TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/899
AB  - Many analysts expected a radical change in President Joseph Biden’s foreign policy compared to the foreign policy of previous President Donald Trump. A year after his electoral victory, opinions about how much Biden actually changed in the US foreign policy vary from those who see it as a revolutionary change to those who perceive it as a difference only in tone and continuity in the majority of crucial policy aspects. This paper aims to contribute to this debate by addressing the issues of continuity and changes in the new administration foreign policy towards the Western Balkans. Although many expected that Biden’s policy to the region would be much more similar to President Barrack Obama’s or even President Bill Clinton’s approach, this paper claims that the new administration has a lot in common with the course of the previous President Donald Trump. There are also some changes and modifications, but they seem to be less crucial than the elements of continuity that exist between Biden’s and Trump’s administrations’ foreign policy towards this region. The paper also addresses the causes of this continuity and claims that the main reason for that are structural factors on the level of the international system. However, some reasons for the continuity are also on the state (internal) and individual levels of analysis.
AB  - Mnogi analitičari očekivali su radikalnu promenu u spolj-
noj politici predsednika Džozefa Bajdena, posebno u poređenju sa
prethodnim predsednikom Donaldom Trampom. Godinu dana nakon
izborne pobede, mišljenja o tome koliko je Bajden zaista prome-
nio spoljnu politiku SAD su podeljena i variraju od onih koji
vide revolucionarnu promenu do onih koji vide samo razliku u
tonu u većini ključnih aspekata. Ovaj rad nastoji da doprinese
debati kroz analizu kontinuiteta i promene u spoljnoj politi-
ci nove administracije prema regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Iako su
mnogi očekivali da Bajdenova politika bude sličnija pristupima
predsednika Baraka Obame ili čak Bila Klintona, ovaj rad argu-
mentuje da nova administracija zadržava značajan deo zajedničkog
kursa sa Trampovom. Međutim, primetne su i određene promene
i modifikacije, ali čini se da one nisu važnije od elemenata
kontinuiteta koji postoje između odnosa dve administracije pre-
ma regionu. Rad se takođe obraća uzrocima ovakvog kontinuiteta
i tvrdi da glavni razlog za to leži u strukturalnim faktorima
na nivou međunarodnog sistema. Ostali razlozi se mogu naći na
državnom (unutrašnjem nivou), kao i na individualnom nivou
analize
PB  - Institut za političke studije : Beograd
T2  - Politika nacionalne bezbednosti
T1  - Continuity and changes in the us foreign policy towards the Western Balkans during the first year of Biden’s presidency: third Obama’s or second Trump’s term?
T1  - Kontinuitet i promene spoljne politike SAD prema Zapadnom Balkanu za vreme prve godine Bajdenove administracije: trećI Obamin ili drugi Trampov mandat?
EP  - 200
IS  - 2
SP  - 175
VL  - 21
DO  - 10.22182/pnb.2122021.9
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Many analysts expected a radical change in President Joseph Biden’s foreign policy compared to the foreign policy of previous President Donald Trump. A year after his electoral victory, opinions about how much Biden actually changed in the US foreign policy vary from those who see it as a revolutionary change to those who perceive it as a difference only in tone and continuity in the majority of crucial policy aspects. This paper aims to contribute to this debate by addressing the issues of continuity and changes in the new administration foreign policy towards the Western Balkans. Although many expected that Biden’s policy to the region would be much more similar to President Barrack Obama’s or even President Bill Clinton’s approach, this paper claims that the new administration has a lot in common with the course of the previous President Donald Trump. There are also some changes and modifications, but they seem to be less crucial than the elements of continuity that exist between Biden’s and Trump’s administrations’ foreign policy towards this region. The paper also addresses the causes of this continuity and claims that the main reason for that are structural factors on the level of the international system. However, some reasons for the continuity are also on the state (internal) and individual levels of analysis., Mnogi analitičari očekivali su radikalnu promenu u spolj-
noj politici predsednika Džozefa Bajdena, posebno u poređenju sa
prethodnim predsednikom Donaldom Trampom. Godinu dana nakon
izborne pobede, mišljenja o tome koliko je Bajden zaista prome-
nio spoljnu politiku SAD su podeljena i variraju od onih koji
vide revolucionarnu promenu do onih koji vide samo razliku u
tonu u većini ključnih aspekata. Ovaj rad nastoji da doprinese
debati kroz analizu kontinuiteta i promene u spoljnoj politi-
ci nove administracije prema regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Iako su
mnogi očekivali da Bajdenova politika bude sličnija pristupima
predsednika Baraka Obame ili čak Bila Klintona, ovaj rad argu-
mentuje da nova administracija zadržava značajan deo zajedničkog
kursa sa Trampovom. Međutim, primetne su i određene promene
i modifikacije, ali čini se da one nisu važnije od elemenata
kontinuiteta koji postoje između odnosa dve administracije pre-
ma regionu. Rad se takođe obraća uzrocima ovakvog kontinuiteta
i tvrdi da glavni razlog za to leži u strukturalnim faktorima
na nivou međunarodnog sistema. Ostali razlozi se mogu naći na
državnom (unutrašnjem nivou), kao i na individualnom nivou
analize",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije : Beograd",
journal = "Politika nacionalne bezbednosti",
title = "Continuity and changes in the us foreign policy towards the Western Balkans during the first year of Biden’s presidency: third Obama’s or second Trump’s term?, Kontinuitet i promene spoljne politike SAD prema Zapadnom Balkanu za vreme prve godine Bajdenove administracije: trećI Obamin ili drugi Trampov mandat?",
pages = "200-175",
number = "2",
volume = "21",
doi = "10.22182/pnb.2122021.9"
}

Krstić, M.. (2022). Continuity and changes in the us foreign policy towards the Western Balkans during the first year of Biden’s presidency: third Obama’s or second Trump’s term?. in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti
Institut za političke studije : Beograd., 21(2), 175-200.
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2122021.9

Krstić M. Continuity and changes in the us foreign policy towards the Western Balkans during the first year of Biden’s presidency: third Obama’s or second Trump’s term?. in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti. 2022;21(2):175-200.
doi:10.22182/pnb.2122021.9 .

Krstić, Milan, "Continuity and changes in the us foreign policy towards the Western Balkans during the first year of Biden’s presidency: third Obama’s or second Trump’s term?" in Politika nacionalne bezbednosti, 21, no. 2 (2022):175-200,
https://doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2122021.9 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Krstić, Milan M.
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/892
AB  - This chapter examines the conceptual relation between the processes of Europeanization and (de)stigmatization of states in the Western Balkan context. Europeanization and destigmatization are usually considered to be linear and complementary. However, the Serbian case, which is paradigmatic for the Europeanization of the whole Western Balkans, presents a puzzling exception in terms of the links between Europeanization and (de)stigmatization. Since 2015, Serbia has managed to achieve important successes in destigmatization, despite a lack of substantial progress in Europeanization. The main argument of this chapter is that progress on the EU-road (so-called EU-ization) does not necessarily correspond to Europeanization and Westernization and that there were serious gaps between these concepts from 2015 to 2020. This made it possible for Serbia to retain the image of a country which is Europeanizing and Westernizing, without making substantial progress towards the EU. The EU enlargement’s credibility crisis contributed to a situation in which it was possible for Serbia to make progress in destigmatization without substantial Europeanization. However, some amount of EU-ization – or at least its simulation – remained necessary for the successful destigmatization of Serbia in this period. The evolution of the Serbian case has a significant impact on the whole Western Balkans.
PB  - Nomos Verlag : Frankfurt
T2  - The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World
T1  - The Conceptual Relations between Europeanization and Destigmatization: Regional Challenges Shown through the Case of Serbia
EP  - 183
SP  - 153
DO  - 10.5771/9783748911081
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Krstić, Milan M.",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This chapter examines the conceptual relation between the processes of Europeanization and (de)stigmatization of states in the Western Balkan context. Europeanization and destigmatization are usually considered to be linear and complementary. However, the Serbian case, which is paradigmatic for the Europeanization of the whole Western Balkans, presents a puzzling exception in terms of the links between Europeanization and (de)stigmatization. Since 2015, Serbia has managed to achieve important successes in destigmatization, despite a lack of substantial progress in Europeanization. The main argument of this chapter is that progress on the EU-road (so-called EU-ization) does not necessarily correspond to Europeanization and Westernization and that there were serious gaps between these concepts from 2015 to 2020. This made it possible for Serbia to retain the image of a country which is Europeanizing and Westernizing, without making substantial progress towards the EU. The EU enlargement’s credibility crisis contributed to a situation in which it was possible for Serbia to make progress in destigmatization without substantial Europeanization. However, some amount of EU-ization – or at least its simulation – remained necessary for the successful destigmatization of Serbia in this period. The evolution of the Serbian case has a significant impact on the whole Western Balkans.",
publisher = "Nomos Verlag : Frankfurt",
journal = "The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World",
booktitle = "The Conceptual Relations between Europeanization and Destigmatization: Regional Challenges Shown through the Case of Serbia",
pages = "183-153",
doi = "10.5771/9783748911081"
}

Krstić, M. M.. (2022). The Conceptual Relations between Europeanization and Destigmatization: Regional Challenges Shown through the Case of Serbia. in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World
Nomos Verlag : Frankfurt., 153-183.
https://doi.org/10.5771/9783748911081

Krstić MM. The Conceptual Relations between Europeanization and Destigmatization: Regional Challenges Shown through the Case of Serbia. in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World. 2022;:153-183.
doi:10.5771/9783748911081 .

Krstić, Milan M., "The Conceptual Relations between Europeanization and Destigmatization: Regional Challenges Shown through the Case of Serbia" in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World (2022):153-183,
https://doi.org/10.5771/9783748911081 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/894
AB  - U ovom radu analiziraju se moguće pozitivne i negativne posledice izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj po odnose sa Sjedninenim Američkim Državama i transatlatnske odnose u
širem smislu. U radu se tvrdi da su razmimoilaženja oko pitanja nuklearnog oružja i potrebnih
budžetskih izdataka za NATO ključni potencijalni problemi u odnosima Berlina i Vašingtona,
nakon promene vlade u Nemačkoj i dolaska „semafor koalicije”. Sa druge strane, postoje i
potencijali koji su posledica ove promene, a koji se odnose na veće približavanje u pitanjima kao što su klimatske promene, zaštita demokratije, odnos prema Rusiji i Kini. U radu se
daje pregled na koji način partije koje čine novu vlast u Nemačkoj gledaju na ova pitanja, te
koliko je realno da ove pretnje ili perspektive budu aktivirane u transatlantskim odnosima u
narednom periodu.
AB  - This paper analyzes the possible positive and negative consequences of the elections in the
Federal Republic of Germany on relations with the United States and transatlantic relations
in a broader sense. The paper claims that disagreements over the issue of nuclear weapons
and the necessary budget expenditures for NATO are the key potential problems in relations
between Berlin and Washington, after the change of government in Germany and the arrival
of the “traffic light coalition”. On the other hand, there are also several potentials for deepen-
ing the relations between Washington and the new government in Berlin, which are related to
greater normative convergence in issues such as climate change, protection of democracy,
relations with Russia and China. The paper gives an overview of how the parties that make up
the new government in Germany view these issues, and how realistic it is that these threats
or opportunities will be activated in transatlantic relations in the coming period.
PB  - Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Uticaj nemačkih izbora na transatlantske odnose: (ne)očekivani izazovi i potencijali
T1  - The impact of the German elections on transatlantic relations: (un)expected challenges and opportunities
EP  - 35
SP  - 25
VL  - 21
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_894
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U ovom radu analiziraju se moguće pozitivne i negativne posledice izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj po odnose sa Sjedninenim Američkim Državama i transatlatnske odnose u
širem smislu. U radu se tvrdi da su razmimoilaženja oko pitanja nuklearnog oružja i potrebnih
budžetskih izdataka za NATO ključni potencijalni problemi u odnosima Berlina i Vašingtona,
nakon promene vlade u Nemačkoj i dolaska „semafor koalicije”. Sa druge strane, postoje i
potencijali koji su posledica ove promene, a koji se odnose na veće približavanje u pitanjima kao što su klimatske promene, zaštita demokratije, odnos prema Rusiji i Kini. U radu se
daje pregled na koji način partije koje čine novu vlast u Nemačkoj gledaju na ova pitanja, te
koliko je realno da ove pretnje ili perspektive budu aktivirane u transatlantskim odnosima u
narednom periodu., This paper analyzes the possible positive and negative consequences of the elections in the
Federal Republic of Germany on relations with the United States and transatlantic relations
in a broader sense. The paper claims that disagreements over the issue of nuclear weapons
and the necessary budget expenditures for NATO are the key potential problems in relations
between Berlin and Washington, after the change of government in Germany and the arrival
of the “traffic light coalition”. On the other hand, there are also several potentials for deepen-
ing the relations between Washington and the new government in Berlin, which are related to
greater normative convergence in issues such as climate change, protection of democracy,
relations with Russia and China. The paper gives an overview of how the parties that make up
the new government in Germany view these issues, and how realistic it is that these threats
or opportunities will be activated in transatlantic relations in the coming period.",
publisher = "Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Uticaj nemačkih izbora na transatlantske odnose: (ne)očekivani izazovi i potencijali, The impact of the German elections on transatlantic relations: (un)expected challenges and opportunities",
pages = "35-25",
volume = "21",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_894"
}

Krstić, M.. (2021). Uticaj nemačkih izbora na transatlantske odnose: (ne)očekivani izazovi i potencijali. in Politički život
Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd., 21, 25-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_894

Krstić M. Uticaj nemačkih izbora na transatlantske odnose: (ne)očekivani izazovi i potencijali. in Politički život. 2021;21:25-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_894 .

Krstić, Milan, "Uticaj nemačkih izbora na transatlantske odnose: (ne)očekivani izazovi i potencijali" in Politički život, 21 (2021):25-35,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_894 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/900
AB  - U ovom radu analiziraju se izvinjenja koja su zvaničnici Srbije uputili Hrvatskoj, kao i izvinjenja hrvatskih zvaničnika upućena Srbiji u prethodne dve decenije. Rad odgovora na pitanje zašto su se određeni zvaničnici Srbije i Hrvatske izvinjavali drugoj strani, kao i koliko su u tome bili uspešni kratkoročno i dugoročno. Osnovna teza ovog rada jeste da su izvinjenja upućivana prevashodno kako bi se ostvario pozitivan utisak na međunarodnu i evropsku javnost, te da su svetonazor i percepcija pojedinaca koji su bili na ključnim funkcijama imali veliki uticaj na to da do izvinjenja uopšte dođe. Takođe, u radu se tvrdi i da je delotvornost izvinjenja bila
veoma ograničena, prevashodno iz razloga što unutarpolitičke okolnosti u državama čiji su šefovi ova izvinjenja uputili nisu ostavljale utisak da su ova izvinjenja iskrena i da su data u ime čitavog društva.
AB  - This paper analyzes the apologies of Serbian officials to Croatia, as
well as the apologies of Croatian officials to Serbia in the previous
two decades. The paper explains why certain officials of Serbia and
Croatia apologized to the other side, as well as how successful they
were in that in the short and long term. The basic thesis of this paper
is that apologies were sent primarily to achieve a positive impression
on the international and European public and that the worldview and
perception of individuals who held vital positions had a significant
influence on the apology. Also, the paper claims that the apology's
effectiveness was very limited, primarily because the domestic politi-
cal circumstances in the countries whose bosses sent these apologies
did not leave the impression that these apologies were sincere and
given on behalf of the whole society.
PB  - Srpsko narodno vijeće : Zagreb
PB  - Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj : Zagreb
T2  - Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
T1  - Međusobna izvinjenja Srbije i Hrvatske: uzroci i efekti izvinjenja i razlozi njihovog ograničenog uticaja
T1  - Serbian and Croatian apologies: causes and effects of apologising and reasons for their limited influence
EP  - 173
IS  - 2
SP  - 146
VL  - 4
DO  - 10.52328/t.4.2.5.
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U ovom radu analiziraju se izvinjenja koja su zvaničnici Srbije uputili Hrvatskoj, kao i izvinjenja hrvatskih zvaničnika upućena Srbiji u prethodne dve decenije. Rad odgovora na pitanje zašto su se određeni zvaničnici Srbije i Hrvatske izvinjavali drugoj strani, kao i koliko su u tome bili uspešni kratkoročno i dugoročno. Osnovna teza ovog rada jeste da su izvinjenja upućivana prevashodno kako bi se ostvario pozitivan utisak na međunarodnu i evropsku javnost, te da su svetonazor i percepcija pojedinaca koji su bili na ključnim funkcijama imali veliki uticaj na to da do izvinjenja uopšte dođe. Takođe, u radu se tvrdi i da je delotvornost izvinjenja bila
veoma ograničena, prevashodno iz razloga što unutarpolitičke okolnosti u državama čiji su šefovi ova izvinjenja uputili nisu ostavljale utisak da su ova izvinjenja iskrena i da su data u ime čitavog društva., This paper analyzes the apologies of Serbian officials to Croatia, as
well as the apologies of Croatian officials to Serbia in the previous
two decades. The paper explains why certain officials of Serbia and
Croatia apologized to the other side, as well as how successful they
were in that in the short and long term. The basic thesis of this paper
is that apologies were sent primarily to achieve a positive impression
on the international and European public and that the worldview and
perception of individuals who held vital positions had a significant
influence on the apology. Also, the paper claims that the apology's
effectiveness was very limited, primarily because the domestic politi-
cal circumstances in the countries whose bosses sent these apologies
did not leave the impression that these apologies were sincere and
given on behalf of the whole society.",
publisher = "Srpsko narodno vijeće : Zagreb, Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj : Zagreb",
journal = "Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme",
title = "Međusobna izvinjenja Srbije i Hrvatske: uzroci i efekti izvinjenja i razlozi njihovog ograničenog uticaja, Serbian and Croatian apologies: causes and effects of apologising and reasons for their limited influence",
pages = "173-146",
number = "2",
volume = "4",
doi = "10.52328/t.4.2.5."
}

Krstić, M.. (2021). Međusobna izvinjenja Srbije i Hrvatske: uzroci i efekti izvinjenja i razlozi njihovog ograničenog uticaja. in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
Srpsko narodno vijeće : Zagreb., 4(2), 146-173.
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.4.2.5.

Krstić M. Međusobna izvinjenja Srbije i Hrvatske: uzroci i efekti izvinjenja i razlozi njihovog ograničenog uticaja. in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme. 2021;4(2):146-173.
doi:10.52328/t.4.2.5. .

Krstić, Milan, "Međusobna izvinjenja Srbije i Hrvatske: uzroci i efekti izvinjenja i razlozi njihovog ograničenog uticaja" in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme, 4, no. 2 (2021):146-173,
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.4.2.5. . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Krstić, Milan M.
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=8003
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:23388/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=23049737
UR  - https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/18164
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/831
AB  - Stigmatization of states is one of the most powerful and permanent forms of stratification in the international society. Aware that stigma disables them to enjoy equal position and treatment in the international relations as other states, stigmatized states tend to do away with this burden as quickly as possible. An important stage for destigmatization is the foreign policy towards former enemies. The main research question of this dissertation is why the states in parallel apply different and even contradictory strategies of destigmatization in their relations with former enemies. The dissertation claims that the state applies different destigmatization strategies in parallel in case it finds itself in a situation of “destigmatization dilemma”. Destigmatization dilemma is the situation in which the state fears that compromising strategies leading towards fast destigmatization at the same time reduce its security in relations with former enemies. It stems from the parallel pursuit of the fastest possible destigmatization – directing the state to use compromising strategies, and the pursuit of preserving security – directing the state to use negation strategies. The theoretical model offered in the dissertation presents a pioneer explanation of the choice of destigmatization strategies in foreign policy. Empirical verification of the model is conducted through a case study of the foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia in the period 2001 – 2018. Serbia is one of the paradigmatic cases of a state which strives towards destigmatization, applying in parallel even contradictory strategies in its relations with former enemies. The dissertation applies an interpretivist process tracing of Serbia’s foreign policy towards former enemies in the given period, with the use of discourse analysis. The empirical contribution of the dissertation is reflected in the original classification and thorough description of the foreign policy of Serbia in the 21st century.
AB  - Stigmatizacija država je jedan od najmoćnijih i najtrajnijih oblika stratifikacije u međunarodnom društvu. Svesne da ih stigma onemogućava da u međunarodnim odnosima uživaju jednak položaj i tretman kao ostale države, stigmatizovane države nastoje da se tog tereta što brže oslobode. Važna pozornica za destigmatizaciju jeste spoljna politika prema nekadašnjim neprijateljima. Glavno istraživačko pitanje ove disertacije je zašto države paralelno primenjuju različite, čak i kontradiktorne strategije destigmatizacije u odnosima prema bivšim neprijateljima. U radu se tvrdi da država primenjuje paralelno različite strategije destigmatizacije ukoliko se nađe u situaciji „destigmatizacijske dileme“. Destigmatizacijska dilema je situacija u kojoj država oseća bojazan da kompromisne strategije koje vode bržoj destigmatizaciji ujedno umanjuju njenu bezbednost u odnosima sa bivšim neprijateljima. Ona proističe iz paralelnosti težnje ka što bržoj destigmatizaciji, koja državu usmerava ka upotrebi kompromisnih strategija, i težnje ka očuvanju bezbednosti, koja državu usmerava ka upotrebi negacijskih strategija. Teorijski model ponuđen u disertaciji predstavlja pionirsko objašnjenje odabira strategija destigmatizacije u spoljnoj politici. Empirijska provera modela vrši se kroz studiju slučaja spoljne politike Republike Srbije od 2001. do 2018. godine. Srbija je jedan od paradigmatskih primera države koja teži destigmatizaciji, a koja u odnosu prema bivšim neprijateljima primenjuje paraleleno različite, pa i kontraditkorne strategije. U radu se vrši interepretativističko praćenje procesa spoljnopolitičkog delovanja Srbije prema bivšim neprijateljima u ovom periodu, uz upotrebu analize diskursa. Empirijski doprinos disertacije se ogleda u originalnoj klasifikaciji i temeljnoj deskripciji spoljne politike Srbije u 21. veku.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Strategies of destigmatation in state foreign policy: case study of the Republic of Serbia foreign policy from 2001 to 2018
T1  - Strategije destigmatizacije u spoljnoj politici država: studija slučaja spoljne politike Republike Srbije od 2001. do 2018. godine
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_18164
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Krstić, Milan M.",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Stigmatization of states is one of the most powerful and permanent forms of stratification in the international society. Aware that stigma disables them to enjoy equal position and treatment in the international relations as other states, stigmatized states tend to do away with this burden as quickly as possible. An important stage for destigmatization is the foreign policy towards former enemies. The main research question of this dissertation is why the states in parallel apply different and even contradictory strategies of destigmatization in their relations with former enemies. The dissertation claims that the state applies different destigmatization strategies in parallel in case it finds itself in a situation of “destigmatization dilemma”. Destigmatization dilemma is the situation in which the state fears that compromising strategies leading towards fast destigmatization at the same time reduce its security in relations with former enemies. It stems from the parallel pursuit of the fastest possible destigmatization – directing the state to use compromising strategies, and the pursuit of preserving security – directing the state to use negation strategies. The theoretical model offered in the dissertation presents a pioneer explanation of the choice of destigmatization strategies in foreign policy. Empirical verification of the model is conducted through a case study of the foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia in the period 2001 – 2018. Serbia is one of the paradigmatic cases of a state which strives towards destigmatization, applying in parallel even contradictory strategies in its relations with former enemies. The dissertation applies an interpretivist process tracing of Serbia’s foreign policy towards former enemies in the given period, with the use of discourse analysis. The empirical contribution of the dissertation is reflected in the original classification and thorough description of the foreign policy of Serbia in the 21st century., Stigmatizacija država je jedan od najmoćnijih i najtrajnijih oblika stratifikacije u međunarodnom društvu. Svesne da ih stigma onemogućava da u međunarodnim odnosima uživaju jednak položaj i tretman kao ostale države, stigmatizovane države nastoje da se tog tereta što brže oslobode. Važna pozornica za destigmatizaciju jeste spoljna politika prema nekadašnjim neprijateljima. Glavno istraživačko pitanje ove disertacije je zašto države paralelno primenjuju različite, čak i kontradiktorne strategije destigmatizacije u odnosima prema bivšim neprijateljima. U radu se tvrdi da država primenjuje paralelno različite strategije destigmatizacije ukoliko se nađe u situaciji „destigmatizacijske dileme“. Destigmatizacijska dilema je situacija u kojoj država oseća bojazan da kompromisne strategije koje vode bržoj destigmatizaciji ujedno umanjuju njenu bezbednost u odnosima sa bivšim neprijateljima. Ona proističe iz paralelnosti težnje ka što bržoj destigmatizaciji, koja državu usmerava ka upotrebi kompromisnih strategija, i težnje ka očuvanju bezbednosti, koja državu usmerava ka upotrebi negacijskih strategija. Teorijski model ponuđen u disertaciji predstavlja pionirsko objašnjenje odabira strategija destigmatizacije u spoljnoj politici. Empirijska provera modela vrši se kroz studiju slučaja spoljne politike Republike Srbije od 2001. do 2018. godine. Srbija je jedan od paradigmatskih primera države koja teži destigmatizaciji, a koja u odnosu prema bivšim neprijateljima primenjuje paraleleno različite, pa i kontraditkorne strategije. U radu se vrši interepretativističko praćenje procesa spoljnopolitičkog delovanja Srbije prema bivšim neprijateljima u ovom periodu, uz upotrebu analize diskursa. Empirijski doprinos disertacije se ogleda u originalnoj klasifikaciji i temeljnoj deskripciji spoljne politike Srbije u 21. veku.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Strategies of destigmatation in state foreign policy: case study of the Republic of Serbia foreign policy from 2001 to 2018, Strategije destigmatizacije u spoljnoj politici država: studija slučaja spoljne politike Republike Srbije od 2001. do 2018. godine",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_18164"
}

Krstić, M. M.. (2020). Strategies of destigmatation in state foreign policy: case study of the Republic of Serbia foreign policy from 2001 to 2018. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_18164

Krstić MM. Strategies of destigmatation in state foreign policy: case study of the Republic of Serbia foreign policy from 2001 to 2018. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_18164 .

Krstić, Milan M., "Strategies of destigmatation in state foreign policy: case study of the Republic of Serbia foreign policy from 2001 to 2018" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_18164 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/896
AB  - Istraživačko pitanje na koje ovaj rad nastoji da odgovori jeste koje su posledice rezultata
izbora u SR Nemačkoj na dinamiku transatlantskih odnosa, sa fokusom na bitnu osu saradnje
Berlin – Vašington. Glavna teza ovog rada jeste da su rezultati izbora klatno generalno pomerili
ka negativnom polu u transatlantskim odnosima. Kako bi se to dokazalo, najpre se prikazuju
rezultati izbora i vrši se klasifikacija partija u tri grupe, prema kriterijumu relativnog učinka
u odnosu na prethodne izbore iz 2013. godine, a potom se vrši analiza izbornih programa i
stavova iznetih tokom kampanje u pogledu najvažnijih aspekata transatlantskih odnosa kod
izbornih lista u sve tri pomenute grupe.
AB  - Research question of this article is what are possible effects of the German Elections results
(September 2017) on the dynamics of transatlantic relations, with the special emphasis on the
bilateral relations between Germany and USA. The main thesis of the article is that election
results are relatively more pessimistic for transatlantic cooperation in comparison to the results
from 2013. This article analyzes electoral platforms and campaign speeches of parliamentary
parties in the most relevant topics for the perspectives of transatlantic relations.
PB  - Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Uticaj izbora u Nemačkoj 2017. godine na transatlantske odnose: stižu li vetrovi promena?
T1  - The Impact of German Elections on Transatlantic Relations: A New ’Wind of Change’?
EP  - 102
SP  - 89
VL  - 15
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_896
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Istraživačko pitanje na koje ovaj rad nastoji da odgovori jeste koje su posledice rezultata
izbora u SR Nemačkoj na dinamiku transatlantskih odnosa, sa fokusom na bitnu osu saradnje
Berlin – Vašington. Glavna teza ovog rada jeste da su rezultati izbora klatno generalno pomerili
ka negativnom polu u transatlantskim odnosima. Kako bi se to dokazalo, najpre se prikazuju
rezultati izbora i vrši se klasifikacija partija u tri grupe, prema kriterijumu relativnog učinka
u odnosu na prethodne izbore iz 2013. godine, a potom se vrši analiza izbornih programa i
stavova iznetih tokom kampanje u pogledu najvažnijih aspekata transatlantskih odnosa kod
izbornih lista u sve tri pomenute grupe., Research question of this article is what are possible effects of the German Elections results
(September 2017) on the dynamics of transatlantic relations, with the special emphasis on the
bilateral relations between Germany and USA. The main thesis of the article is that election
results are relatively more pessimistic for transatlantic cooperation in comparison to the results
from 2013. This article analyzes electoral platforms and campaign speeches of parliamentary
parties in the most relevant topics for the perspectives of transatlantic relations.",
publisher = "Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Uticaj izbora u Nemačkoj 2017. godine na transatlantske odnose: stižu li vetrovi promena?, The Impact of German Elections on Transatlantic Relations: A New ’Wind of Change’?",
pages = "102-89",
volume = "15",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_896"
}

Krstić, M.. (2018). Uticaj izbora u Nemačkoj 2017. godine na transatlantske odnose: stižu li vetrovi promena?. in Politički život
Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd., 15, 89-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_896

Krstić M. Uticaj izbora u Nemačkoj 2017. godine na transatlantske odnose: stižu li vetrovi promena?. in Politički život. 2018;15:89-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_896 .

Krstić, Milan, "Uticaj izbora u Nemačkoj 2017. godine na transatlantske odnose: stižu li vetrovi promena?" in Politički život, 15 (2018):89-102,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_896 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/902
AB  - This paper aims to classify foreign policy attitudes and stances of Donald Trump in his 2016 presidential campaign according to the U.S. foreign policy traditions. In the first part of the paper, we analyze speeches of Donald Trump since the moment he became the Republican Presidential Nominee. The analysis is based on digest reports of Trump’s speeches, published on his official web-site in the period from the Republican National Convention (June 18 – 21) until the Election Day (November 8). We present his main foreign policy messages pointing to foreign policy determinants, instruments and goals towards particular actors (such as China, Mexico or Russia).  In the second part of paper we present main ideas of distinctive foreign policy traditions classified by Walter Russell Mead (2001) – Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, Jeffersonian and Jacksonian – and compare them with the most important foreign policy stances of Donald Trump. The main argument of this paper is that Trump’s foreign policy concept incorporates elements of different traditions. His stances mostly reflect the elements of Jacksonian foreign policy tradition. However, due to its overwhelming emphasis on the economic issues, it seems that Trump’s positions are closer to Hamiltonian thought in terms of foreign policy determinants, while some aspects of Jeffersonian thought are also present in Trump’s articulation of foreign policy issues.
PB  - Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade
T2  - Serbian Political Thought
T1  - Donald Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in the Light of the U.S. Foreign Policy Traditions
EP  - 72
IS  - 2
SP  - 43
VL  - 14
DO  - 10.22182/spt.1422016.4
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This paper aims to classify foreign policy attitudes and stances of Donald Trump in his 2016 presidential campaign according to the U.S. foreign policy traditions. In the first part of the paper, we analyze speeches of Donald Trump since the moment he became the Republican Presidential Nominee. The analysis is based on digest reports of Trump’s speeches, published on his official web-site in the period from the Republican National Convention (June 18 – 21) until the Election Day (November 8). We present his main foreign policy messages pointing to foreign policy determinants, instruments and goals towards particular actors (such as China, Mexico or Russia).  In the second part of paper we present main ideas of distinctive foreign policy traditions classified by Walter Russell Mead (2001) – Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, Jeffersonian and Jacksonian – and compare them with the most important foreign policy stances of Donald Trump. The main argument of this paper is that Trump’s foreign policy concept incorporates elements of different traditions. His stances mostly reflect the elements of Jacksonian foreign policy tradition. However, due to its overwhelming emphasis on the economic issues, it seems that Trump’s positions are closer to Hamiltonian thought in terms of foreign policy determinants, while some aspects of Jeffersonian thought are also present in Trump’s articulation of foreign policy issues.",
publisher = "Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade",
journal = "Serbian Political Thought",
title = "Donald Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in the Light of the U.S. Foreign Policy Traditions",
pages = "72-43",
number = "2",
volume = "14",
doi = "10.22182/spt.1422016.4"
}

Krstić, M.. (2016). Donald Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in the Light of the U.S. Foreign Policy Traditions. in Serbian Political Thought
Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade., 14(2), 43-72.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spt.1422016.4

Krstić M. Donald Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in the Light of the U.S. Foreign Policy Traditions. in Serbian Political Thought. 2016;14(2):43-72.
doi:10.22182/spt.1422016.4 .

Krstić, Milan, "Donald Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in the Light of the U.S. Foreign Policy Traditions" in Serbian Political Thought, 14, no. 2 (2016):43-72,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spt.1422016.4 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/897
AB  - This paper addresses the legacy of the First World War as a factor which determines foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia towards the Republic of Bulgaria. Findings of our analysis are showing that there are various material and non-material aspect of the First World War legacy, which are influencing Serbia’s foreign policy towards Bulgaria. As mate-rial determinants this paper extracts: a) Inter-state boundary; b) Bulgarian national minority. Non-material determinants addressed in this paper are: a) Serbian “stab in the back” perception; b) Bulgarian “Second national catastrophe” perception; c) Legacy of Bulgarian war crimes in the south and east of Serbia. This paper as well compares and categorizes the influence of the mentioned aspects on contemporary Serbian foreign policy towards Bulgaria.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka :Beograd
T2  - Politički identitet Srbije u globalnom i regionalnom kontekstu
T1  - Između "zabijanja noža u leđa" i "nacionalne katastrofe": Prvi svetski rat kao determinanta spoljne politike Srbije prema Bugarskoj
T1  - The first world war as a historical determinant of Serbia’s foreign policy towards Bulgaria
EP  - 288
SP  - 271
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_897
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This paper addresses the legacy of the First World War as a factor which determines foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia towards the Republic of Bulgaria. Findings of our analysis are showing that there are various material and non-material aspect of the First World War legacy, which are influencing Serbia’s foreign policy towards Bulgaria. As mate-rial determinants this paper extracts: a) Inter-state boundary; b) Bulgarian national minority. Non-material determinants addressed in this paper are: a) Serbian “stab in the back” perception; b) Bulgarian “Second national catastrophe” perception; c) Legacy of Bulgarian war crimes in the south and east of Serbia. This paper as well compares and categorizes the influence of the mentioned aspects on contemporary Serbian foreign policy towards Bulgaria.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka :Beograd",
journal = "Politički identitet Srbije u globalnom i regionalnom kontekstu",
booktitle = "Između "zabijanja noža u leđa" i "nacionalne katastrofe": Prvi svetski rat kao determinanta spoljne politike Srbije prema Bugarskoj, The first world war as a historical determinant of Serbia’s foreign policy towards Bulgaria",
pages = "288-271",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_897"
}

Krstić, M.. (2016). Između "zabijanja noža u leđa" i "nacionalne katastrofe": Prvi svetski rat kao determinanta spoljne politike Srbije prema Bugarskoj. in Politički identitet Srbije u globalnom i regionalnom kontekstu
Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka :Beograd., 271-288.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_897

Krstić M. Između "zabijanja noža u leđa" i "nacionalne katastrofe": Prvi svetski rat kao determinanta spoljne politike Srbije prema Bugarskoj. in Politički identitet Srbije u globalnom i regionalnom kontekstu. 2016;:271-288.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_897 .

Krstić, Milan, "Između "zabijanja noža u leđa" i "nacionalne katastrofe": Prvi svetski rat kao determinanta spoljne politike Srbije prema Bugarskoj" in Politički identitet Srbije u globalnom i regionalnom kontekstu (2016):271-288,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_897 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/898
AB  - U ovom radu se porede bezbednosne posledice rešenja iz juna 1999. godine (Vojno-tehnički sporazum iz Kumanova i Rezolucija Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenjih nacija 1244) sa mogućim bezbednosnim posledicama nacrta rešenja iz Rambujea i Pariza, koje su predstavnici SRJ i Srbije odbili da potpišu februara i marta 1999. godine. Uporedno se analiziraju rizici po bezbednost koji proizlaze iz odredbi pomenutih rešenja za dva referentna objekta: 1)Republiku Srbiju; 2) srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji. U radu se koristi sektorski pristup bezbednosti kao analitički okvir koji proizlazi iz Kopenhaške škole studija bezbednosti. Zaključak rada jeste da su rešenja iz Rambujea sa sobom nosila znatno manje rizika po bezbednost srpskog naroda na KiM u gotovo svim sektorima, dok su u pogledu bezbednosti Republike Srbije oba rešenja imala prilično jednak stepen rizika, sa izuzetkom socijetalne bezbednosti (zaštite identiteta i posebnosti), za koju su rešenja iz juna 1999. godine bila manje rizična.
AB  - This paper compares security consequences of the solutions for
Kosovo crisis from June 1999 (Military-Technical Agreement signed
in Kumanovo and United Nations Security council Resolution 1244)
with potential consequences of the draft agreement proposed in Ram-
bouillet and Paris in February and March 1999, which Serbian (FRY)
delegation refused to sign. The paper conducts comparative analysis
of security risks to two referent objects: 1) the Republic of Serbia; 2)
Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. Analytical framework used
for this paper derives from the copenhagen School of security studies
and it measures security dynamics in five different sectors (military,
political, economic, environmental and societal security). The main
thesis of this article is that solutions from Rambouillet contained
significantly less risk to security of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in
almost all of the sectors, while in the terms of security of the Republic of Serbia, both solutions had approximately equal degree of risks. The
only exception was the societal sector, where solutions from June 1999
were less risky and therefore more acceptable for Serbia
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd
T2  - Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi?
T1  - Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji
T1  - Was the Rambouillet agreement a better solution Than the Kumanovo agreement? Comparative sectorial analysis of security risks to the Republic of Serbia and Serbs In Kosovo and Metohija
EP  - 141
SP  - 117
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_898
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2016",
abstract = "U ovom radu se porede bezbednosne posledice rešenja iz juna 1999. godine (Vojno-tehnički sporazum iz Kumanova i Rezolucija Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenjih nacija 1244) sa mogućim bezbednosnim posledicama nacrta rešenja iz Rambujea i Pariza, koje su predstavnici SRJ i Srbije odbili da potpišu februara i marta 1999. godine. Uporedno se analiziraju rizici po bezbednost koji proizlaze iz odredbi pomenutih rešenja za dva referentna objekta: 1)Republiku Srbiju; 2) srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji. U radu se koristi sektorski pristup bezbednosti kao analitički okvir koji proizlazi iz Kopenhaške škole studija bezbednosti. Zaključak rada jeste da su rešenja iz Rambujea sa sobom nosila znatno manje rizika po bezbednost srpskog naroda na KiM u gotovo svim sektorima, dok su u pogledu bezbednosti Republike Srbije oba rešenja imala prilično jednak stepen rizika, sa izuzetkom socijetalne bezbednosti (zaštite identiteta i posebnosti), za koju su rešenja iz juna 1999. godine bila manje rizična., This paper compares security consequences of the solutions for
Kosovo crisis from June 1999 (Military-Technical Agreement signed
in Kumanovo and United Nations Security council Resolution 1244)
with potential consequences of the draft agreement proposed in Ram-
bouillet and Paris in February and March 1999, which Serbian (FRY)
delegation refused to sign. The paper conducts comparative analysis
of security risks to two referent objects: 1) the Republic of Serbia; 2)
Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. Analytical framework used
for this paper derives from the copenhagen School of security studies
and it measures security dynamics in five different sectors (military,
political, economic, environmental and societal security). The main
thesis of this article is that solutions from Rambouillet contained
significantly less risk to security of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in
almost all of the sectors, while in the terms of security of the Republic of Serbia, both solutions had approximately equal degree of risks. The
only exception was the societal sector, where solutions from June 1999
were less risky and therefore more acceptable for Serbia",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd",
journal = "Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi?",
booktitle = "Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji, Was the Rambouillet agreement a better solution Than the Kumanovo agreement? Comparative sectorial analysis of security risks to the Republic of Serbia and Serbs In Kosovo and Metohija",
pages = "141-117",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_898"
}

Krstić, M.. (2016). Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji. in Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi?
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd., 117-141.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_898

Krstić M. Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji. in Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi?. 2016;:117-141.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_898 .

Krstić, Milan, "Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji" in Dvadeset godina od Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma - trajni mir ili trajni izazovi? (2016):117-141,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_898 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Hrnjaz, Milos
AU  - Krstić, Milan M.
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/496
AB  - This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.
PB  - De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw
T2  - Croatian International Relations Review
T1  - Obama's Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism
EP  - 56
IS  - 73
SP  - 25
VL  - 21
DO  - 10.1515/cirr-2015-0010
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Hrnjaz, Milos and Krstić, Milan M.",
year = "2015",
abstract = "This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.",
publisher = "De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw",
journal = "Croatian International Relations Review",
title = "Obama's Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism",
pages = "56-25",
number = "73",
volume = "21",
doi = "10.1515/cirr-2015-0010"
}

Hrnjaz, M.,& Krstić, M. M.. (2015). Obama's Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism. in Croatian International Relations Review
De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw., 21(73), 25-56.
https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0010

Hrnjaz M, Krstić MM. Obama's Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism. in Croatian International Relations Review. 2015;21(73):25-56.
doi:10.1515/cirr-2015-0010 .

Hrnjaz, Milos, Krstić, Milan M., "Obama's Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism" in Croatian International Relations Review, 21, no. 73 (2015):25-56,
https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0010 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/901
AB  - A year ago, during the devastating floods that hit Serbia, writings of cer-
tain users of social networks, characterized as panic spreading and threat to
security, was met with condemnation of public officials. They were led by the
Prime Minister of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic. In this paper, we
are trying to carry out a scientific description of the actions of the government,
especially of the Prime Minister, towards one group of social networks users.
The theoretical framework that we are going to use is the theory of securitiza-
tion, as a normatively neutral analytical framework. The primary method we
are going to apply is critical discourse analysis. We are going to test whether
the Prime Minister of Serbia securitized the activities of certain users of social
networks in the Republic of Serbia, which is the first research question of this
paper. The starting point of this paper is that the Prime Minister did commit
aforementioned securitization. Bearing in mind the different form compared
to traditional securitizing move, another issue to which this work will seek to
provide an answer is what the reasons that led to the successful securitization
were, despite of certain shortcomings in relation to the purely theoretical model
(primarily in terms of “security grammar”). The paper argues that this is due to
the socio-political and socio-linguistic dimension of the context in which the
securitization was carried out.
PB  - Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade
T2  - Serbian Political Thought
T1  - Securitization Theory and Floods in Serbia: The Case of Social Networks
EP  - 147
IS  - 1
SP  - 133
VL  - 11
DO  - 10.22182/spt.1112015.8
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2015",
abstract = "A year ago, during the devastating floods that hit Serbia, writings of cer-
tain users of social networks, characterized as panic spreading and threat to
security, was met with condemnation of public officials. They were led by the
Prime Minister of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic. In this paper, we
are trying to carry out a scientific description of the actions of the government,
especially of the Prime Minister, towards one group of social networks users.
The theoretical framework that we are going to use is the theory of securitiza-
tion, as a normatively neutral analytical framework. The primary method we
are going to apply is critical discourse analysis. We are going to test whether
the Prime Minister of Serbia securitized the activities of certain users of social
networks in the Republic of Serbia, which is the first research question of this
paper. The starting point of this paper is that the Prime Minister did commit
aforementioned securitization. Bearing in mind the different form compared
to traditional securitizing move, another issue to which this work will seek to
provide an answer is what the reasons that led to the successful securitization
were, despite of certain shortcomings in relation to the purely theoretical model
(primarily in terms of “security grammar”). The paper argues that this is due to
the socio-political and socio-linguistic dimension of the context in which the
securitization was carried out.",
publisher = "Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade",
journal = "Serbian Political Thought",
title = "Securitization Theory and Floods in Serbia: The Case of Social Networks",
pages = "147-133",
number = "1",
volume = "11",
doi = "10.22182/spt.1112015.8"
}

Krstić, M.. (2015). Securitization Theory and Floods in Serbia: The Case of Social Networks. in Serbian Political Thought
Institute for Political Studies : Belgrade., 11(1), 133-147.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spt.1112015.8

Krstić M. Securitization Theory and Floods in Serbia: The Case of Social Networks. in Serbian Political Thought. 2015;11(1):133-147.
doi:10.22182/spt.1112015.8 .

Krstić, Milan, "Securitization Theory and Floods in Serbia: The Case of Social Networks" in Serbian Political Thought, 11, no. 1 (2015):133-147,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spt.1112015.8 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/895
AB  - U vreme donošenja odluke o otpočinjanju vazdušnih napada na Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju,
marta 1999. godine, ključni odlučioci u spoljnoj politici SAD predviđali su kratko trajanje
predstojeće operacije. Očekivali su (pogrešno) da će predsednik SRJ Slobodan Milošević pristati
na sve njihove uslove rešavanja krize na Kosovu i Metohiji samo nekoliko dana, do maksimum
nekoliko nedelja, nakon prvih vazdušnih napada. Ovaj tekst tvrdi da su pomenute pretpostavke
bile bazirane na upotrebi analogija od strane odlučilaca u spoljnoj politici SAD, posebno na
analogiji sa operacijom Deliberate Force u Bosni i Hercegovini 1995. godine. Tekst dodatno
naglašava razlike između pomenutih situacija zbog kojih je analogija netačna, a koje su bile
nedovoljno razmatrane od strane američkih odlučilaca.
AB  - In March 1999, when the decision to start the air-attacks on FR Yugoslavia was made, the
most relevant foreign policy decision-makers in United States were predicting short duration of
the operation. They have (wrongly) expected that FRY president Milosevic would accept their
conditions and solutions for Kosovo – Metohija crisis just several days, to maximum several
weeks, after the first air-attacks. This paper argues that the mentioned presumption was
based on the analogical reasoning of the US foreign policy decision makers, particularly the
analogy with the operation Deliberate force in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995. The paper
additionally emphasizes the differences between the two situations, which were insufficiently
considered by the US decision makers
PB  - Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd
T2  - Politički život
T1  - Uloga istorijskih analogija u spoljnoj politici: SAD, operacija Deliberate Force 1995. i vazdušni napadi NATO na SRJ 1999. godine
T1  - The Role of Historical Analogies in Foreign Policy: USA, Operation Deliberate Force in 1995 and NATO Air Attacks on FRY in 1999
EP  - 65
SP  - 55
VL  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_895
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Krstić, Milan",
year = "2013",
abstract = "U vreme donošenja odluke o otpočinjanju vazdušnih napada na Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju,
marta 1999. godine, ključni odlučioci u spoljnoj politici SAD predviđali su kratko trajanje
predstojeće operacije. Očekivali su (pogrešno) da će predsednik SRJ Slobodan Milošević pristati
na sve njihove uslove rešavanja krize na Kosovu i Metohiji samo nekoliko dana, do maksimum
nekoliko nedelja, nakon prvih vazdušnih napada. Ovaj tekst tvrdi da su pomenute pretpostavke
bile bazirane na upotrebi analogija od strane odlučilaca u spoljnoj politici SAD, posebno na
analogiji sa operacijom Deliberate Force u Bosni i Hercegovini 1995. godine. Tekst dodatno
naglašava razlike između pomenutih situacija zbog kojih je analogija netačna, a koje su bile
nedovoljno razmatrane od strane američkih odlučilaca., In March 1999, when the decision to start the air-attacks on FR Yugoslavia was made, the
most relevant foreign policy decision-makers in United States were predicting short duration of
the operation. They have (wrongly) expected that FRY president Milosevic would accept their
conditions and solutions for Kosovo – Metohija crisis just several days, to maximum several
weeks, after the first air-attacks. This paper argues that the mentioned presumption was
based on the analogical reasoning of the US foreign policy decision makers, particularly the
analogy with the operation Deliberate force in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995. The paper
additionally emphasizes the differences between the two situations, which were insufficiently
considered by the US decision makers",
publisher = "Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd",
journal = "Politički život",
title = "Uloga istorijskih analogija u spoljnoj politici: SAD, operacija Deliberate Force 1995. i vazdušni napadi NATO na SRJ 1999. godine, The Role of Historical Analogies in Foreign Policy: USA, Operation Deliberate Force in 1995 and NATO Air Attacks on FRY in 1999",
pages = "65-55",
volume = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_895"
}

Krstić, M.. (2013). Uloga istorijskih analogija u spoljnoj politici: SAD, operacija Deliberate Force 1995. i vazdušni napadi NATO na SRJ 1999. godine. in Politički život
Centar za demokratiju Fakulteta političkih nauka : Beograd., 7, 55-65.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_895

Krstić M. Uloga istorijskih analogija u spoljnoj politici: SAD, operacija Deliberate Force 1995. i vazdušni napadi NATO na SRJ 1999. godine. in Politički život. 2013;7:55-65.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_895 .

Krstić, Milan, "Uloga istorijskih analogija u spoljnoj politici: SAD, operacija Deliberate Force 1995. i vazdušni napadi NATO na SRJ 1999. godine" in Politički život, 7 (2013):55-65,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_895 .