarna, delimična empirijska provera ovog argumenta ukazuje da takvo objašnjenje u velikoj meri osvetljava složene uslove u kojima mediji deluju u novim demokratijama.",
publisher = "Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd",
journal = "Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina",
booktitle = "Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra",
pages = "230-216",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2016). Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra. in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina
Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu : Beograd., 216-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945

Vladisavljević N. Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra. in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina. 2016;:216-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Mediji, "indeksiranje" odnosa snaga i sloboda štampe posle Petog oktobra" in Demokratska tranzicija Srbije: (re)kapitulacija prvih 25 godina (2016):216-230,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_945 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Danković-Stepanović, Sanja
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/522
AB  - Regulated public procurement system provides conditions for a free and non-discriminatory competitive fight between bidders, as participants in the tender procedure, thus achieving rational and efficient use of public funds. This paper has examined the influence of various elements on the level of competition in the public procurement procedure that is the probability of violation of effective competition, starting with the assumption that the number of bid submitters in the procedure is negatively correlated with the probability of the existence of restrictive practices. The analyzed factors in the causal relation are divided into two categories: objective, which are procedural and in which the participation criteria emerges as the most important criteria, and subjective which are of contractual nature and in which contractual agreement between competitors emerges as the most important form. Starting from the openness of the system as its essential characteristics, a special focus in the research was given to the issue of dynamic equilibrium that is to the mechanisms of maintenance and adjustments within the system of proper protection of competition. The conclusion of this paper indicates that the models of 'tender rigging' and 'bid rigging' require the application of different rules and complex corpus of legal measures, in terms of combining preventive and punitive measures, as well as property and personal-legal sanctions and it includes, in terms of effectiveness and rationality of treatment, a specific sequence of their implementation, and this consequently means different levels of institutional treatment.
AB  - Uređen sistem javnih nabavki obezbeđuje uslove za slobodnu i nediskriminatornu konkurentsku borbu između ponuđača kao učesnika u tenderskom, odnosno postupku javne nabavke, čime se ostvaruje racionalno i ekonomično korišćenje javnih sredstava; isti efekat štiti se, sa druge strane, suzbijanjem koruptivne aktivnosti u postupku. Radom je ispitivan uticaj različitih elemenata na nivo konkurentnosti u postupku javne nabavke, odnosno stepen verovatnoće narušavanja efektivne konkurencije, uz pretpostavku da je broj podnosilaca ponuda u postupku obrnuto srazmeran stepenu verovatnoće postojanja restriktivne prakse. Analizirani činioci u kauzalnoj vezi podeljeni su u dve kategorije: objektivne, koji su procesne prirode i kod kojih se kriterijumi učešća javljaju kao najznačajniji, i subjektivne, koji su ugovorne prirode i sporazum konkurenata je najvažniji oblik. Polazeći od otvorenosti sistema kao bitne karakteristike, u istraživanju je poseban značaj posvećen pitanju dinamičke ravnoteže, odnosno mehanizma održavanja i prilagođavanja unutar sistema pravila zaštite konkurencije. Zaključak je ovog rada je da modeli 'nameštanja postupka' i 'nameštanja ponude' zahtevaju primenu različitih pravila i kompleksnog korpusa pravnih mera, u smislu kombinovanja onih preventivne i kaznene prirode, kao i imovinskih i lično-pravnih sankcija i podrazumeva, u cilju delotvornosti i racionalnosti postupanja, specifičan redosled njihove implementacije, a to konsekventno znači i različite nivoe institucionalnog postupanja.
PB  - Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Pravo i privreda
T1  - Cartel agreement on division of sources of procurement
T1  - Kartelni sporazumi o podeli izvora nabavki
EP  - 341
IS  - 7-9
SP  - 327
VL  - 53
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_522
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Danković-Stepanović, Sanja",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Regulated public procurement system provides conditions for a free and non-discriminatory competitive fight between bidders, as participants in the tender procedure, thus achieving rational and efficient use of public funds. This paper has examined the influence of various elements on the level of competition in the public procurement procedure that is the probability of violation of effective competition, starting with the assumption that the number of bid submitters in the procedure is negatively correlated with the probability of the existence of restrictive practices. The analyzed factors in the causal relation are divided into two categories: objective, which are procedural and in which the participation criteria emerges as the most important criteria, and subjective which are of contractual nature and in which contractual agreement between competitors emerges as the most important form. Starting from the openness of the system as its essential characteristics, a special focus in the research was given to the issue of dynamic equilibrium that is to the mechanisms of maintenance and adjustments within the system of proper protection of competition. The conclusion of this paper indicates that the models of 'tender rigging' and 'bid rigging' require the application of different rules and complex corpus of legal measures, in terms of combining preventive and punitive measures, as well as property and personal-legal sanctions and it includes, in terms of effectiveness and rationality of treatment, a specific sequence of their implementation, and this consequently means different levels of institutional treatment., Uređen sistem javnih nabavki obezbeđuje uslove za slobodnu i nediskriminatornu konkurentsku borbu između ponuđača kao učesnika u tenderskom, odnosno postupku javne nabavke, čime se ostvaruje racionalno i ekonomično korišćenje javnih sredstava; isti efekat štiti se, sa druge strane, suzbijanjem koruptivne aktivnosti u postupku. Radom je ispitivan uticaj različitih elemenata na nivo konkurentnosti u postupku javne nabavke, odnosno stepen verovatnoće narušavanja efektivne konkurencije, uz pretpostavku da je broj podnosilaca ponuda u postupku obrnuto srazmeran stepenu verovatnoće postojanja restriktivne prakse. Analizirani činioci u kauzalnoj vezi podeljeni su u dve kategorije: objektivne, koji su procesne prirode i kod kojih se kriterijumi učešća javljaju kao najznačajniji, i subjektivne, koji su ugovorne prirode i sporazum konkurenata je najvažniji oblik. Polazeći od otvorenosti sistema kao bitne karakteristike, u istraživanju je poseban značaj posvećen pitanju dinamičke ravnoteže, odnosno mehanizma održavanja i prilagođavanja unutar sistema pravila zaštite konkurencije. Zaključak je ovog rada je da modeli 'nameštanja postupka' i 'nameštanja ponude' zahtevaju primenu različitih pravila i kompleksnog korpusa pravnih mera, u smislu kombinovanja onih preventivne i kaznene prirode, kao i imovinskih i lično-pravnih sankcija i podrazumeva, u cilju delotvornosti i racionalnosti postupanja, specifičan redosled njihove implementacije, a to konsekventno znači i različite nivoe institucionalnog postupanja.",
publisher = "Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Pravo i privreda",
title = "Cartel agreement on division of sources of procurement, Kartelni sporazumi o podeli izvora nabavki",
pages = "341-327",
number = "7-9",
volume = "53",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_522"
}

Danković-Stepanović, S.. (2015). Cartel agreement on division of sources of procurement. in Pravo i privreda
Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd., 53(7-9), 327-341.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_522

Danković-Stepanović S. Cartel agreement on division of sources of procurement. in Pravo i privreda. 2015;53(7-9):327-341.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_522 .

Danković-Stepanović, Sanja, "Cartel agreement on division of sources of procurement" in Pravo i privreda, 53, no. 7-9 (2015):327-341,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_522 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Đorđević, Biljana D.
AU  - Đorđević, Biljana D.
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/455
AB  - In this article I argue that there are grounds for considering agonistic democracy and participatory democracy complementarity in order to institutionalize agonism which has thus far lacked an elaborate articulation of its institutional dimension. The two democratic theories share a commitment toward widening the scope of the political as a way of inclusion of citizens and their subsequent political subjectivation and empowerment. Furthermore, there are authors on both sides who think democracy does not need foundations. Agonistic participation and contestation, on the one hand, and the broadening and strengthening of various sectors of political participation, on the other, both open up new possibilities for critique and change, but also create new risks. Building on a redefinition of agonisitic participation, I aim to attenuate an objection that agonism is normatively weak in terms of lacking resources to motivate citizens and justify their critique of practices of domination and oppression. The article concludes that we need to embrace agonistic participation as a means towards the development of democratic political judgement, as there are no other guarantees, i.e. secure foundations, for our ability to distinguish between democratic and non-democratic agon.
AB  - U članku se tvrdi da postoje osnovi komplementarnosti agonističke demokratije i participativne demokratije u pogledu mogućnosti institucionalizacije agonizma koji dosad nije imao razrađenu institucionalnu dimenziju. Dve demokratske teorije dele težnju za širenjem političkog kao načina uključivanja građana i njihove političke subjektivizacije i osnaživanja. Takođe, ima autora na obe strane koji dele shvatanje da demokratiji nisu potrebni temelji. Agonističkom participacijom kao osporavanjem, s jedne strane, i širenjem i jačanjem različitih oblasti političke participacije, s druge, otvaraju se mogućnosti za kritiku i promenu, ali se prostor otvara i za rizike. Oslanjajući se na redefinisanu agonističku participaciju, želim da ublažim prigovor da agonizam nema normativnu snagu u smislu neposedovanja resursa za motivisanje građana i opravdanje njihove kritike praksi dominacije i ugnjetavanja. Zaključak je da je potrebno prihvatiti agonističku participaciju kao sredstvo razvijanja demokratskog političkog rasuđivanja jer nema drugih garancija, tj. nema sigurnosti temelja, koji bi nam omogućili da razlikujemo demokratski od nedemokratskog agona.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Problems of normative strength and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy
T1  - Problemi normativne snage i kritike agonističke participacije - ka mogućoj komplementarnosti agonističke i participativne demokratije
EP  - 105
IS  - 3
SP  - 77
VL  - 25
DO  - 10.2298/fid1403077D
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Đorđević, Biljana D. and Đorđević, Biljana D.",
year = "2014",
abstract = "In this article I argue that there are grounds for considering agonistic democracy and participatory democracy complementarity in order to institutionalize agonism which has thus far lacked an elaborate articulation of its institutional dimension. The two democratic theories share a commitment toward widening the scope of the political as a way of inclusion of citizens and their subsequent political subjectivation and empowerment. Furthermore, there are authors on both sides who think democracy does not need foundations. Agonistic participation and contestation, on the one hand, and the broadening and strengthening of various sectors of political participation, on the other, both open up new possibilities for critique and change, but also create new risks. Building on a redefinition of agonisitic participation, I aim to attenuate an objection that agonism is normatively weak in terms of lacking resources to motivate citizens and justify their critique of practices of domination and oppression. The article concludes that we need to embrace agonistic participation as a means towards the development of democratic political judgement, as there are no other guarantees, i.e. secure foundations, for our ability to distinguish between democratic and non-democratic agon., U članku se tvrdi da postoje osnovi komplementarnosti agonističke demokratije i participativne demokratije u pogledu mogućnosti institucionalizacije agonizma koji dosad nije imao razrađenu institucionalnu dimenziju. Dve demokratske teorije dele težnju za širenjem političkog kao načina uključivanja građana i njihove političke subjektivizacije i osnaživanja. Takođe, ima autora na obe strane koji dele shvatanje da demokratiji nisu potrebni temelji. Agonističkom participacijom kao osporavanjem, s jedne strane, i širenjem i jačanjem različitih oblasti političke participacije, s druge, otvaraju se mogućnosti za kritiku i promenu, ali se prostor otvara i za rizike. Oslanjajući se na redefinisanu agonističku participaciju, želim da ublažim prigovor da agonizam nema normativnu snagu u smislu neposedovanja resursa za motivisanje građana i opravdanje njihove kritike praksi dominacije i ugnjetavanja. Zaključak je da je potrebno prihvatiti agonističku participaciju kao sredstvo razvijanja demokratskog političkog rasuđivanja jer nema drugih garancija, tj. nema sigurnosti temelja, koji bi nam omogućili da razlikujemo demokratski od nedemokratskog agona.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Problems of normative strength and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy, Problemi normativne snage i kritike agonističke participacije - ka mogućoj komplementarnosti agonističke i participativne demokratije",
pages = "105-77",
number = "3",
volume = "25",
doi = "10.2298/fid1403077D"
}

Đorđević, B. D.,& Đorđević, B. D.. (2014). Problems of normative strength and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 25(3), 77-105.
https://doi.org/10.2298/fid1403077D

Đorđević BD, Đorđević BD. Problems of normative strength and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy. in Filozofija i društvo. 2014;25(3):77-105.
doi:10.2298/fid1403077D .

Đorđević, Biljana D., Đorđević, Biljana D., "Problems of normative strength and critique within the concept of agonistic participation: Towards the complementarity of agonistic and participatory democracy" in Filozofija i društvo, 25, no. 3 (2014):77-105,
https://doi.org/10.2298/fid1403077D . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Vranić, Bojan
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=2686
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:10798/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=47552015
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/5064
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/807
AB  - In the 1950s it was believed that political philosophy was declining. Relevant literature suggests that the cause for such state of affairs in this discipline lies in the philosophy of logical positivism. What is emphasized is the need of logical positivists to demonstrate that all metaphysical propositions are meaningless, from which it follows that the propositions of political philosophy are meaningless as well. The aim of this dissertation is to examine the justification of such claims. The author presupposes that the roots of political philosophy crisis reach further than the 1930s, when the philosophy of logical positivism was thriving. The roots lie in the period of Methodenstreit at the turn of the 20th century. Political philosophers of this period tried to constitute a unified discipline of social philosophy, which would transcend the reaches both of political philosophy and positivism which dominated in social sciences, especially in sociology. Those attempts blocked the development of political philosophy, and also positivism. Logical positivism sprang from the need to eliminate the metaphysical residues of social philosophy, to create pure positivism. Only in the 1950s did political philosophers eliminate the residues of metaphysics from their theory. This historical tardiness resulted in the fact that the “thesis on the death of political philosophy” is now seen as something authentic for the condition of the discipline of political philosophy. The author wants to demonstrate that the thesis on the death of political philosophy should be read as “the thesis on the death of social philosophy.” This is the context in which this dissertation explores the significance of logical positivism for the development of political philosophy. Relying on conceptual analysis, it examines the criteria that the hypotheses of political philosophers need to meet in order to be considered meaningful. In other words, the dissertation is an attempt to answer the question what syntactic form of political philosophy makes its hypotheses meaningful. In contrast to science, where logical positivists see the “proposition” as the dominant syntactic form, the author will explore why this form is not suitable for v political philosophy. Through analysis of imperative speech in ethics, the dissertation will demonstrate that the “question” is the suitable syntactic form for political philosophy. Asking a question enables the political philosopher to understand various political ends of people and conceptually frame them, in which way one departs from the monistic principle of social philosophy, and shifts towards value pluralism and humanism. Finally, the dissertation will demonstrate that political philosophers took some elements of the explication structure from the philosophy of logical positivism, modifying them in the direction of a humanist research approach.
AB  - Tokom pedesetih godina 20. veka, smatralo se da je politička filozofija na samrti. Uzrok takvom stanju discipline relevantna literatura pronalazi u filozofiji logičkog pozitivizma. Posebno se ističe potreba logičkih pozitivista da pomoću načela proverljivosti/opovrgljivosti pokažu da su svi metafizički iskazi besmisleni, iz čega sledi i besmislenost iskaza političke filozofije. Cilj disertacije je da ispita opravdanost te teze. Kandidat polazi od pretpostavke da koreni krize političke filozofije sežu dalje od tridesetih godina 20. veka, kada je filozofija logičkog pozitivizma bila u usponu. Korene treba tražiti u periodu „Borbe oko metoda“ na prelazu iz 19. u 20. vek. Politički filozofi tog vremena pokušali su da konstituišu jedinstvenu disciplinu socijalne filozofije, koja bi transcendirala domete političke filozofije, ali i pozitivizma koji je dominirao u društvenim naukama, posebno u sociologiji. Ti pokušaji blokirali su kako razvoj političke filozofije, tako i pozitivizma. Logički pozitivizam nastao je kao potreba da se klasični pozitivizam očisti od metafizičkih naslaga socijalne filozofije. Politički filozofi su očistili svoje teorije od ostataka metafizike tek pedesetih godina 20. Veka. Istorijska docnja učinila je da se „teza o smrti“ danas posmatra kao nešto što je bilo autentično za stanje političke filozofije kao discipline. Kandidat želi da pokaže da tezu o „smrti političke filozofije“ treba čitati kao tezu o „smrti socijalne filozofije.“ To je kontekst u kome će se ispitivati značaj logičkog pozitivizma za razvoj političke filozofije. Uz pomoć pojmovne analize, u disertaciji će se ispitivati koje kriterijume moraju da zadovolje hipoteze političkih filozofa da bi bile smislene. Drugim rečima, disertacija će pokušati da nađe odgovor na pitanje šta je sintaksna forma političke filozofije u kojoj su njene hipoteze smislene. Za razliku od nauke, gde logički pozitivisti vide „iskaz“ kao dominantnu sintaksnu formu, kandidat će istražiti zašto je ona neodgovarajuća za političku filozofiju. Na tragu imperativnog načina u etici, u disertaciji će se pokazati da je „pitanje“ odgovarajuća sintaksna forma političke filozofije. Zapitanost omogućuje političkom filozofu da razume različite političke ciljeve ljudi i da ih pojmovno oblikuje, što predstavlja otklon od monističkog principa socijalne filozofije, i pomeranje ka iii vrednosnom pluralizmu i humanizmu. Konačno, disertacija će pokazati da su politički filozofi preuzeli neke elemente strukture objašnjenja iz filozofije logičkog pozitivizma, modifikujući ih u pravcu humanističkog pristupa istraživanju.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The significance of logical positivism for development of political philosophy
T1  - Značaj logičkog pozitivizma za razvoj političke filozofije
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_5064
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Vranić, Bojan",
year = "2014",
abstract = "In the 1950s it was believed that political philosophy was declining. Relevant literature suggests that the cause for such state of affairs in this discipline lies in the philosophy of logical positivism. What is emphasized is the need of logical positivists to demonstrate that all metaphysical propositions are meaningless, from which it follows that the propositions of political philosophy are meaningless as well. The aim of this dissertation is to examine the justification of such claims. The author presupposes that the roots of political philosophy crisis reach further than the 1930s, when the philosophy of logical positivism was thriving. The roots lie in the period of Methodenstreit at the turn of the 20th century. Political philosophers of this period tried to constitute a unified discipline of social philosophy, which would transcend the reaches both of political philosophy and positivism which dominated in social sciences, especially in sociology. Those attempts blocked the development of political philosophy, and also positivism. Logical positivism sprang from the need to eliminate the metaphysical residues of social philosophy, to create pure positivism. Only in the 1950s did political philosophers eliminate the residues of metaphysics from their theory. This historical tardiness resulted in the fact that the “thesis on the death of political philosophy” is now seen as something authentic for the condition of the discipline of political philosophy. The author wants to demonstrate that the thesis on the death of political philosophy should be read as “the thesis on the death of social philosophy.” This is the context in which this dissertation explores the significance of logical positivism for the development of political philosophy. Relying on conceptual analysis, it examines the criteria that the hypotheses of political philosophers need to meet in order to be considered meaningful. In other words, the dissertation is an attempt to answer the question what syntactic form of political philosophy makes its hypotheses meaningful. In contrast to science, where logical positivists see the “proposition” as the dominant syntactic form, the author will explore why this form is not suitable for v political philosophy. Through analysis of imperative speech in ethics, the dissertation will demonstrate that the “question” is the suitable syntactic form for political philosophy. Asking a question enables the political philosopher to understand various political ends of people and conceptually frame them, in which way one departs from the monistic principle of social philosophy, and shifts towards value pluralism and humanism. Finally, the dissertation will demonstrate that political philosophers took some elements of the explication structure from the philosophy of logical positivism, modifying them in the direction of a humanist research approach., Tokom pedesetih godina 20. veka, smatralo se da je politička filozofija na samrti. Uzrok takvom stanju discipline relevantna literatura pronalazi u filozofiji logičkog pozitivizma. Posebno se ističe potreba logičkih pozitivista da pomoću načela proverljivosti/opovrgljivosti pokažu da su svi metafizički iskazi besmisleni, iz čega sledi i besmislenost iskaza političke filozofije. Cilj disertacije je da ispita opravdanost te teze. Kandidat polazi od pretpostavke da koreni krize političke filozofije sežu dalje od tridesetih godina 20. veka, kada je filozofija logičkog pozitivizma bila u usponu. Korene treba tražiti u periodu „Borbe oko metoda“ na prelazu iz 19. u 20. vek. Politički filozofi tog vremena pokušali su da konstituišu jedinstvenu disciplinu socijalne filozofije, koja bi transcendirala domete političke filozofije, ali i pozitivizma koji je dominirao u društvenim naukama, posebno u sociologiji. Ti pokušaji blokirali su kako razvoj političke filozofije, tako i pozitivizma. Logički pozitivizam nastao je kao potreba da se klasični pozitivizam očisti od metafizičkih naslaga socijalne filozofije. Politički filozofi su očistili svoje teorije od ostataka metafizike tek pedesetih godina 20. Veka. Istorijska docnja učinila je da se „teza o smrti“ danas posmatra kao nešto što je bilo autentično za stanje političke filozofije kao discipline. Kandidat želi da pokaže da tezu o „smrti političke filozofije“ treba čitati kao tezu o „smrti socijalne filozofije.“ To je kontekst u kome će se ispitivati značaj logičkog pozitivizma za razvoj političke filozofije. Uz pomoć pojmovne analize, u disertaciji će se ispitivati koje kriterijume moraju da zadovolje hipoteze političkih filozofa da bi bile smislene. Drugim rečima, disertacija će pokušati da nađe odgovor na pitanje šta je sintaksna forma političke filozofije u kojoj su njene hipoteze smislene. Za razliku od nauke, gde logički pozitivisti vide „iskaz“ kao dominantnu sintaksnu formu, kandidat će istražiti zašto je ona neodgovarajuća za političku filozofiju. Na tragu imperativnog načina u etici, u disertaciji će se pokazati da je „pitanje“ odgovarajuća sintaksna forma političke filozofije. Zapitanost omogućuje političkom filozofu da razume različite političke ciljeve ljudi i da ih pojmovno oblikuje, što predstavlja otklon od monističkog principa socijalne filozofije, i pomeranje ka iii vrednosnom pluralizmu i humanizmu. Konačno, disertacija će pokazati da su politički filozofi preuzeli neke elemente strukture objašnjenja iz filozofije logičkog pozitivizma, modifikujući ih u pravcu humanističkog pristupa istraživanju.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The significance of logical positivism for development of political philosophy, Značaj logičkog pozitivizma za razvoj političke filozofije",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_5064"
}

Vranić, B.. (2014). The significance of logical positivism for development of political philosophy. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_5064

Vranić B. The significance of logical positivism for development of political philosophy. 2014;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_5064 .

Vranić, Bojan, "The significance of logical positivism for development of political philosophy" (2014),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_5064 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Danković-Stepanović, Sanja
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/439
AB  - The subject of this paper is the analysis of the legal relationship of business concentration, dominant market position and its abuse, which indicates a violation of effective competition. Special attention is dedicated to the institute of conditional concentration, especially when giving permission for its implementation after the acceptance of the proposal of special conditions and measures that participants in the transaction are willing to undertake, and when Commission for Protection of Competition considers them as appropriate for the prevention of the risk of distortion of competition caused by the implemented concentration. The concentration of economic entities in a particular market is not prohibited - on the contrary, the assumption of the prevalence of positive business, compared to negative business effects is positive, in the field of distortion of market balance. Furthermore, the creation of a dominant position via concentration is not inadmissible, even in the case when its sole objective is the abuse of the market power that is the restriction of effective competition. Concentration will enter into the field of the legal regime of prohibition only if the abuse of a dominant position is committed by it. Therefore, unlike the restrictive agreement, as another form of violation of competition, which is familiar with the subjective-objective concept of prohibition, in the sense that the agreement is null and void if it, as a purpose or effect, has a significant distortion of competition - in the case of the abuse of a dominant position, the legal model of objective or effective or consequential prohibition is in force. The conclusion of this paper implies that there is a substantial and functional legal connection between the conditional approval of the concentration and the dominant position in the market, in the sense that the institution of conditional concentration also represents a matter of preventive supervision over business activities of market participant who has a dominant position - consequently making it possible to prevent its abuse, which would indicate a violation of effective competition. On the other hand, research results indicate the great importance, in terms of preventive and rational action, of the legal model which interrupts the examination of infringement procedure due to the acceptance of the proposal of obligation on the side of parties in order to eliminate possible violations of competition, with the conclusion that there is a significantly broader scope of application in cases of abuse of a dominant position in relation to restrictive, and especially horizontal agreements - representing, since 2013 when it was introduced in the domestic legislative environment, the current most important institute in the area of domestic competition law reform.
AB  - Ovaj rad ima za predmet analizu pravnog odnosa poslovne koncentracije, dominantnog tržišnog položaja i njegove zloupotrebe, koja označava povredu efektivne konkurencije. Posebna pažnja povećena je institutu uslovne koncentracije, kada se daje saglasnost za njeno sprovođenje nakon što je prihvaćen predlog posebnih uslova i mera koje su učesnici transakcije spremni da preduzmu, a Komisija za zaštitu konkurencije ih smatra adekvatnim za predupređenje opasnosti narušavanja konkurencije usled sprovedene koncentracije. Koncentracija privrednih subjekata na određenom tržištu nije zabranjena - naprotiv, pozitivna je pretpostavka prevalentnosti pozitivnih poslovnih, u odnosu na negativne efekte u domenu narušavanja tržišnog balansa. Nije nedopušteno ni stvaranje dominantnog položaja koncentracijom, čak i u situaciji kada je njen isključivi cilj bila zloupotreba tržišne moći, odnosno ograničavanje efektivne konkurencije. Koncentracija će ući na teren pravnog režima zabrane samo ukoliko se njom objektivno izvrši zloupotreba dominantnog položaja. Dakle, za razliku od restriktivnih sporazuma kao drugog oblika povrede konkurencije, koji poznaju subjektivno-objektivni koncept zabrane, u smislu da je ništav dogovor koji za cilj ili posledicu ima značajno narušavanje konkurencije - kod zloupotrebe dominantnog položaja na snazi je pravni model objektivne, odnosno efektivne, odnosno posledične zabrane. Zaključak rada je da postoji supstancijalna i funkcionalna pravna veza između uslovnog odobrenja koncentracije i dominantnog položaja na tržištu, u smislu da se institut uslovne koncentracije istovremeno javlja i kao način preventivnog nadzora nad poslovanjem tržišnog učesnika koji ima dominantnu poziciju - konsekventno omogućavajući da se predupredi njena zloupotreba koja bi značila povredu efektivne konkurencije. Rezultat istraživanja ukazuje, sa druge strane, na veliki značaj koji u smislu preventivnog delovanja, ali i racionalnog postupanja, ima pravni model prekida postupka ispitivanja povrede konkurencije usled prihvatanja predloga obaveza stranke radi otklanjanja mogućih povreda konkurencije, uz zaključak da postoji značajno širi domen primene u slučajevima zloupotrebe dominantnog položaja u odnosu na restriktivne, a posebno horizontalne sporazume - predstavljajući, od 2013 godine kada je uveden u domaći legislativni ambijent, aktuelno najznačajniji institut u domenu reforme domaćeg prava konkurencije.
PB  - Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Pravo i privreda
T1  - Reform of the notion of the abuse of dominant market position by market participant
T1  - Reforma koncepta (zloupotrebe) dominantnog položaja tržišnog učesnika
EP  - 522
IS  - 4-6
SP  - 506
VL  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_439
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Danković-Stepanović, Sanja",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The subject of this paper is the analysis of the legal relationship of business concentration, dominant market position and its abuse, which indicates a violation of effective competition. Special attention is dedicated to the institute of conditional concentration, especially when giving permission for its implementation after the acceptance of the proposal of special conditions and measures that participants in the transaction are willing to undertake, and when Commission for Protection of Competition considers them as appropriate for the prevention of the risk of distortion of competition caused by the implemented concentration. The concentration of economic entities in a particular market is not prohibited - on the contrary, the assumption of the prevalence of positive business, compared to negative business effects is positive, in the field of distortion of market balance. Furthermore, the creation of a dominant position via concentration is not inadmissible, even in the case when its sole objective is the abuse of the market power that is the restriction of effective competition. Concentration will enter into the field of the legal regime of prohibition only if the abuse of a dominant position is committed by it. Therefore, unlike the restrictive agreement, as another form of violation of competition, which is familiar with the subjective-objective concept of prohibition, in the sense that the agreement is null and void if it, as a purpose or effect, has a significant distortion of competition - in the case of the abuse of a dominant position, the legal model of objective or effective or consequential prohibition is in force. The conclusion of this paper implies that there is a substantial and functional legal connection between the conditional approval of the concentration and the dominant position in the market, in the sense that the institution of conditional concentration also represents a matter of preventive supervision over business activities of market participant who has a dominant position - consequently making it possible to prevent its abuse, which would indicate a violation of effective competition. On the other hand, research results indicate the great importance, in terms of preventive and rational action, of the legal model which interrupts the examination of infringement procedure due to the acceptance of the proposal of obligation on the side of parties in order to eliminate possible violations of competition, with the conclusion that there is a significantly broader scope of application in cases of abuse of a dominant position in relation to restrictive, and especially horizontal agreements - representing, since 2013 when it was introduced in the domestic legislative environment, the current most important institute in the area of domestic competition law reform., Ovaj rad ima za predmet analizu pravnog odnosa poslovne koncentracije, dominantnog tržišnog položaja i njegove zloupotrebe, koja označava povredu efektivne konkurencije. Posebna pažnja povećena je institutu uslovne koncentracije, kada se daje saglasnost za njeno sprovođenje nakon što je prihvaćen predlog posebnih uslova i mera koje su učesnici transakcije spremni da preduzmu, a Komisija za zaštitu konkurencije ih smatra adekvatnim za predupređenje opasnosti narušavanja konkurencije usled sprovedene koncentracije. Koncentracija privrednih subjekata na određenom tržištu nije zabranjena - naprotiv, pozitivna je pretpostavka prevalentnosti pozitivnih poslovnih, u odnosu na negativne efekte u domenu narušavanja tržišnog balansa. Nije nedopušteno ni stvaranje dominantnog položaja koncentracijom, čak i u situaciji kada je njen isključivi cilj bila zloupotreba tržišne moći, odnosno ograničavanje efektivne konkurencije. Koncentracija će ući na teren pravnog režima zabrane samo ukoliko se njom objektivno izvrši zloupotreba dominantnog položaja. Dakle, za razliku od restriktivnih sporazuma kao drugog oblika povrede konkurencije, koji poznaju subjektivno-objektivni koncept zabrane, u smislu da je ništav dogovor koji za cilj ili posledicu ima značajno narušavanje konkurencije - kod zloupotrebe dominantnog položaja na snazi je pravni model objektivne, odnosno efektivne, odnosno posledične zabrane. Zaključak rada je da postoji supstancijalna i funkcionalna pravna veza između uslovnog odobrenja koncentracije i dominantnog položaja na tržištu, u smislu da se institut uslovne koncentracije istovremeno javlja i kao način preventivnog nadzora nad poslovanjem tržišnog učesnika koji ima dominantnu poziciju - konsekventno omogućavajući da se predupredi njena zloupotreba koja bi značila povredu efektivne konkurencije. Rezultat istraživanja ukazuje, sa druge strane, na veliki značaj koji u smislu preventivnog delovanja, ali i racionalnog postupanja, ima pravni model prekida postupka ispitivanja povrede konkurencije usled prihvatanja predloga obaveza stranke radi otklanjanja mogućih povreda konkurencije, uz zaključak da postoji značajno širi domen primene u slučajevima zloupotrebe dominantnog položaja u odnosu na restriktivne, a posebno horizontalne sporazume - predstavljajući, od 2013 godine kada je uveden u domaći legislativni ambijent, aktuelno najznačajniji institut u domenu reforme domaćeg prava konkurencije.",
publisher = "Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Pravo i privreda",
title = "Reform of the notion of the abuse of dominant market position by market participant, Reforma koncepta (zloupotrebe) dominantnog položaja tržišnog učesnika",
pages = "522-506",
number = "4-6",
volume = "52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_439"
}

Danković-Stepanović, S.. (2014). Reform of the notion of the abuse of dominant market position by market participant. in Pravo i privreda
Udruženje pravnika u privredi Srbije, Beograd., 52(4-6), 506-522.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_439

Danković-Stepanović S. Reform of the notion of the abuse of dominant market position by market participant. in Pravo i privreda. 2014;52(4-6):506-522.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_439 .

Danković-Stepanović, Sanja, "Reform of the notion of the abuse of dominant market position by market participant" in Pravo i privreda, 52, no. 4-6 (2014):506-522,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_439 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/452
AB  - The paper shows that sustained popular protest is a recurrent feature in many authoritarian regimes and that a regime type strongly shapes its characteristics. Popular protest often leads to important changes in the personal composition and policies of elites, which considerably affect the structure and operation of authoritarian regimes, and at times produce regime change. Evidence is provided from authoritarianism in Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the fall of communism, and from competitive authoritarian regimes in post-communist Serbia and Ukraine, which were repeatedly undermined by protest waves and brought to an end by pressure from below'.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
T1  - Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states
EP  - 157
IS  - 2
SP  - 139
VL  - 14
DO  - 10.1080/14683857.2014.901725
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The paper shows that sustained popular protest is a recurrent feature in many authoritarian regimes and that a regime type strongly shapes its characteristics. Popular protest often leads to important changes in the personal composition and policies of elites, which considerably affect the structure and operation of authoritarian regimes, and at times produce regime change. Evidence is provided from authoritarianism in Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the fall of communism, and from competitive authoritarian regimes in post-communist Serbia and Ukraine, which were repeatedly undermined by protest waves and brought to an end by pressure from below'.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Southeast European and Black Sea Studies",
title = "Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states",
pages = "157-139",
number = "2",
volume = "14",
doi = "10.1080/14683857.2014.901725"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2014). Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 14(2), 139-157.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.901725

Vladisavljević N. Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 2014;14(2):139-157.
doi:10.1080/14683857.2014.901725 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Popular protest in authoritarian regimes: evidence from communist and post-communist states" in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 14, no. 2 (2014):139-157,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.901725 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Beljinac, Nikola
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/363
AB  - The paper researches the influences which consociational democracy institutions have on the processes of pacification and democratization in post conflict societies. The introductory part identifies two approaches to studying consociational democracy: the first, which recommends consociational democracy as a desirable democratic model for deeply divided societies, and the second, which sees consociation exclusively as a successful mechanism for managing conflicts without high democratic potentials. Both approaches are examined in the example of post conflict societies. There is an opinion that the basic function of consociational institutions in post conflict societies is to prevent the reoccurrence of violence, and not the development of democracy.
AB  - Tekst se bavi istraživanjem uticaja koji institucije konsocijativne demokratije imaju na procese pacifikacije i demokratizacije u post-konfliktnim društvima. U uvodnom delu identifikuju se dva pristupa u izučavanju konsocijativne demokratije: prvi, koji konsocijativnu demokratiju preporučuje kao poželjan demokratski model za duboko podeljena društava i drugi koji konsocijaciju posmatra isključivo kao uspešan mehanizam upravljanja konfliktima bez visokih demokratskih potencijala. Oba stanovišta se potom ispituju na primeru post-konfliktnih društava. Zastupa se teza da je osnovna funkcija konsocijativnih institucija u post-konfliktnim društvima sprečavanje obnove nasilja, a ne izgradnja demokratije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politeia
T1  - Consociational democracy in post conflict societies
T1  - Konsocijativna demokratija u postkonfliktnim društvima
EP  - 208
IS  - 3
SP  - 199
VL  - 2
DO  - 10.5937/pol1203199B
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Beljinac, Nikola",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The paper researches the influences which consociational democracy institutions have on the processes of pacification and democratization in post conflict societies. The introductory part identifies two approaches to studying consociational democracy: the first, which recommends consociational democracy as a desirable democratic model for deeply divided societies, and the second, which sees consociation exclusively as a successful mechanism for managing conflicts without high democratic potentials. Both approaches are examined in the example of post conflict societies. There is an opinion that the basic function of consociational institutions in post conflict societies is to prevent the reoccurrence of violence, and not the development of democracy., Tekst se bavi istraživanjem uticaja koji institucije konsocijativne demokratije imaju na procese pacifikacije i demokratizacije u post-konfliktnim društvima. U uvodnom delu identifikuju se dva pristupa u izučavanju konsocijativne demokratije: prvi, koji konsocijativnu demokratiju preporučuje kao poželjan demokratski model za duboko podeljena društava i drugi koji konsocijaciju posmatra isključivo kao uspešan mehanizam upravljanja konfliktima bez visokih demokratskih potencijala. Oba stanovišta se potom ispituju na primeru post-konfliktnih društava. Zastupa se teza da je osnovna funkcija konsocijativnih institucija u post-konfliktnim društvima sprečavanje obnove nasilja, a ne izgradnja demokratije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politeia",
title = "Consociational democracy in post conflict societies, Konsocijativna demokratija u postkonfliktnim društvima",
pages = "208-199",
number = "3",
volume = "2",
doi = "10.5937/pol1203199B"
}

Beljinac, N.. (2012). Consociational democracy in post conflict societies. in Politeia
Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 2(3), 199-208.
https://doi.org/10.5937/pol1203199B

Beljinac N. Consociational democracy in post conflict societies. in Politeia. 2012;2(3):199-208.
doi:10.5937/pol1203199B .

Beljinac, Nikola, "Consociational democracy in post conflict societies" in Politeia, 2, no. 3 (2012):199-208,
https://doi.org/10.5937/pol1203199B . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vranić, Bojan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/369
AB  - To what extent is the New institutionalism capable of explaining why implementations of public policies in political institutions may engender resistance? The author believes that political institutions are endogenous and not exogenous entities. The author first tries to demonstrate what constitutes the autonomy of a political institution by recognizing the elements of a specific political culture which becomes source of formation of political identities to political actors. Subsequently, the author examines the assumption that a political institution and actors are not tolerant to public policies authoritatively imposed from the exterior. The result of this collision is the resistance of a political institution. In the end, the author analyzes certain possible forms of resistance and their effect on preventing the implementation of public policy.
AB  - Kolike su mogućnosti novog institucionalizma da objasni zbog čega se u političkim institucijama pri implementaciji javnih politika mogujaviti otpori? Autor polazi od pretpostavke da su političke institucije endogeni, a ne egzogeni entiteti. Najpre, autor pokušava da pokaže u čemu se sastoji autonomija političke institucije, prepoznajući elemente specifične političke kulture koja političkim akterima postaje izvor formiranja političkih identiteta. Zatim, autor ispituje pretpostavku da politička institucija i akteri ne trpe javne politike koje su autoritativno nametnute spolja. Rezultat ove kolizije je otpor političke institucije. Na kraju, autor analizira neke od mogućih formi otpora i njihov učinak u sprečavanju realizacije javne politike.
PB  - Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Politeia
T1  - Are political institutions resistant to changes?
T1  - Da li su političke institucije otporne na promene?
EP  - 256
IS  - 4
SP  - 247
VL  - 2
DO  - 10.5937/pol1204247V
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vranić, Bojan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "To what extent is the New institutionalism capable of explaining why implementations of public policies in political institutions may engender resistance? The author believes that political institutions are endogenous and not exogenous entities. The author first tries to demonstrate what constitutes the autonomy of a political institution by recognizing the elements of a specific political culture which becomes source of formation of political identities to political actors. Subsequently, the author examines the assumption that a political institution and actors are not tolerant to public policies authoritatively imposed from the exterior. The result of this collision is the resistance of a political institution. In the end, the author analyzes certain possible forms of resistance and their effect on preventing the implementation of public policy., Kolike su mogućnosti novog institucionalizma da objasni zbog čega se u političkim institucijama pri implementaciji javnih politika mogujaviti otpori? Autor polazi od pretpostavke da su političke institucije endogeni, a ne egzogeni entiteti. Najpre, autor pokušava da pokaže u čemu se sastoji autonomija političke institucije, prepoznajući elemente specifične političke kulture koja političkim akterima postaje izvor formiranja političkih identiteta. Zatim, autor ispituje pretpostavku da politička institucija i akteri ne trpe javne politike koje su autoritativno nametnute spolja. Rezultat ove kolizije je otpor političke institucije. Na kraju, autor analizira neke od mogućih formi otpora i njihov učinak u sprečavanju realizacije javne politike.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Politeia",
title = "Are political institutions resistant to changes?, Da li su političke institucije otporne na promene?",
pages = "256-247",
number = "4",
volume = "2",
doi = "10.5937/pol1204247V"
}

Vranić, B.. (2012). Are political institutions resistant to changes?. in Politeia
Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci - Fakultet političkih nauka, Banja Luka i Institut za političke studije, Beograd., 2(4), 247-256.
https://doi.org/10.5937/pol1204247V

Vranić B. Are political institutions resistant to changes?. in Politeia. 2012;2(4):247-256.
doi:10.5937/pol1204247V .

Vranić, Bojan, "Are political institutions resistant to changes?" in Politeia, 2, no. 4 (2012):247-256,
https://doi.org/10.5937/pol1204247V . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Spasojević, Dušan
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/312
AB  - This paper is addressing the dynamic aspect of political cleavages in Serbia after the fall of Milosevic regime. Our approach integrates political cleavages theories with theories on party system dynamics and explains the fundamental change in Serbian party and political scene that happened after presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008. Our argument is that these elections finally created the conditions for deepening and further development of electoral democracy in Serbia.
AB  - Predmet ovog istraživanja je dinamički aspekt političkih rascepa u Srbiji nakon pada Miloševićevog režima. Tekst integriše teorije političkih (socijalnih) rascepa sa teorijama (dinamike) partijskih sistema i objašnjava zašto je krajem prve decenije 21. veka došlo do prekompozicije unutar političke i partijske scene u Srbiji nakon predsedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora 2008. godine. U tekstu tvrdimo da su se tek nakon 2008. stvorili uslovi za produbljivanje i dalji razvoj izborne demokratije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Deblocked transition
T1  - Odblokirana tranzicija - političke podele u Srbiji nakon 2000. godine
EP  - 137
IS  - 5
SP  - 119
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Spasojević, Dušan",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper is addressing the dynamic aspect of political cleavages in Serbia after the fall of Milosevic regime. Our approach integrates political cleavages theories with theories on party system dynamics and explains the fundamental change in Serbian party and political scene that happened after presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008. Our argument is that these elections finally created the conditions for deepening and further development of electoral democracy in Serbia., Predmet ovog istraživanja je dinamički aspekt političkih rascepa u Srbiji nakon pada Miloševićevog režima. Tekst integriše teorije političkih (socijalnih) rascepa sa teorijama (dinamike) partijskih sistema i objašnjava zašto je krajem prve decenije 21. veka došlo do prekompozicije unutar političke i partijske scene u Srbiji nakon predsedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora 2008. godine. U tekstu tvrdimo da su se tek nakon 2008. stvorili uslovi za produbljivanje i dalji razvoj izborne demokratije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Deblocked transition, Odblokirana tranzicija - političke podele u Srbiji nakon 2000. godine",
pages = "137-119",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312"
}

Spasojević, D.. (2011). Deblocked transition. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 119-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312

Spasojević D. Deblocked transition. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):119-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312 .

Spasojević, Dušan, "Deblocked transition" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):119-137,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_312 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Dušan
AU  - Stanojević, Ivan N.
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/334
AB  - The paper is an extension of our study on analysis of laws regulating relations between parliament and executive body in carrying out economic, particularly fiscal policy. This time, the influence of parliament to fiscal policy is measured empirically. In difference from results of the previous study, which showed that the Assembly exercised a relatively high influence to fiscal policy, here we show that the situation in practice is opposite the Government of Serbia has large power in carrying out fiscal policy, where as the influence of the Assembly of Serbia is negligible. The influence of legislative body is measured through analysis of two (out of six) indicators - power of submission of amendment sand budget reversion.
AB  - Tekst predstavlja nastavak naše studije o analizi zakona koji uređuju odnose između parlamenta i izvršnog tela uvođenju ekonomske, pogotovo fiskalne politike. Ovoga puta uticaj parlamenta na fiskalnu politiku merimo empirijski. Za razliku od rezultata iz prethodne studije, gde se pokazalo da Skupština ima relativno veliki uticaj na fiskalnu politiku, ovde pokazujemo da je u praksi situacija obrnuta - Vlada Srbije ima veliku moć u vođenju fiskalne politike, dok Skupština Srbije ima zanemarljivi uticaj. Uticaj zakonodavnog tela merimo kroz analizu dva (od ukupno šest) indikatora-moć podnošenja amandmana i reverzija budžeta.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Political institutions and economic policy: Empirical findings
T1  - Političke institucije i ekonomska politika - empirijski nalazi
EP  - 194
IS  - 6
SP  - 177
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_334
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Dušan and Stanojević, Ivan N.",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The paper is an extension of our study on analysis of laws regulating relations between parliament and executive body in carrying out economic, particularly fiscal policy. This time, the influence of parliament to fiscal policy is measured empirically. In difference from results of the previous study, which showed that the Assembly exercised a relatively high influence to fiscal policy, here we show that the situation in practice is opposite the Government of Serbia has large power in carrying out fiscal policy, where as the influence of the Assembly of Serbia is negligible. The influence of legislative body is measured through analysis of two (out of six) indicators - power of submission of amendment sand budget reversion., Tekst predstavlja nastavak naše studije o analizi zakona koji uređuju odnose između parlamenta i izvršnog tela uvođenju ekonomske, pogotovo fiskalne politike. Ovoga puta uticaj parlamenta na fiskalnu politiku merimo empirijski. Za razliku od rezultata iz prethodne studije, gde se pokazalo da Skupština ima relativno veliki uticaj na fiskalnu politiku, ovde pokazujemo da je u praksi situacija obrnuta - Vlada Srbije ima veliku moć u vođenju fiskalne politike, dok Skupština Srbije ima zanemarljivi uticaj. Uticaj zakonodavnog tela merimo kroz analizu dva (od ukupno šest) indikatora-moć podnošenja amandmana i reverzija budžeta.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Political institutions and economic policy: Empirical findings, Političke institucije i ekonomska politika - empirijski nalazi",
pages = "194-177",
number = "6",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_334"
}

Pavlović, D.,& Stanojević, I. N.. (2011). Political institutions and economic policy: Empirical findings. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(6), 177-194.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_334

Pavlović D, Stanojević IN. Political institutions and economic policy: Empirical findings. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(6):177-194.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_334 .

Pavlović, Dušan, Stanojević, Ivan N., "Political institutions and economic policy: Empirical findings" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 6 (2011):177-194,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_334 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/331
AB  - This paper deals with the coherence of the tripartite criterion that makes the representative government the best form of government in John Stuart Mill's political philosophy. The first part of the paper presents the tripartite criterion for distinguishing Mill's optimal form of government: progressiveness, utility - maximising rule and good institutions. The second and the third part of the paper examine some of the possible tensions between these three elements, as well as certain problems that might arise in their practical application. Finally, this paper offers an interpretation that, by taking Mill's anthropology and psychology into account, aims (1) to resolve the internal tensions that might appear to exist between the three features of Mill's account of representative government and (2) to solve some of the more practical concerns related to their implementation.
AB  - Ovaj se rad bavi usklađenošću kriterijuma koji čine predstavničku vladu najpoželjnijim oblikom vladavine u političkoj filozofiji Džona Stjuarta Mila. U prvom delu rada predstavljene su tri osnovne odlike Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine. Za Mila, to su: posvećenost napretku, vladavina u skladu sa korisnošću i dobro uređene ustanove. U drugom i trećem delu rada ispitane su napetosti između ova tri kriterijuma, kao i problemi koji mogu nastati njihovom praktičnom primenom. Predstavljeno je tumačenje koje, uzimajući u obzir Milovu antropološku i psihološku teoriju, nudi jedan od načina na koji se neke od napetosti između elemenata Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine mogu prevazići.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill
T1  - Predstavnička vlada kao najbolji oblik vladavine u delu Dž. S. Mila
EP  - 249
IS  - 6
SP  - 237
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper deals with the coherence of the tripartite criterion that makes the representative government the best form of government in John Stuart Mill's political philosophy. The first part of the paper presents the tripartite criterion for distinguishing Mill's optimal form of government: progressiveness, utility - maximising rule and good institutions. The second and the third part of the paper examine some of the possible tensions between these three elements, as well as certain problems that might arise in their practical application. Finally, this paper offers an interpretation that, by taking Mill's anthropology and psychology into account, aims (1) to resolve the internal tensions that might appear to exist between the three features of Mill's account of representative government and (2) to solve some of the more practical concerns related to their implementation., Ovaj se rad bavi usklađenošću kriterijuma koji čine predstavničku vladu najpoželjnijim oblikom vladavine u političkoj filozofiji Džona Stjuarta Mila. U prvom delu rada predstavljene su tri osnovne odlike Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine. Za Mila, to su: posvećenost napretku, vladavina u skladu sa korisnošću i dobro uređene ustanove. U drugom i trećem delu rada ispitane su napetosti između ova tri kriterijuma, kao i problemi koji mogu nastati njihovom praktičnom primenom. Predstavljeno je tumačenje koje, uzimajući u obzir Milovu antropološku i psihološku teoriju, nudi jedan od načina na koji se neke od napetosti između elemenata Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine mogu prevazići.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill, Predstavnička vlada kao najbolji oblik vladavine u delu Dž. S. Mila",
pages = "249-237",
number = "6",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331"
}

Simendić, M.. (2011). Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(6), 237-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331

Simendić M. Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(6):237-249.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331 .

Simendić, Marko, "Representative government as the best form of government in J. S. Mill" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 6 (2011):237-249,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_331 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavićević, Đorđe
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/294
AB  - The text analysis the history of the critical theory of society of the Frankfurt philosophy school. The history of the original project is observed through three phases. The first is the phase of the project formulation and interdisciplinary implementation of the fundamental ideas. The second phase pertains to the reformulation of this project after the World War Two when the critical theory digressed to pessimism and messianism. The third phase considers 'the second generation' of theoreticians, primarily Apel and Habermas, who attempted to fasten the normative bases of the critical theory. The thesis here is that the critical theory never managed to connect the fundamental levels of analysis formulated already in the original project. This is about the cognitive-theoretic conditions and about the linking of the formal conditions of rationality with the reconstruction of various forms of social practice.
AB  - U tekstu se analizira istorijat kritičke teorije frankfurtskog kruga mislilaca. Istorijat prvobitnog projekta se prati kroz tri faze. Prva je faza formulacije projekta i interdisciplinarnog sprovođenja osnovnih ideja. Druga faza je reformulacija ovog projekta nakon Drugog svetskog rata kada je kritička teorija 'skrenula' u pesimizam i mesijanstvo. U trećoj fazi se razmatra 'druga generacija' teoretičara, pre svega Apel i Habermas, koji su pokušali da učvrste normativne osnove kritičke teorije. Teza koja se zastupa jeste da kritička teorija nikada nije uspela da poveže osnovne nivoe analize formulisana još u prvobitnom projektu. Radi se o saznajno-teorijskom uslovima važenja sa jedne i povezivanju formalnih uslova racionalnosti sa rekonstrukcijom različitih oblika društvene prakse.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school
T1  - Kritička teorija društva Frankfurtske škole
EP  - 66
IS  - 5
SP  - 49
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavićević, Đorđe",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The text analysis the history of the critical theory of society of the Frankfurt philosophy school. The history of the original project is observed through three phases. The first is the phase of the project formulation and interdisciplinary implementation of the fundamental ideas. The second phase pertains to the reformulation of this project after the World War Two when the critical theory digressed to pessimism and messianism. The third phase considers 'the second generation' of theoreticians, primarily Apel and Habermas, who attempted to fasten the normative bases of the critical theory. The thesis here is that the critical theory never managed to connect the fundamental levels of analysis formulated already in the original project. This is about the cognitive-theoretic conditions and about the linking of the formal conditions of rationality with the reconstruction of various forms of social practice., U tekstu se analizira istorijat kritičke teorije frankfurtskog kruga mislilaca. Istorijat prvobitnog projekta se prati kroz tri faze. Prva je faza formulacije projekta i interdisciplinarnog sprovođenja osnovnih ideja. Druga faza je reformulacija ovog projekta nakon Drugog svetskog rata kada je kritička teorija 'skrenula' u pesimizam i mesijanstvo. U trećoj fazi se razmatra 'druga generacija' teoretičara, pre svega Apel i Habermas, koji su pokušali da učvrste normativne osnove kritičke teorije. Teza koja se zastupa jeste da kritička teorija nikada nije uspela da poveže osnovne nivoe analize formulisana još u prvobitnom projektu. Radi se o saznajno-teorijskom uslovima važenja sa jedne i povezivanju formalnih uslova racionalnosti sa rekonstrukcijom različitih oblika društvene prakse.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school, Kritička teorija društva Frankfurtske škole",
pages = "66-49",
number = "5",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294"
}

Pavićević, Đ.. (2011). Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(5), 49-66.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294

Pavićević Đ. Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(5):49-66.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294 .

Pavićević, Đorđe, "Critical theory of society of the Frankfurt school" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 5 (2011):49-66,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_294 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/947
PB  - Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd
T2  - Javne politike Srbije
T1  - Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas
EP  - 19
SP  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2011",
publisher = "Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd",
journal = "Javne politike Srbije",
booktitle = "Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas",
pages = "19-13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2011). Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas. in Javne politike Srbije
Fondacija Heinrich Böll, Regionalna kancelarija za Jugoistočnu Evropu u Beogradu : Beograd., 13-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947

Vladisavljević N. Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas. in Javne politike Srbije. 2011;:13-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Demokratija i polupredsednički sistem u Srbiji danas" in Javne politike Srbije (2011):13-19,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_947 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Beljinac, Nikola
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/332
AB  - The text considers a possible direction of reconciliation of cultural pluralism, on one hand, and imperative of social unity and democratic legitimacy, on the other. The theory of constitutional patriotism is in the centre of this normative solution. The first part of the paper is devoted to positioning of the concept of patriotism within contemporary political theory. Later on, the author confronts the best known theories of constitutional patriotism with demands of policy of recognition. In the final chapter, the author supports the thesis that the concept of constitutional patriotism, in relation to competitive strategies of liberal proceduralism and liberal nationalism, is a more appropriate model of political integration in multicultural societies.
AB  - U tekstu se razmatra jedan mogući pravac pomirenja kulturnog pluralizma, s jedne, i imperativa društvenog jedinstva i demokratske legitimnosti, s druge strane. Teorija ustavnog patriotizma se nalazi u središtu ove normativne solucije. Prvi deo rada posvećen je pozicioniranju koncepta patriotizma unutar savremene političke teorije. U nastavku rada, autor suočava najpoznatije teorije ustavnog patriotizma sa zahtevima politike priznanja. U zaključnom poglavlju, autor zastupa tezu da koncept ustavnog patriotizma, u odnosu na konkurirajuće strategije liberalnog proceduralizma i liberalnog nacionalizma, predstavlja primereniji model političke integracije u multikulturnim društvima.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Is constitutional patriotism possible in multicultural societies?
T1  - Da li je ustavni patriotizam moguć u multikulturnim društvima?
EP  - 236
IS  - 6
SP  - 225
VL  - 5
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_332
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Beljinac, Nikola",
year = "2011",
abstract = "The text considers a possible direction of reconciliation of cultural pluralism, on one hand, and imperative of social unity and democratic legitimacy, on the other. The theory of constitutional patriotism is in the centre of this normative solution. The first part of the paper is devoted to positioning of the concept of patriotism within contemporary political theory. Later on, the author confronts the best known theories of constitutional patriotism with demands of policy of recognition. In the final chapter, the author supports the thesis that the concept of constitutional patriotism, in relation to competitive strategies of liberal proceduralism and liberal nationalism, is a more appropriate model of political integration in multicultural societies., U tekstu se razmatra jedan mogući pravac pomirenja kulturnog pluralizma, s jedne, i imperativa društvenog jedinstva i demokratske legitimnosti, s druge strane. Teorija ustavnog patriotizma se nalazi u središtu ove normativne solucije. Prvi deo rada posvećen je pozicioniranju koncepta patriotizma unutar savremene političke teorije. U nastavku rada, autor suočava najpoznatije teorije ustavnog patriotizma sa zahtevima politike priznanja. U zaključnom poglavlju, autor zastupa tezu da koncept ustavnog patriotizma, u odnosu na konkurirajuće strategije liberalnog proceduralizma i liberalnog nacionalizma, predstavlja primereniji model političke integracije u multikulturnim društvima.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Is constitutional patriotism possible in multicultural societies?, Da li je ustavni patriotizam moguć u multikulturnim društvima?",
pages = "236-225",
number = "6",
volume = "5",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_332"
}

Beljinac, N.. (2011). Is constitutional patriotism possible in multicultural societies?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 5(6), 225-236.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_332

Beljinac N. Is constitutional patriotism possible in multicultural societies?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2011;5(6):225-236.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_332 .

Beljinac, Nikola, "Is constitutional patriotism possible in multicultural societies?" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 5, no. 6 (2011):225-236,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_332 .