TY  - BOOK
AU  - Petrović, Miloš
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Kovačević, Maja
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1125
PB  - Београд : Институт за међународну политику и привреду
T1  - Србија и Европска унија две деценије након Солунског самита
EP  - 428
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1125
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Petrović, Miloš and Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana and Kovačević, Maja",
year = "2023",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за међународну политику и привреду",
title = "Србија и Европска унија две деценије након Солунског самита",
pages = "428",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1125"
}

Petrović, M., Radić-Milosavljević, I.,& Kovačević, M.. (2023). Србија и Европска унија две деценије након Солунског самита. 
Београд : Институт за међународну политику и привреду..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1125

Petrović M, Radić-Milosavljević I, Kovačević M. Србија и Европска унија две деценије након Солунског самита. 2023;:null-428.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1125 .

Petrović, Miloš, Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, Kovačević, Maja, "Србија и Европска унија две деценије након Солунског самита" (2023),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1125 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Petrović, Miloš
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1111
AB  - By employing a realist approach, the authors investigate how geopolitical factors influence the
EU's decision to expand into regions of strategic importance or vulnerability to major powers’
influence, as a means to enhance its security and projection of power. They also explore the
obstacle posed by the absence of a unanimous stance on "pre-scheduled" accessions, as seen in
the past in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The authors argue that the changed geopolitical
landscape in Europe has profoundly influenced the European Union's (EU) enlargement policy.
However, its impact has been asymmetrical in the two main micro-regions: the Western Balkans
on the one hand and the Eastern neighbourhood on the other. The authors contend that the EU's
response has not predominantly been strategic but rather tactical. This phenomenon reflects the
15
longstanding deficiencies in the EU's enlargement policy, coupled with the urgent need to
extend commitments to the eastern partners who face immediate security threats from Russia.
Nevertheless, the authors hypothesise that such tendencies are not advantageous for the Western
Balkans, which face lower direct jeopardy from Russia. Consequently, it becomes a lower
priority for the European Union, despite its chronological precedence in the enlargement
domain. While ideally, both enlargement regions should be granted an "accession timetable"
along with on-ground democratic reforms (similar to CEE), the authors highlight that due to
differing geopolitical dynamics and pressure, the outcomes for the two regions may either
diverge in terms of potential favouring of the new candidates or, perhaps more likely, converge
– meaning that the accession of either region might be postponed until after the invasion of
Ukraine ends.
PB  - Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
C3  - EU enlargement, geopolitics, and the Russian-Ukraine war: The 2023 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association
T1  - Navigating EU enlargement: balancing chronological precedence and geopolitical priorities
EP  - 15
SP  - 14
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1111
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana and Petrović, Miloš",
year = "2023",
abstract = "By employing a realist approach, the authors investigate how geopolitical factors influence the
EU's decision to expand into regions of strategic importance or vulnerability to major powers’
influence, as a means to enhance its security and projection of power. They also explore the
obstacle posed by the absence of a unanimous stance on "pre-scheduled" accessions, as seen in
the past in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The authors argue that the changed geopolitical
landscape in Europe has profoundly influenced the European Union's (EU) enlargement policy.
However, its impact has been asymmetrical in the two main micro-regions: the Western Balkans
on the one hand and the Eastern neighbourhood on the other. The authors contend that the EU's
response has not predominantly been strategic but rather tactical. This phenomenon reflects the
15
longstanding deficiencies in the EU's enlargement policy, coupled with the urgent need to
extend commitments to the eastern partners who face immediate security threats from Russia.
Nevertheless, the authors hypothesise that such tendencies are not advantageous for the Western
Balkans, which face lower direct jeopardy from Russia. Consequently, it becomes a lower
priority for the European Union, despite its chronological precedence in the enlargement
domain. While ideally, both enlargement regions should be granted an "accession timetable"
along with on-ground democratic reforms (similar to CEE), the authors highlight that due to
differing geopolitical dynamics and pressure, the outcomes for the two regions may either
diverge in terms of potential favouring of the new candidates or, perhaps more likely, converge
– meaning that the accession of either region might be postponed until after the invasion of
Ukraine ends.",
publisher = "Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije",
journal = "EU enlargement, geopolitics, and the Russian-Ukraine war: The 2023 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association",
title = "Navigating EU enlargement: balancing chronological precedence and geopolitical priorities",
pages = "15-14",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1111"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.,& Petrović, M.. (2023). Navigating EU enlargement: balancing chronological precedence and geopolitical priorities. in EU enlargement, geopolitics, and the Russian-Ukraine war: The 2023 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association
Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije., 14-15.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1111

Radić-Milosavljević I, Petrović M. Navigating EU enlargement: balancing chronological precedence and geopolitical priorities. in EU enlargement, geopolitics, and the Russian-Ukraine war: The 2023 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association. 2023;:14-15.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1111 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, Petrović, Miloš, "Navigating EU enlargement: balancing chronological precedence and geopolitical priorities" in EU enlargement, geopolitics, and the Russian-Ukraine war: The 2023 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association (2023):14-15,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1111 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Nedeljković, Stevan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1050
AB  - The liberal international order today faces a crisis of legitimacy and social purpose. Although the crisis is primarily internal, the consequences have vast external manifestations, especially in Europe. Not only have US-EU relations been affected, but the effects of Europeanization have also changed, both within and outside the EU. Transformative power, once the main integrative resource of the European Union, no longer yields results. This is particularly evident in the Western Balkans. There are many reasons for the EU’s failure to play the essential transformative role in the Western Balkans region. Most authors ascribe this either to the Western Balkans’ domestic situation (Börzel, 2011; Freyburg and Richter, 2010; Ademović, 2019), or to the EU’s inability to enlarge further (‘integration incapacity’) and to exert a credible pressure (Kovačević, 2019), or to both reasons simultaneously (Bieber, 2019; Radić Milosavljević, 2019). This chapter puts this issue into a larger perspective and draws attention to the global context in which the EU’s enlargement policy and external Europeanization efforts operate. We argue that the crisis of the liberal order spilled over into the European Union and thus damaged the ability of the EU to shape institutions, processes and political outcomes in the Western Balkans. We observe these significant trends through the erosion of the value-institutional pillar of the liberal order and the EU’s increasing reliance on real-political instruments for pursuing its strategic goals. This chapter is organized as follows. First, we explain what a liberal international order is, the role and position of the European Community/Union in this order, and why a crisis occurs. Secondly, we explain how the crisis of the liberal order has affected the European Union and its ability to Europeanize itself and others. Finally, we give a brief genesis of the EU’s efforts to shape institutions, processes, and political outcomes in the Western Balkans and explain why there has been a slowdown and stalemate in recent years.
PB  - Baden-Baden : Nomos
T2  - The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World
T1  - The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans
EP  - 44
SP  - 23
DO  - 10.5771/9783748911081-23
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana and Nedeljković, Stevan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The liberal international order today faces a crisis of legitimacy and social purpose. Although the crisis is primarily internal, the consequences have vast external manifestations, especially in Europe. Not only have US-EU relations been affected, but the effects of Europeanization have also changed, both within and outside the EU. Transformative power, once the main integrative resource of the European Union, no longer yields results. This is particularly evident in the Western Balkans. There are many reasons for the EU’s failure to play the essential transformative role in the Western Balkans region. Most authors ascribe this either to the Western Balkans’ domestic situation (Börzel, 2011; Freyburg and Richter, 2010; Ademović, 2019), or to the EU’s inability to enlarge further (‘integration incapacity’) and to exert a credible pressure (Kovačević, 2019), or to both reasons simultaneously (Bieber, 2019; Radić Milosavljević, 2019). This chapter puts this issue into a larger perspective and draws attention to the global context in which the EU’s enlargement policy and external Europeanization efforts operate. We argue that the crisis of the liberal order spilled over into the European Union and thus damaged the ability of the EU to shape institutions, processes and political outcomes in the Western Balkans. We observe these significant trends through the erosion of the value-institutional pillar of the liberal order and the EU’s increasing reliance on real-political instruments for pursuing its strategic goals. This chapter is organized as follows. First, we explain what a liberal international order is, the role and position of the European Community/Union in this order, and why a crisis occurs. Secondly, we explain how the crisis of the liberal order has affected the European Union and its ability to Europeanize itself and others. Finally, we give a brief genesis of the EU’s efforts to shape institutions, processes, and political outcomes in the Western Balkans and explain why there has been a slowdown and stalemate in recent years.",
publisher = "Baden-Baden : Nomos",
journal = "The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World",
booktitle = "The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans",
pages = "44-23",
doi = "10.5771/9783748911081-23"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.,& Nedeljković, S.. (2022). The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans. in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World
Baden-Baden : Nomos., 23-44.
https://doi.org/10.5771/9783748911081-23

Radić-Milosavljević I, Nedeljković S. The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans. in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World. 2022;:23-44.
doi:10.5771/9783748911081-23 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, Nedeljković, Stevan, "The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans" in The Europeanization of Montenegro: A Western Balkan Country and its Neighbourhood in Europe and the Global World (2022):23-44,
https://doi.org/10.5771/9783748911081-23 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Domaradzki, Spasimir
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/991
AB  - By employing the concept of raison d’état, the article questions the European Union’s role in the so-called Western Balkan region. While the region continues to be covered by the EU’s enlargement policy, we argue that the policy has been in paralysis. We explore whether the heightened geopolitical tensions in Europe have brought the EU to a turning point at which it would use its enlargement policy decisively to pursue its strategic interests in the region. We start with a theoretical discussion of raison d’état and its instrumentalization in the context of the European Union as a non-state actor. Then, we use the conceptual benchmarks of the raison d’état to analyze its empirical implementation through the EU’s relations with Western Balkan countries. We explore the EU’s available enlargement policy tools and the diverging positions within the EU towards enlargement. We pay special attention to the “New enlargement methodology” devised by the Commission in 2019. We argue that despite the Commission’s efforts to promote the EU’s common interest in the region framed in a geopolitical narrative, the diverging national interests still preclude the EU from aggregating its own and pursuing its raison d’état towards the region. The “new methodology” does nothing to overcome this situation. What is more, by insisting on a “stronger political steer” and by further facilitating the reversal of the accession process, the document pushes the Union further away from a common ground regarding the enlargement.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?
EP  - 410
IS  - 3
SP  - 391
VL  - LXXIV
DO  - 10.2298/MEDJP2203391R
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Domaradzki, Spasimir and Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "By employing the concept of raison d’état, the article questions the European Union’s role in the so-called Western Balkan region. While the region continues to be covered by the EU’s enlargement policy, we argue that the policy has been in paralysis. We explore whether the heightened geopolitical tensions in Europe have brought the EU to a turning point at which it would use its enlargement policy decisively to pursue its strategic interests in the region. We start with a theoretical discussion of raison d’état and its instrumentalization in the context of the European Union as a non-state actor. Then, we use the conceptual benchmarks of the raison d’état to analyze its empirical implementation through the EU’s relations with Western Balkan countries. We explore the EU’s available enlargement policy tools and the diverging positions within the EU towards enlargement. We pay special attention to the “New enlargement methodology” devised by the Commission in 2019. We argue that despite the Commission’s efforts to promote the EU’s common interest in the region framed in a geopolitical narrative, the diverging national interests still preclude the EU from aggregating its own and pursuing its raison d’état towards the region. The “new methodology” does nothing to overcome this situation. What is more, by insisting on a “stronger political steer” and by further facilitating the reversal of the accession process, the document pushes the Union further away from a common ground regarding the enlargement.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?",
pages = "410-391",
number = "3",
volume = "LXXIV",
doi = "10.2298/MEDJP2203391R"
}

Domaradzki, S.,& Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2022). The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd., LXXIV(3), 391-410.
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2203391R

Domaradzki S, Radić-Milosavljević I. The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?. in Međunarodni problemi. 2022;LXXIV(3):391-410.
doi:10.2298/MEDJP2203391R .

Domaradzki, Spasimir, Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?" in Međunarodni problemi, LXXIV, no. 3 (2022):391-410,
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2203391R . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/846
AB  - By looking into the case of the latest EU health policy reforms, the author analyses whether the European integration theories are equipped for an explanation of integration outcomes during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author primarily considers theories that hypothesise crises as a critical factor in integration dynamics, i.e., neofunctionalism and post-functionalism. In the last decade, multiple crises have been hitting the European Union (EU), and there have been many attempts to theorise their impact on European integration. Nevertheless, the answers are far from clear-cut regarding whether crises have been beneficial or detrimental to further integration, either in terms of its scope (widening the EU policy areas and/or membership) or level (increasing the EU institutions' competences and/or capacities). After analysing how the crisis has been handled and the reforms taken in the health policy sector, the author concludes that post-functionalist expectations about the crisis triggering Euroscepticism and identity-driven mass politicisation, thereby precluding further integration, have not materialised so far. On the contrary, the Covid-19 crisis has led to an increase in the EU's capacities in some essential policy sectors. Health policy is one. So far, this policy has seen reforms that neofunctionalism would call a build-up - a transfer of more authority to supranational institutions without expanding its formal mandate. As neofunctionalism would expect, the coronavirus crisis triggered an elite politicisation that created an environment conducive to further integration rather than disintegrative outcomes.
AB  - Posmatrajući slučaj najnovijih reformi zdravstvene politike Evropske unije (EU),
autorka analizira sposobnost teorija evropske integracije da objasne ishode procesa
integracije tokom pandemije Kovid-19. Autorka prevashodno uzima u obzir teorije koje
pretpostavljaju da su krize ključan činilac u dinamici integracije, a to su
neofunkcionalizam i postfunkcionalizam. U poslednjoj deceniji, EU su pogađale
višestruke krize i bilo je dosta teorijskih pokušaja da se objasni njihov uticaj na evropsku
integraciju. Međutim, na pitanje da li su krize bile podsticajne ili štetne po integraciju,
bilo po njen obuhvat (širenje oblasti delovanja i/ili članstva EU), bilo po nivo (uvećavanje
ovlašćenja i/ili kapaciteta institucija EU), odgovori su daleko od jednoznačnih. Nakon
analiziranja faktičkog bavljenja krizom i reformi koje su preduzete u oblasti zdravstvene
politike, autorka zaključuje da se nisu ostvarila očekivanja postfunkcionalista da će kriza
izazvati evroskepticizam i identitetski motivisanu masovnu politizaciju i time sprečiti
napredovanje integracije. Upravo suprotno, kriza izazvana Kovid-19 pandemijom
ishodovala je uvećanjem kapaciteta EU u nekim od ključnih oblasti, među kojima je i
zdravstvena politika. Do sada je ova politika doživela reforme koje bi neofunkcionalizam
nazvao „nadgradnjom” (buid-up) – davanje dodatnih ovlašćenja nadnacionalnim
institucijama bez uvećanja njihovih formalnih nadležnosti. Kao što bi neofunkcionalisti
očekivali, kriza je pokrenula politizaciju među elitama što je, umesto dezintegrativnih
ishoda, stvorilo pogodno okruženje za napredovanje integracije.
PB  - Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - Theorising the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms
EP  - 234
IS  - 2
SP  - 214
VL  - LXXIII
DO  - 10.2298/MEDJP2102214R
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2021",
abstract = "By looking into the case of the latest EU health policy reforms, the author analyses whether the European integration theories are equipped for an explanation of integration outcomes during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author primarily considers theories that hypothesise crises as a critical factor in integration dynamics, i.e., neofunctionalism and post-functionalism. In the last decade, multiple crises have been hitting the European Union (EU), and there have been many attempts to theorise their impact on European integration. Nevertheless, the answers are far from clear-cut regarding whether crises have been beneficial or detrimental to further integration, either in terms of its scope (widening the EU policy areas and/or membership) or level (increasing the EU institutions' competences and/or capacities). After analysing how the crisis has been handled and the reforms taken in the health policy sector, the author concludes that post-functionalist expectations about the crisis triggering Euroscepticism and identity-driven mass politicisation, thereby precluding further integration, have not materialised so far. On the contrary, the Covid-19 crisis has led to an increase in the EU's capacities in some essential policy sectors. Health policy is one. So far, this policy has seen reforms that neofunctionalism would call a build-up - a transfer of more authority to supranational institutions without expanding its formal mandate. As neofunctionalism would expect, the coronavirus crisis triggered an elite politicisation that created an environment conducive to further integration rather than disintegrative outcomes., Posmatrajući slučaj najnovijih reformi zdravstvene politike Evropske unije (EU),
autorka analizira sposobnost teorija evropske integracije da objasne ishode procesa
integracije tokom pandemije Kovid-19. Autorka prevashodno uzima u obzir teorije koje
pretpostavljaju da su krize ključan činilac u dinamici integracije, a to su
neofunkcionalizam i postfunkcionalizam. U poslednjoj deceniji, EU su pogađale
višestruke krize i bilo je dosta teorijskih pokušaja da se objasni njihov uticaj na evropsku
integraciju. Međutim, na pitanje da li su krize bile podsticajne ili štetne po integraciju,
bilo po njen obuhvat (širenje oblasti delovanja i/ili članstva EU), bilo po nivo (uvećavanje
ovlašćenja i/ili kapaciteta institucija EU), odgovori su daleko od jednoznačnih. Nakon
analiziranja faktičkog bavljenja krizom i reformi koje su preduzete u oblasti zdravstvene
politike, autorka zaključuje da se nisu ostvarila očekivanja postfunkcionalista da će kriza
izazvati evroskepticizam i identitetski motivisanu masovnu politizaciju i time sprečiti
napredovanje integracije. Upravo suprotno, kriza izazvana Kovid-19 pandemijom
ishodovala je uvećanjem kapaciteta EU u nekim od ključnih oblasti, među kojima je i
zdravstvena politika. Do sada je ova politika doživela reforme koje bi neofunkcionalizam
nazvao „nadgradnjom” (buid-up) – davanje dodatnih ovlašćenja nadnacionalnim
institucijama bez uvećanja njihovih formalnih nadležnosti. Kao što bi neofunkcionalisti
očekivali, kriza je pokrenula politizaciju među elitama što je, umesto dezintegrativnih
ishoda, stvorilo pogodno okruženje za napredovanje integracije.",
publisher = "Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "Theorising the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms",
pages = "234-214",
number = "2",
volume = "LXXIII",
doi = "10.2298/MEDJP2102214R"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2021). Theorising the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu., LXXIII(2), 214-234.
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2102214R

Radić-Milosavljević I. Theorising the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms. in Međunarodni problemi. 2021;LXXIII(2):214-234.
doi:10.2298/MEDJP2102214R .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "Theorising the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms" in Međunarodni problemi, LXXIII, no. 2 (2021):214-234,
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2102214R . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Domaradzki, Spasimir
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/974
AB  - This article explores how national executives in Serbia and Bulgaria address European Union (EU) rule of law conditionality by framing it within the populism/technocracy dichotomy. The rule of law remains one of the main problems of EU relations with the two countries. While acknowledging the nuances of pre- and post-enlargement Europeanisation, this article explores the technocratic and populist narratives exploited by the national executives in their interactions with the EU and their domestic public. Rather than positioning the current executives unequivocally either as populist or technocratic, we argue that the political elites act strategically in using both populist and technocratic techniques towards their publics when explaining interaction with the EU. We explore the extent this type of executive behaviour is determined by the countries’ formally different status. While we look for the levels of possible similarity and distinction in the two cases/countries stemming from their different EU membership status, our findings confirm the existence of strategic defensive populist and technocratic techniques applied towards the EU and the national public in both countries The aim of this strategy is to mitigate the impact of the EU rule of law pressure and to secure the persistence of the existing rule of law shortcomings within the process of European integration. Interestingly, our research did not identify substantial impact of the formally different status towards the EU of the two countries.
PB  - UACES : London
T2  - Journal of Contemporary European Research
T1  - Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality
EP  - 303
IS  - 2
SP  - 281
VL  - 17
DO  - 10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1181
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana and Domaradzki, Spasimir",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article explores how national executives in Serbia and Bulgaria address European Union (EU) rule of law conditionality by framing it within the populism/technocracy dichotomy. The rule of law remains one of the main problems of EU relations with the two countries. While acknowledging the nuances of pre- and post-enlargement Europeanisation, this article explores the technocratic and populist narratives exploited by the national executives in their interactions with the EU and their domestic public. Rather than positioning the current executives unequivocally either as populist or technocratic, we argue that the political elites act strategically in using both populist and technocratic techniques towards their publics when explaining interaction with the EU. We explore the extent this type of executive behaviour is determined by the countries’ formally different status. While we look for the levels of possible similarity and distinction in the two cases/countries stemming from their different EU membership status, our findings confirm the existence of strategic defensive populist and technocratic techniques applied towards the EU and the national public in both countries The aim of this strategy is to mitigate the impact of the EU rule of law pressure and to secure the persistence of the existing rule of law shortcomings within the process of European integration. Interestingly, our research did not identify substantial impact of the formally different status towards the EU of the two countries.",
publisher = "UACES : London",
journal = "Journal of Contemporary European Research",
title = "Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality",
pages = "303-281",
number = "2",
volume = "17",
doi = "10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1181"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.,& Domaradzki, S.. (2021). Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality. in Journal of Contemporary European Research
UACES : London., 17(2), 281-303.
https://doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1181

Radić-Milosavljević I, Domaradzki S. Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality. in Journal of Contemporary European Research. 2021;17(2):281-303.
doi:10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1181 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, Domaradzki, Spasimir, "Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality" in Journal of Contemporary European Research, 17, no. 2 (2021):281-303,
https://doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1181 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Radić Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1082
AB  - More than sixty years ago, Ernst Haas defined political integration as the process of
shifting distinct national political loyalties, activities, and expectations towards a new
political centre. Neofunctionalists have considered crises as conducive to integration
because these would trigger politicization, which would under the specified conditions,
lead to spill-overs of integration into ever more policy sectors. In the last decade, we
have been witnessing multiple crises hitting the EU. These crises, like the one triggered
by the Covid-19 pandemics, caused different responses by the EU institutions, Member
States, and the EU citizens. These responses are inseparable from the question looming
around all previous EU crises: what is the EU’s Raison d’etre. The question of purpose
has never been posed openly by neo-functionalism nor officially by the EU elites, but it
seems unavoidable. Whether this new crisis will end in solving this issue is too early to
say. Nevertheless, we seem able to analyze the EU’s responses to this point and to give
an estimation of possible consequences for further integration. We argue that initial
responses to the Covid-19 crisis have been mixed. The Commission has been pushing
for the pro-integrationist solutions by proposing urgent funds and advocating for the
EU’s health care sovereignty. The member states, on the other hand, have been
challenging the EU’s purpose by the borders closure, re-introduction of the state aid,
and prohibition of exports. Another aspect to examine would be the narratives used
during the pandemics and the public opinion on the question of solidarity.
PB  - Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije (UPNS)
C3  - The Political Consequences of The Pandemic: The 2020 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association
T1  - The European Union in the Pandemics: Covid-19 crisis questioning the EU’s raison d’etre and the possible implications for further integration
EP  - 19
SP  - 19
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1082
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Radić Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2020",
abstract = "More than sixty years ago, Ernst Haas defined political integration as the process of
shifting distinct national political loyalties, activities, and expectations towards a new
political centre. Neofunctionalists have considered crises as conducive to integration
because these would trigger politicization, which would under the specified conditions,
lead to spill-overs of integration into ever more policy sectors. In the last decade, we
have been witnessing multiple crises hitting the EU. These crises, like the one triggered
by the Covid-19 pandemics, caused different responses by the EU institutions, Member
States, and the EU citizens. These responses are inseparable from the question looming
around all previous EU crises: what is the EU’s Raison d’etre. The question of purpose
has never been posed openly by neo-functionalism nor officially by the EU elites, but it
seems unavoidable. Whether this new crisis will end in solving this issue is too early to
say. Nevertheless, we seem able to analyze the EU’s responses to this point and to give
an estimation of possible consequences for further integration. We argue that initial
responses to the Covid-19 crisis have been mixed. The Commission has been pushing
for the pro-integrationist solutions by proposing urgent funds and advocating for the
EU’s health care sovereignty. The member states, on the other hand, have been
challenging the EU’s purpose by the borders closure, re-introduction of the state aid,
and prohibition of exports. Another aspect to examine would be the narratives used
during the pandemics and the public opinion on the question of solidarity.",
publisher = "Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije (UPNS)",
journal = "The Political Consequences of The Pandemic: The 2020 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association",
title = "The European Union in the Pandemics: Covid-19 crisis questioning the EU’s raison d’etre and the possible implications for further integration",
pages = "19-19",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1082"
}

Radić Milosavljević, I.. (2020). The European Union in the Pandemics: Covid-19 crisis questioning the EU’s raison d’etre and the possible implications for further integration. in The Political Consequences of The Pandemic: The 2020 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association
Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije (UPNS)., 19-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1082

Radić Milosavljević I. The European Union in the Pandemics: Covid-19 crisis questioning the EU’s raison d’etre and the possible implications for further integration. in The Political Consequences of The Pandemic: The 2020 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association. 2020;:19-19.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1082 .

Radić Milosavljević, Ivana, "The European Union in the Pandemics: Covid-19 crisis questioning the EU’s raison d’etre and the possible implications for further integration" in The Political Consequences of The Pandemic: The 2020 Annual International Conference of the Serbian Political Science Association (2020):19-19,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1082 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Čupić, Zoran
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1083
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Godišnjak
T1  - Uvodnik: izbori za Evropski parlament u izmenjenom političkom prostoru
EP  - 11
SP  - 9
VL  - XIII
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1083
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić Milosavljević, Ivana and Čupić, Zoran",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Godišnjak",
title = "Uvodnik: izbori za Evropski parlament u izmenjenom političkom prostoru",
pages = "11-9",
volume = "XIII",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1083"
}

Radić Milosavljević, I.,& Čupić, Z.. (2019). Uvodnik: izbori za Evropski parlament u izmenjenom političkom prostoru. in Godišnjak
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., XIII, 9-11.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1083

Radić Milosavljević I, Čupić Z. Uvodnik: izbori za Evropski parlament u izmenjenom političkom prostoru. in Godišnjak. 2019;XIII:9-11.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1083 .

Radić Milosavljević, Ivana, Čupić, Zoran, "Uvodnik: izbori za Evropski parlament u izmenjenom političkom prostoru" in Godišnjak, XIII (2019):9-11,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1083 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
AU  - Milovanović, Ivan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/745
AB  - By analyzing the case of the 2019 European Parliament elections, the article examines the hypothesis about the second-order character of elections to the European Parliament. Moving within the theoretical framework that has been developing since the first direct EP elections in 1979, we critically examine the conditions in which the last electoral cycle took place and we look for the novelties that could have impacted the changing of this prevalent paradigm. Although we find certain changes that contribute to the 'Europeanization' of these elections, we conclude that the most previous hypotheses are still valid confirming that we are still dealing with the secondorder electoral contest. The last European Parliament elections, as well as the subsequent European chief executive election process, brought new circumstances that could even contribute to maintaining the second-order character of the EP elections.
AB  - Rad nastoji da ispita tezu o drugorazrednom značaju izbora za Evropski parlament na primeru izbora iz 2019. godine. Oslanjajući se na teorijski okvir za posmatranje izbora za Evropski parlament kao drugorazredne nacionalne izborne arene, koji se razvijao od prvih neposrednih izbora 1979. godine, kritički se preispituju uslovi u kojima se odvijao poslednji izborni ciklus i novine koje su mogle uticati da se ovakva slika o izborima promeni. Autori zaključuju da je do određenih promena došlo, pre svega u pravcu "evropeizovanja" ovih izbora, međutim, da je još uvek validna većina pretpostavki da se radi o drugorazrednom izbornom takmičenju. Prilikom izbora iz 2019, kao i naknadne procedure izbora šefa izvršne vlasti Evropske unije, došlo je do novih okolnosti koje bi čak mogle i doprineti da se drugorazredni karakter izbora za Evropski parlament nastavi.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - The European Parliament elections: From the second-order national elections to the europeanized second-order contest
T1  - Izbori za Evropski parlament - od nacionalnih izbora drugog reda do evropeizovanog drugorazrednog takmičenja
EP  - 73
IS  - spec br
SP  - 55
VL  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_745
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana and Milovanović, Ivan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "By analyzing the case of the 2019 European Parliament elections, the article examines the hypothesis about the second-order character of elections to the European Parliament. Moving within the theoretical framework that has been developing since the first direct EP elections in 1979, we critically examine the conditions in which the last electoral cycle took place and we look for the novelties that could have impacted the changing of this prevalent paradigm. Although we find certain changes that contribute to the 'Europeanization' of these elections, we conclude that the most previous hypotheses are still valid confirming that we are still dealing with the secondorder electoral contest. The last European Parliament elections, as well as the subsequent European chief executive election process, brought new circumstances that could even contribute to maintaining the second-order character of the EP elections., Rad nastoji da ispita tezu o drugorazrednom značaju izbora za Evropski parlament na primeru izbora iz 2019. godine. Oslanjajući se na teorijski okvir za posmatranje izbora za Evropski parlament kao drugorazredne nacionalne izborne arene, koji se razvijao od prvih neposrednih izbora 1979. godine, kritički se preispituju uslovi u kojima se odvijao poslednji izborni ciklus i novine koje su mogle uticati da se ovakva slika o izborima promeni. Autori zaključuju da je do određenih promena došlo, pre svega u pravcu "evropeizovanja" ovih izbora, međutim, da je još uvek validna većina pretpostavki da se radi o drugorazrednom izbornom takmičenju. Prilikom izbora iz 2019, kao i naknadne procedure izbora šefa izvršne vlasti Evropske unije, došlo je do novih okolnosti koje bi čak mogle i doprineti da se drugorazredni karakter izbora za Evropski parlament nastavi.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "The European Parliament elections: From the second-order national elections to the europeanized second-order contest, Izbori za Evropski parlament - od nacionalnih izbora drugog reda do evropeizovanog drugorazrednog takmičenja",
pages = "73-55",
number = "spec br",
volume = "13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_745"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.,& Milovanović, I.. (2019). The European Parliament elections: From the second-order national elections to the europeanized second-order contest. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 13(spec br), 55-73.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_745

Radić-Milosavljević I, Milovanović I. The European Parliament elections: From the second-order national elections to the europeanized second-order contest. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2019;13(spec br):55-73.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_745 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, Milovanović, Ivan, "The European Parliament elections: From the second-order national elections to the europeanized second-order contest" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 13, no. spec br (2019):55-73,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_745 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/847
AB  - Rad razmatra problem zastoja u procesu pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja
zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Osnovne uzroke ovog problema autorka
vidi u samoj prirodi asimetričnog odnosa Evropske unije i pomenutih zemalja u čijem
središtu se nalazi Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja. Njemu su
doprinele obe strane: Evropska unija preambiciozno postavljenom politikom prema
regionu, nedovoljno definisanim i stalno promenljivim kriterijumima, ali i zemlje u
procesu svojim nekritičkim odnosom prema mogućem članstvu, nejasno definisanim
interesima i ciljevima, sporim reformama i slabom demokratskom tradicijom. Kako
bi proces mogao uspešno da se nastavi, autorka tvrdi da je potrebno njegovo
suštinsko preoblikovanje ka fleksibilnom procesu. U svetlu sve češćih rasprava o
mogućem kretanju evropske integracije ka većoj diferencijaciji, proces fleksibilnog
pristupanja bi omogućio članstvo samo u odabranim oblastima delovanja Evropske
unije, koje bi bile odabrane shodno prethodno jasno definisanim i analiziranim
interesima i mogućnostima zemalja kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata. Autorka
zaključuje da je potrebno proces što više odvojiti od uslovljavanja u političkim
oblastima kako bi se umanjila mogućnost arbitrarnog odlučivanja o napretku ovih
zemalja u procesu. Osim što bi za države kandidate i potencijalne kandidate ovakav
manje zahtevan proces bio jednostavniji i omogućio veću autonomiju u izboru oblasti
integracije i tempu prilagođavanja, za države članice EU bi predstavljao način da se
vrati kredibilitet jednoj od svojih nekada najuspešnijih spoljopolitičkih aktivnosti.
Ključne reči: pristupanje, zastoj, Evropska unija, Zapadni Balkan, fleksibilnost,
diferencirana integracija.
AB  - The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries’ accession
and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the
very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with
the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. Both sides have contributed
to this problem: the EU with its overambitious approach to the region, vaguely defined
and ever-changing criteria, but also the countries participating in the Process with their
uncritical approach to the possible membership, unclearly defined interests and aims,
slow reforms, and weak democratic tradition. For the process to be successfully
continued, the author discusses the idea of its substantial remodeling towards a flexible
process. In light of the frequent discussions about the possible moving of the European
integration towards more differentiation, the process of flexible association or accession
would enable EU membership only in selected policy areas. The policy areas would be
chosen in accordance with the previously clearly defined and thoroughly analyzed
interests and capabilities of the candidate and potential candidate countries. The author
argues that the association/accession process should be separated as much as possible
from the political conditioning in order to decrease the possibility of taking arbitrary
decisions on whether the countries have advanced in the process or not. For the
Western Balkan countries, this kind of less demanding process would be easier to
accomplish and would allow more autonomy in choosing areas of integration and pace
of accommodation. For the EU member states, it would provide a way to regain the
credibility of its once most successful foreign policy activity.
PB  - Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja
EP  - 25
IS  - 1
SP  - 5
VL  - 71
DO  - 10.2298/MEDJP1901005R
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Rad razmatra problem zastoja u procesu pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja
zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Osnovne uzroke ovog problema autorka
vidi u samoj prirodi asimetričnog odnosa Evropske unije i pomenutih zemalja u čijem
središtu se nalazi Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja. Njemu su
doprinele obe strane: Evropska unija preambiciozno postavljenom politikom prema
regionu, nedovoljno definisanim i stalno promenljivim kriterijumima, ali i zemlje u
procesu svojim nekritičkim odnosom prema mogućem članstvu, nejasno definisanim
interesima i ciljevima, sporim reformama i slabom demokratskom tradicijom. Kako
bi proces mogao uspešno da se nastavi, autorka tvrdi da je potrebno njegovo
suštinsko preoblikovanje ka fleksibilnom procesu. U svetlu sve češćih rasprava o
mogućem kretanju evropske integracije ka većoj diferencijaciji, proces fleksibilnog
pristupanja bi omogućio članstvo samo u odabranim oblastima delovanja Evropske
unije, koje bi bile odabrane shodno prethodno jasno definisanim i analiziranim
interesima i mogućnostima zemalja kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata. Autorka
zaključuje da je potrebno proces što više odvojiti od uslovljavanja u političkim
oblastima kako bi se umanjila mogućnost arbitrarnog odlučivanja o napretku ovih
zemalja u procesu. Osim što bi za države kandidate i potencijalne kandidate ovakav
manje zahtevan proces bio jednostavniji i omogućio veću autonomiju u izboru oblasti
integracije i tempu prilagođavanja, za države članice EU bi predstavljao način da se
vrati kredibilitet jednoj od svojih nekada najuspešnijih spoljopolitičkih aktivnosti.
Ključne reči: pristupanje, zastoj, Evropska unija, Zapadni Balkan, fleksibilnost,
diferencirana integracija., The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries’ accession
and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the
very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with
the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. Both sides have contributed
to this problem: the EU with its overambitious approach to the region, vaguely defined
and ever-changing criteria, but also the countries participating in the Process with their
uncritical approach to the possible membership, unclearly defined interests and aims,
slow reforms, and weak democratic tradition. For the process to be successfully
continued, the author discusses the idea of its substantial remodeling towards a flexible
process. In light of the frequent discussions about the possible moving of the European
integration towards more differentiation, the process of flexible association or accession
would enable EU membership only in selected policy areas. The policy areas would be
chosen in accordance with the previously clearly defined and thoroughly analyzed
interests and capabilities of the candidate and potential candidate countries. The author
argues that the association/accession process should be separated as much as possible
from the political conditioning in order to decrease the possibility of taking arbitrary
decisions on whether the countries have advanced in the process or not. For the
Western Balkan countries, this kind of less demanding process would be easier to
accomplish and would allow more autonomy in choosing areas of integration and pace
of accommodation. For the EU member states, it would provide a way to regain the
credibility of its once most successful foreign policy activity.",
publisher = "Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja",
pages = "25-5",
number = "1",
volume = "71",
doi = "10.2298/MEDJP1901005R"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2019). Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za medjunarodnu politiku i privredu., 71(1), 5-25.
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP1901005R

Radić-Milosavljević I. Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja. in Međunarodni problemi. 2019;71(1):5-25.
doi:10.2298/MEDJP1901005R .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja" in Međunarodni problemi, 71, no. 1 (2019):5-25,
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP1901005R . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/848
AB  - U članku autorka ispituje uticaj velike krize Evropske unije na proces politizacije antikriznih mera usvajanih tokom 2010. i 2011. godine. Praćenjem procesa usvajanja „paketa šest mera”, kao i analizom reagovanja različitih nacionalnih i transnacionalnih političkih aktera, autorka pokazuje da je uobičajena pretpostavka o krizi kao podsticajnom faktoru za politizaciju samo delimično ispravna. Šest mera čiji je cilj bio da se unapredi nekadašnji Pakt stabilnosti i rasta i nadzor nad ekonomskim i fiskalnim politikama država članica EU, značajno je ograničio ovlašćenja nacionalnih organa da se bave ovim pitanjima ali i povezanim politikama. I pored velikog značaja i ozbiljnih posledica ovih šest antikriznih mera, one nisu izazvale intenzivnu politizaciju, bar ne onakvu koja bi omogućila da suprotstavljeni zahtevi različitih političkih aktera utiču na konačan ishod odlučivanja i da se politizacija iz nacionalnih okvira prenese na nadnacionalni nivo. Naprotiv, kriza suverenog duga u EU upravo je poslužila političkim elitama da eventualna sporna pitanja izoluju od širih političkih konflikata i da ih drže mahom unutar nacionalnih granica. Osim krize, i drugi faktori doprineli su umirivanju politizacije. Autorka nalazi da su to način oblikovanja (predstavljanja) politizovanog pitanja, ustrojstvo ekonomske i monetarne unije kao decentralizovanog i policentričnog sistema upravljanja i konačno, složena i konsocijativna priroda Evropske unije.
AB  - The article examines how the great crisis in the European Union influenced the politicization of the anti-crisis measures taken during 2010 and 2011. By tracing the process of adoption of the so-called “Six-Pack” measures as well as by analyzing the reactions of different national and transnational political actors, the author shows that the usual hypothesis about the crisis as a factor giving impetus to politicization is only partially right. The six measures adopted with the aim of reinforcing the Stability and Growth Pact and the surveillance of the member states’ economic and fiscal policies, have considerably limited the competencies of national institutions within this policy field. Regardless of its enormous importance and serious consequences, the adoption of the Six-Pack did not provoke any considerable politicization, at least not strong enough to enable influence of the contesting voices on the decision-making result. The limited politicization also failed to travel from national contexts to supranational level. On the contrary, the sovereign debt crisis served the political elites to isolate the possible contentious issues from the wider political conflicts and keep them inside the national borders. The author finds that apart from the crisis, other factors have contributed to appeasing of the politicization.
PB  - Institut za politicke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Kriza kao faktor politizacije u Evropskoj uniji
EP  - 94
IS  - 2
SP  - 73
VL  - 64
DO  - 10.22182/spm.6422019.3
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "U članku autorka ispituje uticaj velike krize Evropske unije na proces politizacije antikriznih mera usvajanih tokom 2010. i 2011. godine. Praćenjem procesa usvajanja „paketa šest mera”, kao i analizom reagovanja različitih nacionalnih i transnacionalnih političkih aktera, autorka pokazuje da je uobičajena pretpostavka o krizi kao podsticajnom faktoru za politizaciju samo delimično ispravna. Šest mera čiji je cilj bio da se unapredi nekadašnji Pakt stabilnosti i rasta i nadzor nad ekonomskim i fiskalnim politikama država članica EU, značajno je ograničio ovlašćenja nacionalnih organa da se bave ovim pitanjima ali i povezanim politikama. I pored velikog značaja i ozbiljnih posledica ovih šest antikriznih mera, one nisu izazvale intenzivnu politizaciju, bar ne onakvu koja bi omogućila da suprotstavljeni zahtevi različitih političkih aktera utiču na konačan ishod odlučivanja i da se politizacija iz nacionalnih okvira prenese na nadnacionalni nivo. Naprotiv, kriza suverenog duga u EU upravo je poslužila političkim elitama da eventualna sporna pitanja izoluju od širih političkih konflikata i da ih drže mahom unutar nacionalnih granica. Osim krize, i drugi faktori doprineli su umirivanju politizacije. Autorka nalazi da su to način oblikovanja (predstavljanja) politizovanog pitanja, ustrojstvo ekonomske i monetarne unije kao decentralizovanog i policentričnog sistema upravljanja i konačno, složena i konsocijativna priroda Evropske unije., The article examines how the great crisis in the European Union influenced the politicization of the anti-crisis measures taken during 2010 and 2011. By tracing the process of adoption of the so-called “Six-Pack” measures as well as by analyzing the reactions of different national and transnational political actors, the author shows that the usual hypothesis about the crisis as a factor giving impetus to politicization is only partially right. The six measures adopted with the aim of reinforcing the Stability and Growth Pact and the surveillance of the member states’ economic and fiscal policies, have considerably limited the competencies of national institutions within this policy field. Regardless of its enormous importance and serious consequences, the adoption of the Six-Pack did not provoke any considerable politicization, at least not strong enough to enable influence of the contesting voices on the decision-making result. The limited politicization also failed to travel from national contexts to supranational level. On the contrary, the sovereign debt crisis served the political elites to isolate the possible contentious issues from the wider political conflicts and keep them inside the national borders. The author finds that apart from the crisis, other factors have contributed to appeasing of the politicization.",
publisher = "Institut za politicke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Kriza kao faktor politizacije u Evropskoj uniji",
pages = "94-73",
number = "2",
volume = "64",
doi = "10.22182/spm.6422019.3"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2019). Kriza kao faktor politizacije u Evropskoj uniji. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za politicke studije, Beograd., 64(2), 73-94.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.6422019.3

Radić-Milosavljević I. Kriza kao faktor politizacije u Evropskoj uniji. in Srpska politička misao. 2019;64(2):73-94.
doi:10.22182/spm.6422019.3 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "Kriza kao faktor politizacije u Evropskoj uniji" in Srpska politička misao, 64, no. 2 (2019):73-94,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.6422019.3 . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6098
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:18524/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518291031
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/10105
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/822
AB  - Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens.
AB  - Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The European Union in the politicization process
T1  - Evropska unija u procesu politizacije
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10105
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens., Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The European Union in the politicization process, Evropska unija u procesu politizacije",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10105"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2018). The European Union in the politicization process. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10105

Radić-Milosavljević I. The European Union in the politicization process. 2018;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10105 .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "The European Union in the politicization process" (2018),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_10105 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Radić Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1084
AB  - Prvi od kriteriјuma iz Kopenhagena za pristupanje novih država članica Evropskoј uniјi definisanih 1993. godine јeste onaј politički – o neophodnosti uspostavljanja stabilnih instituciјa koјe garantuјu demokratiјu, vladavinu prava, ljudska prava i poštovanje i zaštitu manjina. Ovaј kriteriјum јe, međutim, ostao u senci u poslednjih nekoliko godina tokom koјih јe Evropska uniјa јedinu pažnju na Zapadnom Balkanu posvećivala pitanju regionalne stabilnosti ovog prostora. Tako se dogodio paradoks da se u Srbiјi, ali i drugim državama ovog regiona, u јednom procesu koјi bi trebalo da podrži demokratiјu, daјe podrška autoritarnim političkim liderima. Za tu podršku oni su se kvalifikovali svoјom spremnošću, makar deklarativnom, da se posvete unapređenju odnosa sa susedima. Istovremeno se toleriše očigledna poјava zarobljavanja države (engl. State Capture) manifestovana u raširenoј korupciјi, uzurpaciјi mediјa, samovolji poјedinaca i prenebregavanju instituciјa, kao i kršenju vladavine prava, uključuјući i ljudska prava. Nekoliko faktora koјi su se istovremeno stekli doprinelo јe ovakvom pristupu Evropske uniјe prema državama kandidatima za članstvo. Prvi јe sadržan u okolnostima višedimenzionalne krize u koјoј se EU našla od 2008. godine, koјa onemogućava Uniјi da se u punom kapacitetu posveti pitanju proširenja. Drugi јeste očigledan zamor od proširenja vidljiv u јavnom diskursu na prostoru Evropske uniјe, kako među političkim elitama, umerenim i ekstrem- nim političkim partiјama, tako i među građanima. Treći faktor јeste aktuelna dominaciјa Evropske narodne partiјe u svim političkim instituciјama Evropske uniјe. Njeni predstavnici daјu gotovo bezrezervnu podršku članovima njima srodnih, vladaјućih političkih partiјa u poјedinim zemljama na Zapadnom Balkanu, od čega јe Srbiјa verovatno naјbolji primer. Konačno, slaba demokratska osnova u zemljama kandidatima, kako na strani vlasti tako i unutar civilnog društva, omogućila јe nekritički, apologetski odnos prema čitavom procesu pristupanja. Članak zaključuјemo nekim opštim opservaciјama i otvorenim pitanjima o odnosu demokratiјe i procesa pristupanja.
AB  - The first among the EU accession criteria, known as the Copenhagen criteria,
has been the political one – securing the stability of institutions guaranteeing
democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities. In the last few years, however, this criterion has been neglected by the
EU which put all its attention to regional stability in the Western Balkans. This
is how a paradox has happened contained in the fact that the process of EU integration that was supposed to uphold democracy started supporting authoritarian political elites in Serbia as well as in other Western Balkans countries.
For this kind of support these elites have qualified by their declared readiness to improve their relations with neighboring countries. During that time, the
EU has been tolerating the obvious indicators of state capture in the region,
manifested in the widespread corruption, media usurpation, arbitrariness of
individuals in power, circumventing the institutions, breaching the rule of law
including human rights.
The paper argues that there simultaneously exist several factors contributing
to maintaining such an EU’s approach. First, the circumstances of the multidimensional crisis that hit the Union since 2008 prevails it to deal substantially
with the enlargement process. Second, there is the obvious enlargement fatigue
visible in the public discourse among the EU’s political elites, both mainstream
and extreme political parties, as well as citizens. The third factor is an actual
dominance of the European People’s Party in all of the EU’s political institutions
whose representatives give their almost unreserved support to their political
counterparts currently in power in the Western Balkans countries, Serbia being the most obvious example. Finally, a weak democratic foundation in candidate countries, both among those in power and the civil society, enabled an
uncritical, apologetic stance towards the whole accession process. The paper
concludes with some general observations and open questions about the relation between democracy and the accession process.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
PB  - Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
C3  - Demokratski otpori normalizaciji autoritarizma u Evropi
T1  - Sukob stabilnosti i demokratiјe u procesu evropske integraciјe Republike Srbiјe
T1  - Conflict between Stability and Democracy in the Serbia’s Eu Integration Process
EP  - 271
SP  - 257
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1084
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Radić Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Prvi od kriteriјuma iz Kopenhagena za pristupanje novih država članica Evropskoј uniјi definisanih 1993. godine јeste onaј politički – o neophodnosti uspostavljanja stabilnih instituciјa koјe garantuјu demokratiјu, vladavinu prava, ljudska prava i poštovanje i zaštitu manjina. Ovaј kriteriјum јe, međutim, ostao u senci u poslednjih nekoliko godina tokom koјih јe Evropska uniјa јedinu pažnju na Zapadnom Balkanu posvećivala pitanju regionalne stabilnosti ovog prostora. Tako se dogodio paradoks da se u Srbiјi, ali i drugim državama ovog regiona, u јednom procesu koјi bi trebalo da podrži demokratiјu, daјe podrška autoritarnim političkim liderima. Za tu podršku oni su se kvalifikovali svoјom spremnošću, makar deklarativnom, da se posvete unapređenju odnosa sa susedima. Istovremeno se toleriše očigledna poјava zarobljavanja države (engl. State Capture) manifestovana u raširenoј korupciјi, uzurpaciјi mediјa, samovolji poјedinaca i prenebregavanju instituciјa, kao i kršenju vladavine prava, uključuјući i ljudska prava. Nekoliko faktora koјi su se istovremeno stekli doprinelo јe ovakvom pristupu Evropske uniјe prema državama kandidatima za članstvo. Prvi јe sadržan u okolnostima višedimenzionalne krize u koјoј se EU našla od 2008. godine, koјa onemogućava Uniјi da se u punom kapacitetu posveti pitanju proširenja. Drugi јeste očigledan zamor od proširenja vidljiv u јavnom diskursu na prostoru Evropske uniјe, kako među političkim elitama, umerenim i ekstrem- nim političkim partiјama, tako i među građanima. Treći faktor јeste aktuelna dominaciјa Evropske narodne partiјe u svim političkim instituciјama Evropske uniјe. Njeni predstavnici daјu gotovo bezrezervnu podršku članovima njima srodnih, vladaјućih političkih partiјa u poјedinim zemljama na Zapadnom Balkanu, od čega јe Srbiјa verovatno naјbolji primer. Konačno, slaba demokratska osnova u zemljama kandidatima, kako na strani vlasti tako i unutar civilnog društva, omogućila јe nekritički, apologetski odnos prema čitavom procesu pristupanja. Članak zaključuјemo nekim opštim opservaciјama i otvorenim pitanjima o odnosu demokratiјe i procesa pristupanja., The first among the EU accession criteria, known as the Copenhagen criteria,
has been the political one – securing the stability of institutions guaranteeing
democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities. In the last few years, however, this criterion has been neglected by the
EU which put all its attention to regional stability in the Western Balkans. This
is how a paradox has happened contained in the fact that the process of EU integration that was supposed to uphold democracy started supporting authoritarian political elites in Serbia as well as in other Western Balkans countries.
For this kind of support these elites have qualified by their declared readiness to improve their relations with neighboring countries. During that time, the
EU has been tolerating the obvious indicators of state capture in the region,
manifested in the widespread corruption, media usurpation, arbitrariness of
individuals in power, circumventing the institutions, breaching the rule of law
including human rights.
The paper argues that there simultaneously exist several factors contributing
to maintaining such an EU’s approach. First, the circumstances of the multidimensional crisis that hit the Union since 2008 prevails it to deal substantially
with the enlargement process. Second, there is the obvious enlargement fatigue
visible in the public discourse among the EU’s political elites, both mainstream
and extreme political parties, as well as citizens. The third factor is an actual
dominance of the European People’s Party in all of the EU’s political institutions
whose representatives give their almost unreserved support to their political
counterparts currently in power in the Western Balkans countries, Serbia being the most obvious example. Finally, a weak democratic foundation in candidate countries, both among those in power and the civil society, enabled an
uncritical, apologetic stance towards the whole accession process. The paper
concludes with some general observations and open questions about the relation between democracy and the accession process.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd : Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije",
journal = "Demokratski otpori normalizaciji autoritarizma u Evropi",
title = "Sukob stabilnosti i demokratiјe u procesu evropske integraciјe Republike Srbiјe, Conflict between Stability and Democracy in the Serbia’s Eu Integration Process",
pages = "271-257",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1084"
}

Radić Milosavljević, I.. (2017). Sukob stabilnosti i demokratiјe u procesu evropske integraciјe Republike Srbiјe. in Demokratski otpori normalizaciji autoritarizma u Evropi
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 257-271.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1084

Radić Milosavljević I. Sukob stabilnosti i demokratiјe u procesu evropske integraciјe Republike Srbiјe. in Demokratski otpori normalizaciji autoritarizma u Evropi. 2017;:257-271.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1084 .

Radić Milosavljević, Ivana, "Sukob stabilnosti i demokratiјe u procesu evropske integraciјe Republike Srbiјe" in Demokratski otpori normalizaciji autoritarizma u Evropi (2017):257-271,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1084 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/521
AB  - The paper explores the European Parliament's capacities as an actor in the process of overcoming the contemporary EU crisis. It starts with a critical analysis of both formal and informal institutional arrangements introduced with the Lisbon Treaty and during the process of 2014 European elections preparation. It is argued that although the EP has gained powers concerning the election of the European executive chief, the EP increasingly loses its powers within policies that are the main generators of crisis. That is why the EP cannot play a significant role in overcoming the EU crisis nor can the citizens who elect it. Apart from institutional incapability, the role of the Parliament is further complicated by new circumstances - holding elections and constituting the EP under the conditions of increased politicization caused by the protracted crisis. The paper concludes that the EP, just as the EU itself, has been caught in a vicious circle where the crisis and politicization produce deep divisions, and divisions consequently preclude taking anti-crisis measures.
AB  - Rad nastoji da ispita kapacitete Evropskog parlamenta (EP) kao aktera u prevazilaženju savremene krize EU. Najpre se kritički sagledavaju formalne i neformalne institucionalne novine nakon Ugovora iz Lisabona i poslednjih izbora za EP i ukazuje na činjenicu da Parlament i dalje uživa ograničena ovlašćenja. Naime, iako je dobio veću mogućnost uticaja na izbor šefa egzekutive, on ima sve manje mogućnosti kontrole i uticaja u politikama EU koje su glavni generatori krize. Stoga, Evropski parlament ne može da ima značajniju ulogu u izvođenju Unije iz krize, a time ni građani koji ga biraju. Pored institucionalnih nedostataka, ulogu Parlamenta otežavaju nove okolnosti - odvijanje izbora i konstituisanje EP u uslovima uvećane politizacije izazvane pre svega produženom krizom EU. U radu se zaključuje da se EP, kao i Evropska unija, našao u začaranom krugu u kojem kriza i politizacija proizvode duboke podele koje otežavaju preduzimanje mera za izlazak iz krize.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
T1  - Elections to the European Parliament in times of crisis: This time is it different?
T1  - Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize - šta je drugačije ovog puta
EP  - 62
IS  - 13
SP  - 45
VL  - 9
DO  - 10.5937/GodFPN1513045M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The paper explores the European Parliament's capacities as an actor in the process of overcoming the contemporary EU crisis. It starts with a critical analysis of both formal and informal institutional arrangements introduced with the Lisbon Treaty and during the process of 2014 European elections preparation. It is argued that although the EP has gained powers concerning the election of the European executive chief, the EP increasingly loses its powers within policies that are the main generators of crisis. That is why the EP cannot play a significant role in overcoming the EU crisis nor can the citizens who elect it. Apart from institutional incapability, the role of the Parliament is further complicated by new circumstances - holding elections and constituting the EP under the conditions of increased politicization caused by the protracted crisis. The paper concludes that the EP, just as the EU itself, has been caught in a vicious circle where the crisis and politicization produce deep divisions, and divisions consequently preclude taking anti-crisis measures., Rad nastoji da ispita kapacitete Evropskog parlamenta (EP) kao aktera u prevazilaženju savremene krize EU. Najpre se kritički sagledavaju formalne i neformalne institucionalne novine nakon Ugovora iz Lisabona i poslednjih izbora za EP i ukazuje na činjenicu da Parlament i dalje uživa ograničena ovlašćenja. Naime, iako je dobio veću mogućnost uticaja na izbor šefa egzekutive, on ima sve manje mogućnosti kontrole i uticaja u politikama EU koje su glavni generatori krize. Stoga, Evropski parlament ne može da ima značajniju ulogu u izvođenju Unije iz krize, a time ni građani koji ga biraju. Pored institucionalnih nedostataka, ulogu Parlamenta otežavaju nove okolnosti - odvijanje izbora i konstituisanje EP u uslovima uvećane politizacije izazvane pre svega produženom krizom EU. U radu se zaključuje da se EP, kao i Evropska unija, našao u začaranom krugu u kojem kriza i politizacija proizvode duboke podele koje otežavaju preduzimanje mera za izlazak iz krize.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka",
title = "Elections to the European Parliament in times of crisis: This time is it different?, Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize - šta je drugačije ovog puta",
pages = "62-45",
number = "13",
volume = "9",
doi = "10.5937/GodFPN1513045M"
}

Radić-Milosavljević, I.. (2015). Elections to the European Parliament in times of crisis: This time is it different?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 9(13), 45-62.
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513045M

Radić-Milosavljević I. Elections to the European Parliament in times of crisis: This time is it different?. in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka. 2015;9(13):45-62.
doi:10.5937/GodFPN1513045M .

Radić-Milosavljević, Ivana, "Elections to the European Parliament in times of crisis: This time is it different?" in Godišnjak Fakulteta političkih nauka, 9, no. 13 (2015):45-62,
https://doi.org/10.5937/GodFPN1513045M . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić Milosavljević, Ivana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1085
AB  - Rad nastoji da ispita kapacitete Evropskog parlamenta (EP) kao aktera u prevazilaženju savreme ne krize EU. Najpre se kritički sagledavaju formalne i neformalne institucionalne novine nakon Ugovora iz Lisabona i poslednjih izbora za EP i ukazuje na činjenicu da Parlament i dalje uživa ograničena ovlašćenja. Naime, iako je dobio veću mogućnost uticaja na izbor šefa egzekutive, on ima sve manje mogućnosti kontrole i uticaja u politikama EU ko je su glavni generatori krize. Stoga, Evropski parlament ne može da ima značajniju ulogu u izvođenju Unije iz krize, a time ni građani koji ga biraju. Pored institucionalnih nedostataka, ulogu Parlamenta otežavaju nove okolnosti – odvijanje izbora i konstituisanje EP u uslovima uvećane politizacije izazvane pre svega produženom krizom EU. U radu se zaključuje da se EP, kao i Evropska unija, našao u začaranom krugu u kojem kriza i politizacija proizvode duboke podele koje otežavaju preduzimanje mera za izlazak iz krize.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Godišnjak
T1  - Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize: šta je drugačije ovog puta
T1  - Elections to The European Parliament in Times of Crisis: This Time is it Different?
EP  - 62
IS  - 13
SP  - 45
VL  - IX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1085
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Radić Milosavljević, Ivana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Rad nastoji da ispita kapacitete Evropskog parlamenta (EP) kao aktera u prevazilaženju savreme ne krize EU. Najpre se kritički sagledavaju formalne i neformalne institucionalne novine nakon Ugovora iz Lisabona i poslednjih izbora za EP i ukazuje na činjenicu da Parlament i dalje uživa ograničena ovlašćenja. Naime, iako je dobio veću mogućnost uticaja na izbor šefa egzekutive, on ima sve manje mogućnosti kontrole i uticaja u politikama EU ko je su glavni generatori krize. Stoga, Evropski parlament ne može da ima značajniju ulogu u izvođenju Unije iz krize, a time ni građani koji ga biraju. Pored institucionalnih nedostataka, ulogu Parlamenta otežavaju nove okolnosti – odvijanje izbora i konstituisanje EP u uslovima uvećane politizacije izazvane pre svega produženom krizom EU. U radu se zaključuje da se EP, kao i Evropska unija, našao u začaranom krugu u kojem kriza i politizacija proizvode duboke podele koje otežavaju preduzimanje mera za izlazak iz krize.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Godišnjak",
title = "Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize: šta je drugačije ovog puta, Elections to The European Parliament in Times of Crisis: This Time is it Different?",
pages = "62-45",
number = "13",
volume = "IX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1085"
}

Radić Milosavljević, I.. (2015). Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize: šta je drugačije ovog puta. in Godišnjak
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka., IX(13), 45-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1085

Radić Milosavljević I. Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize: šta je drugačije ovog puta. in Godišnjak. 2015;IX(13):45-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1085 .

Radić Milosavljević, Ivana, "Izbori za Evropski parlament u vreme krize: šta je drugačije ovog puta" in Godišnjak, IX, no. 13 (2015):45-62,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1085 .