TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Marko
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1249
AB  - Cilj ovog rada je da omogući temeljan uvid u ključne teorijske rasprave u vezi sa odnosom identiteta i uloga u disciplini međunarodnih odnosa i analizi spoljne politike, s posebnim fokusom na teorijske pristupe socijalnog konstruktivizma i teorije spoljnopolitičkih uloga. Imajući u vidu odsustvo interesovanja za ovaj pristup istraživanju u regionalnoj akademskoj literaturi, sistematizujem tri dimenzije proučavanja uloga u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici: ontološku, epistemološku i metodološku. U ovom nastojanju da se prokrči put daljim istraživanjima, poseban naglasak se stavlja na uloge malih država u svetskoj politici između strukturnih imperativa i mogućnosti delatništva. Teorija uloga se sagledava u svom odnosu prema konsturktivističkoj analizi spoljne politike, pri čemu se ukazuje na osnovne pojmove teorije uloga, interpretativnu metodologiju i neke primere istraživanja diskurzivnog konstruisanja identiteta i uloga država. U zaključku se osvrćem na neka dalja pitanja i jednu istraživačku agendu identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima.
AB  - The aim of this article is to enable a comprehensive insight into key theoretical debates on the relationship between identities and roles in International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), with a particular focus on
theoretical approaches of social constructivism and foreign policy role theory.
Given the lack of interest in this research approach the post-Yugoslav IR literature, I systematize ontological, epistemological and methodological dimensions of studying foreign policy and security roles of states. In this research
path-breaking effort, a special emphasis is on the role of small states in world
politics between structural imperatives and possibilities of agency. Role the-
ory is reviewed in its relationship toward constructivist FPA, whereas the key
notions of role theory, interpretive methodology and some examples of re -
search on discursive construction of state identity and roles are presented. In
the conclusion, I reflect on some further questions and a research agenda of
identity and roles in IR.
PB  - Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Političke perspektive: časopis za istraživanje politike
T1  - Odnos identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i spoljnoj politici: ontologija, epistemologija i metodologija
T1  - Identity-Role Relationship in Intetrnational Relations and Foreign Policy: Ontology, Epistemology and Methodology
EP  - 86
IS  - 2
SP  - 57
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.20901/pp.13.2.02
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Marko",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Cilj ovog rada je da omogući temeljan uvid u ključne teorijske rasprave u vezi sa odnosom identiteta i uloga u disciplini međunarodnih odnosa i analizi spoljne politike, s posebnim fokusom na teorijske pristupe socijalnog konstruktivizma i teorije spoljnopolitičkih uloga. Imajući u vidu odsustvo interesovanja za ovaj pristup istraživanju u regionalnoj akademskoj literaturi, sistematizujem tri dimenzije proučavanja uloga u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici: ontološku, epistemološku i metodološku. U ovom nastojanju da se prokrči put daljim istraživanjima, poseban naglasak se stavlja na uloge malih država u svetskoj politici između strukturnih imperativa i mogućnosti delatništva. Teorija uloga se sagledava u svom odnosu prema konsturktivističkoj analizi spoljne politike, pri čemu se ukazuje na osnovne pojmove teorije uloga, interpretativnu metodologiju i neke primere istraživanja diskurzivnog konstruisanja identiteta i uloga država. U zaključku se osvrćem na neka dalja pitanja i jednu istraživačku agendu identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima., The aim of this article is to enable a comprehensive insight into key theoretical debates on the relationship between identities and roles in International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), with a particular focus on
theoretical approaches of social constructivism and foreign policy role theory.
Given the lack of interest in this research approach the post-Yugoslav IR literature, I systematize ontological, epistemological and methodological dimensions of studying foreign policy and security roles of states. In this research
path-breaking effort, a special emphasis is on the role of small states in world
politics between structural imperatives and possibilities of agency. Role the-
ory is reviewed in its relationship toward constructivist FPA, whereas the key
notions of role theory, interpretive methodology and some examples of re -
search on discursive construction of state identity and roles are presented. In
the conclusion, I reflect on some further questions and a research agenda of
identity and roles in IR.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti, Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Političke perspektive: časopis za istraživanje politike",
title = "Odnos identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i spoljnoj politici: ontologija, epistemologija i metodologija, Identity-Role Relationship in Intetrnational Relations and Foreign Policy: Ontology, Epistemology and Methodology",
pages = "86-57",
number = "2",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.20901/pp.13.2.02"
}

Kovačević, M.. (2023). Odnos identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i spoljnoj politici: ontologija, epistemologija i metodologija. in Političke perspektive: časopis za istraživanje politike
Zagreb : Fakultet političkih znanosti., 13(2), 57-86.
https://doi.org/10.20901/pp.13.2.02

Kovačević M. Odnos identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i spoljnoj politici: ontologija, epistemologija i metodologija. in Političke perspektive: časopis za istraživanje politike. 2023;13(2):57-86.
doi:10.20901/pp.13.2.02 .

Kovačević, Marko, "Odnos identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i spoljnoj politici: ontologija, epistemologija i metodologija" in Političke perspektive: časopis za istraživanje politike, 13, no. 2 (2023):57-86,
https://doi.org/10.20901/pp.13.2.02 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jakšić, Ivana M.
AU  - Jović, Nikola
AU  - Krstić, Milan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1066
AB  - Predizborna kampanja uoči izbora 3. aprila 2022. godine odvijala se u specifičnim uslovima. Svega devet dana nakon što je 15. februara 2022. godine predsednik Republike Srbije, Aleksandar Vučić, raspisao prevremene parlamentarne izbore, Ruska federacija izvršila je invaziju na Ukrajinu. Rat koji je trajao je tokom čitave predizborne kampanje, kreirao je specifičan komunikacioni izazov za političke stranke. Osim toga, rat je uticao i na glasače, pobuđujući anksioznost usled eventualnog prelivanja negativnih posledica rata (bezbednosnih, ekonomskih, političkih, emotivnih) na Srbiju. U ovom radu upravo analiziramo uticaj ratom indukovane anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje glasača. Kvantitativni istraživački dizajn podrazumevao je analizu istraživanja javnog mnjenja sprovedenog neposredno nakon održanih izbora. Upitnik postizborne sondaže bio je fokusiran na proveru dve hipoteze o uticaj anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje: (1) preusmeravanje pažnje glasača sa unutarpolitičkih na spoljnopolitičke teme; (2) promenu preferencija glasača kada je u pitanju donošenje odluke za koga će glasati na izborima.
AB  - The campaign for the 2022 elections in Serbia took place under specific circumstances. Just nine days after the President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced parliamentary elections on February 15, 2022, the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine. The war created a specific communication challenge for political parties. In addition, the war also affected the voters, causing anxiety due to the possibility of a spillover of negative consequences of the war (security, economic, political, and emotional) to Serbia. In this paper, we analyze the impact of war-induced anxiety on the electoral behavior of voters. The quantitative research design involved the analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the elections. The post-election survey questionnaire was focused on testing two hypotheses about the impact of anxiety on voting behavior: (1) redirecting voters’ attention from domestic to foreign political topics; (2) a change in voter preferences when it comes to deciding who to vote for in elections. The theoretical foundation of this paper is a cognitive approach to emotions. The descriptive and inferential findings of our study indicate that anxiety related to the Russian-Ukrainian war was a significant factor in voting behavior in the 2022 parliamentary elections in Serbia. Regardless of party affiliation,
it was empirically confirmed for the first time in the
Serbian local context that anxiety induced by crisis
situations increases voters’ interest in relevant political
information, increases the probability of changing voting
preferences, and promotes involvement in the electoral
process (turnout), as well as gathering around political
options that guarantee stability or offer protective
security policies (parties that were in power until the
election and right-wing parties). However, these effects
were not left to the spontaneity of political-psychological
processes but were also successfully instrumentalized by
the Serbian Progressive Party. Simultaneously increasing
the anxiety of the voters and offering messages of
reassurance, this party managed to divert the attention
of the voters from other relevant issues and to keep its
former voters together. The findings of this analysis
contribute to the open debates in the field of Elections
and Voting Behavior, as well as in the field of Foreign
Policy Analysis.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za političke studije
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata
T1  - Anxiety in the Time of Elections: Electoral Behavior Of Voters in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War
EP  - 305
IS  - 4
SP  - 275
DO  - 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Jakšić, Ivana M. and Jović, Nikola and Krstić, Milan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Predizborna kampanja uoči izbora 3. aprila 2022. godine odvijala se u specifičnim uslovima. Svega devet dana nakon što je 15. februara 2022. godine predsednik Republike Srbije, Aleksandar Vučić, raspisao prevremene parlamentarne izbore, Ruska federacija izvršila je invaziju na Ukrajinu. Rat koji je trajao je tokom čitave predizborne kampanje, kreirao je specifičan komunikacioni izazov za političke stranke. Osim toga, rat je uticao i na glasače, pobuđujući anksioznost usled eventualnog prelivanja negativnih posledica rata (bezbednosnih, ekonomskih, političkih, emotivnih) na Srbiju. U ovom radu upravo analiziramo uticaj ratom indukovane anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje glasača. Kvantitativni istraživački dizajn podrazumevao je analizu istraživanja javnog mnjenja sprovedenog neposredno nakon održanih izbora. Upitnik postizborne sondaže bio je fokusiran na proveru dve hipoteze o uticaj anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje: (1) preusmeravanje pažnje glasača sa unutarpolitičkih na spoljnopolitičke teme; (2) promenu preferencija glasača kada je u pitanju donošenje odluke za koga će glasati na izborima., The campaign for the 2022 elections in Serbia took place under specific circumstances. Just nine days after the President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced parliamentary elections on February 15, 2022, the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine. The war created a specific communication challenge for political parties. In addition, the war also affected the voters, causing anxiety due to the possibility of a spillover of negative consequences of the war (security, economic, political, and emotional) to Serbia. In this paper, we analyze the impact of war-induced anxiety on the electoral behavior of voters. The quantitative research design involved the analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the elections. The post-election survey questionnaire was focused on testing two hypotheses about the impact of anxiety on voting behavior: (1) redirecting voters’ attention from domestic to foreign political topics; (2) a change in voter preferences when it comes to deciding who to vote for in elections. The theoretical foundation of this paper is a cognitive approach to emotions. The descriptive and inferential findings of our study indicate that anxiety related to the Russian-Ukrainian war was a significant factor in voting behavior in the 2022 parliamentary elections in Serbia. Regardless of party affiliation,
it was empirically confirmed for the first time in the
Serbian local context that anxiety induced by crisis
situations increases voters’ interest in relevant political
information, increases the probability of changing voting
preferences, and promotes involvement in the electoral
process (turnout), as well as gathering around political
options that guarantee stability or offer protective
security policies (parties that were in power until the
election and right-wing parties). However, these effects
were not left to the spontaneity of political-psychological
processes but were also successfully instrumentalized by
the Serbian Progressive Party. Simultaneously increasing
the anxiety of the voters and offering messages of
reassurance, this party managed to divert the attention
of the voters from other relevant issues and to keep its
former voters together. The findings of this analysis
contribute to the open debates in the field of Elections
and Voting Behavior, as well as in the field of Foreign
Policy Analysis.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata, Anxiety in the Time of Elections: Electoral Behavior Of Voters in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War",
pages = "305-275",
number = "4",
doi = "10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13"
}

Jakšić, I. M., Jović, N.,& Krstić, M.. (2022). Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata. in Srpska politička misao
Beograd : Institut za političke studije.(4), 275-305.
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13

Jakšić IM, Jović N, Krstić M. Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata. in Srpska politička misao. 2022;(4):275-305.
doi:10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13 .

Jakšić, Ivana M., Jović, Nikola, Krstić, Milan, "Anksioznost u doba izbora: Izborno ponašanje glasača u kontekstu Rusko-ukrajinskog rata" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2022):275-305,
https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.13 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Marko
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/939
AB  - Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su
kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regio-
nalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema među-
narodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija.
Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili
arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti
malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju
uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Sr-
bije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe
države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite,
teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok
Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu
strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska
kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem
u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju ze-
malja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji
način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici
približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu.
AB  - In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and
Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional
and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their diffe-
rent relationships toward international organizations such as the
European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its
central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or
an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their
foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist
foreign policy analysis and role theory, I focused on the key stages in
the development of Serbia's and Croatia's foreign policy narratives as
active member states of the United Nations. Although both of these
post-Yugoslav states perceive themselves as active, such activity
belongs to two different, theoretically conceptualized strategies of
small states. I argue that Serbia, due to the complexity of Kosovo pro-
blem mostly leads defensive autonomous strategy that is bounded by
its proclaimed military neutrality, whereas Croatia being a small EU
and NATO member is closer to integrationist influence seeking under
the same constellation with its Euro-Atlantic partners. By analyzing
the official diplomatic discourses of both states at the UN General
Assembly between 2000 and 2020, I show how and to what degree
their discourses on regional, European and global politics converge
or diverge, and discuss what that means for their respective places in
the world.
PB  - Zagreb : Srpsko narodno vijeće
PB  - Zagreb : Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj
T2  - Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
T1  - Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama
T1  - Discursive traces of small states: shaping of Serbia's and Croatia's identities and roles at the United Nations
EP  - 107
IS  - 1
SP  - 73
VL  - 5
DO  - 10.52328/t.5.1.3.
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Marko",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su
kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regio-
nalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema među-
narodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija.
Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili
arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti
malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju
uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Sr-
bije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe
države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite,
teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok
Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu
strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska
kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem
u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju ze-
malja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji
način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici
približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu., In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and
Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional
and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their diffe-
rent relationships toward international organizations such as the
European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its
central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or
an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their
foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist
foreign policy analysis and role theory, I focused on the key stages in
the development of Serbia's and Croatia's foreign policy narratives as
active member states of the United Nations. Although both of these
post-Yugoslav states perceive themselves as active, such activity
belongs to two different, theoretically conceptualized strategies of
small states. I argue that Serbia, due to the complexity of Kosovo pro-
blem mostly leads defensive autonomous strategy that is bounded by
its proclaimed military neutrality, whereas Croatia being a small EU
and NATO member is closer to integrationist influence seeking under
the same constellation with its Euro-Atlantic partners. By analyzing
the official diplomatic discourses of both states at the UN General
Assembly between 2000 and 2020, I show how and to what degree
their discourses on regional, European and global politics converge
or diverge, and discuss what that means for their respective places in
the world.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Srpsko narodno vijeće, Zagreb : Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj",
journal = "Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme",
title = "Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama, Discursive traces of small states: shaping of Serbia's and Croatia's identities and roles at the United Nations",
pages = "107-73",
number = "1",
volume = "5",
doi = "10.52328/t.5.1.3."
}

Kovačević, M.. (2022). Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama. in Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
Zagreb : Srpsko narodno vijeće., 5(1), 73-107.
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.5.1.3.

Kovačević M. Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama. in Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme. 2022;5(1):73-107.
doi:10.52328/t.5.1.3. .

Kovačević, Marko, "Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama" in Tragovi : časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme, 5, no. 1 (2022):73-107,
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.5.1.3. . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milović, Nataša S.
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/904
AB  - U radu se problematizuje položaj čoveka u današnjem svetu. Nastoje se zahvatiti konture ideologema koje podupiru ljudsko konformiranje globalnoj strukturi koje uveliko dobija karakter totalnog procesa. Specifičnost takve situacije prepoznaje se kao povod da se imenuju okosnice toga procesa, osvetle mehanizmi pomoću kojih globalna superstruktura sebi neizričito dodeljuje atribute „mere svih stvariˮ. Istaći će se premise koje se u ljudsko (samo)razumevanje uvlače kao pretpostavljeno tlo za ophođenje unutar sveta i ukazati na podsticaj za otvaranje pitanja o povesnoj situaciji čoveka iz novopostavljenog horizonta.
AB  - In this study, the authors problematize human position in today’s world. They try to discern contours of ideological matrices that support human conforming to global structures that attains character of total process. The specificity of this situation is recognized as a cause to identify framework of that process, highlighting mechanisms through which global superstructure indirectly gives itself attributes of “measure of all things”. The authors will single out the premises that infiltrate into human (self)understanding as presupposed ground for activity inside world and make an incentive to question historical position of man from newly established horizon.
PB  - Matica Srpska : Novi Sad
T2  - Zbornik Matice srpske za društvene nauke
T1  - Čovek krize u svetu korisnika i onih koji "govore kao oruđa" - ka dobu prelaza
T1  - The man of crisis in the world of users and those who “speak as tools” – towards the transitional
EP  - 399
IS  - 3
SP  - 373
VL  - 183
DO  - 10.2298/ZMSDN2283373M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milović, Nataša S.",
year = "2022",
abstract = "U radu se problematizuje položaj čoveka u današnjem svetu. Nastoje se zahvatiti konture ideologema koje podupiru ljudsko konformiranje globalnoj strukturi koje uveliko dobija karakter totalnog procesa. Specifičnost takve situacije prepoznaje se kao povod da se imenuju okosnice toga procesa, osvetle mehanizmi pomoću kojih globalna superstruktura sebi neizričito dodeljuje atribute „mere svih stvariˮ. Istaći će se premise koje se u ljudsko (samo)razumevanje uvlače kao pretpostavljeno tlo za ophođenje unutar sveta i ukazati na podsticaj za otvaranje pitanja o povesnoj situaciji čoveka iz novopostavljenog horizonta., In this study, the authors problematize human position in today’s world. They try to discern contours of ideological matrices that support human conforming to global structures that attains character of total process. The specificity of this situation is recognized as a cause to identify framework of that process, highlighting mechanisms through which global superstructure indirectly gives itself attributes of “measure of all things”. The authors will single out the premises that infiltrate into human (self)understanding as presupposed ground for activity inside world and make an incentive to question historical position of man from newly established horizon.",
publisher = "Matica Srpska : Novi Sad",
journal = "Zbornik Matice srpske za društvene nauke",
title = "Čovek krize u svetu korisnika i onih koji "govore kao oruđa" - ka dobu prelaza, The man of crisis in the world of users and those who “speak as tools” – towards the transitional",
pages = "399-373",
number = "3",
volume = "183",
doi = "10.2298/ZMSDN2283373M"
}

Milović, N. S.. (2022). Čovek krize u svetu korisnika i onih koji "govore kao oruđa" - ka dobu prelaza. in Zbornik Matice srpske za društvene nauke
Matica Srpska : Novi Sad., 183(3), 373-399.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZMSDN2283373M

Milović NS. Čovek krize u svetu korisnika i onih koji "govore kao oruđa" - ka dobu prelaza. in Zbornik Matice srpske za društvene nauke. 2022;183(3):373-399.
doi:10.2298/ZMSDN2283373M .

Milović, Nataša S., "Čovek krize u svetu korisnika i onih koji "govore kao oruđa" - ka dobu prelaza" in Zbornik Matice srpske za društvene nauke, 183, no. 3 (2022):373-399,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZMSDN2283373M . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Cvetić, Andrej
AU  - Kovačević, Marko
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1247
AB  - U ovom radu obrazložićemo stav da je teorija regionalnog
bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK) (Buzan and Waever 2003), najadekvatnije
pozicionirana među različitim „regionalističkim“ pristupima u
međunarodnim odnosima, bilo u pogledu izgradnje teorije bilo u
empirijskim istraživanjima o regionalnoj bezbednosti. Ciljevi ovog rada su
trostruki: a) da predstavi TRBK u savremenom proučavanju regionalne
bezbednosti; b) da mapira studije regionalne bezbednosti i sagleda odnos
TRBK sa drugim (srodnim/rivalskim) teorijama; c) da oceni karakter
sagledanog odnosa TRBK i drugih teorija regionalne bezbednosti. Tako
postavljenim ciljevima odgovaraju tri metodološka koraka. Prvo, pregledom
literature želimo ukazati na teorijsku evoluciju i empirijsku primenu TRBK
tokom prethodne dve decenije. Drugo, ponudićemo pregled i klasifikaciju
relevantnih koncepata drugih „regionalističkih“ teorija za koje smatramo da
„rezonuju“ sa okvirom TRBK. Treće, odgovorićemo na pitanje da li je i u
kojoj meri je TRBK kompatibilna sa konceptima užih, rivalskih pristupa.
Smatramo da TRBK može poslužiti kao svojevrstan „interfejs“ širih studija regionalne bezbednosti. Kako bismo ilustrovali predloženi postupak, u
trećem odeljku rada se raspravlja o prednostima koje TRBK kao teorija
srednjeg obima ima u odnosu na rivalske pristupe koji se usredsređuju na
regionalne poretke (Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010),
regionalne bezbednosne zajednice (Adler and Barnett 1998), ili regionalni
„multipleks“ međunarodni poredak (Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018).
Zaključak upućuje na mogućnosti hibridizacije TRBK i srodnih/rivalskih
teorijskih pristupa, što otvara značajna pitanja za dalji razvoj istraživačkog
programa studija regionalne bezbednosti u trećoj deceniji XXI veka.
AB  - In this paper, we argue that the Regional Security Complex
Theory (RSCT) (Buzan and Waever 2003) is most adequately positioned
among various “regionalist” approaches in International Relations, both
for theory-building and empirical research on regional security. The aims
of the paper are threefold: a) to review the RSCT within contemporary
International Security Studies; b) to map out regional security studies and
reflect on the relationship between the RSCT and other (related/rival)
theories; c) to assess the character of the relationship between the RSCT
and other theories. The aforesaid aims are achieved in three steps. First,
by doing a literature review, we want to point out the theoretical
evolution and empirical application of the RSCT over the past two
decades. Second, we offer a review and classification of relevant concepts
from other “regionalist” theories which we consider to “resonate” with
the RSCT framework. Third, we answer the question of whether and to
what degree the RSCT is compatible with the concepts of the narrower,
rival approaches. We argue the RSCT can be used as a sort of “interface”
of wider regional security studies. In order to illustrate our research
framework, the third part of the paper deals with and discusses the
advantages that the RSCT, as a medium-range theory, has in comparison
with the rival approaches that are concerned with regional orders
(Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010), regional security
communities (Adler and Barnett 1998), or regional “multiplex” order
(Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018). In conclusion, the paper addresses the
possibilities for hybridization between the RSCT and related/rival
approaches, which have opened some important questions for further
development of the research programme of regional security studies in
the 2020s
PB  - Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Regionalna bezbednost : pristupi, elementi, dinamika
T1  - Stanje i dometi teorije regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa u proučavanju regiona u međunarodnim odnosima
T1  - Reviewing the condition and reach of the regional security complex theory in the study of regions in international relations
DO  - 10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch1
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Cvetić, Andrej and Kovačević, Marko",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U ovom radu obrazložićemo stav da je teorija regionalnog
bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK) (Buzan and Waever 2003), najadekvatnije
pozicionirana među različitim „regionalističkim“ pristupima u
međunarodnim odnosima, bilo u pogledu izgradnje teorije bilo u
empirijskim istraživanjima o regionalnoj bezbednosti. Ciljevi ovog rada su
trostruki: a) da predstavi TRBK u savremenom proučavanju regionalne
bezbednosti; b) da mapira studije regionalne bezbednosti i sagleda odnos
TRBK sa drugim (srodnim/rivalskim) teorijama; c) da oceni karakter
sagledanog odnosa TRBK i drugih teorija regionalne bezbednosti. Tako
postavljenim ciljevima odgovaraju tri metodološka koraka. Prvo, pregledom
literature želimo ukazati na teorijsku evoluciju i empirijsku primenu TRBK
tokom prethodne dve decenije. Drugo, ponudićemo pregled i klasifikaciju
relevantnih koncepata drugih „regionalističkih“ teorija za koje smatramo da
„rezonuju“ sa okvirom TRBK. Treće, odgovorićemo na pitanje da li je i u
kojoj meri je TRBK kompatibilna sa konceptima užih, rivalskih pristupa.
Smatramo da TRBK može poslužiti kao svojevrstan „interfejs“ širih studija regionalne bezbednosti. Kako bismo ilustrovali predloženi postupak, u
trećem odeljku rada se raspravlja o prednostima koje TRBK kao teorija
srednjeg obima ima u odnosu na rivalske pristupe koji se usredsređuju na
regionalne poretke (Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010),
regionalne bezbednosne zajednice (Adler and Barnett 1998), ili regionalni
„multipleks“ međunarodni poredak (Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018).
Zaključak upućuje na mogućnosti hibridizacije TRBK i srodnih/rivalskih
teorijskih pristupa, što otvara značajna pitanja za dalji razvoj istraživačkog
programa studija regionalne bezbednosti u trećoj deceniji XXI veka., In this paper, we argue that the Regional Security Complex
Theory (RSCT) (Buzan and Waever 2003) is most adequately positioned
among various “regionalist” approaches in International Relations, both
for theory-building and empirical research on regional security. The aims
of the paper are threefold: a) to review the RSCT within contemporary
International Security Studies; b) to map out regional security studies and
reflect on the relationship between the RSCT and other (related/rival)
theories; c) to assess the character of the relationship between the RSCT
and other theories. The aforesaid aims are achieved in three steps. First,
by doing a literature review, we want to point out the theoretical
evolution and empirical application of the RSCT over the past two
decades. Second, we offer a review and classification of relevant concepts
from other “regionalist” theories which we consider to “resonate” with
the RSCT framework. Third, we answer the question of whether and to
what degree the RSCT is compatible with the concepts of the narrower,
rival approaches. We argue the RSCT can be used as a sort of “interface”
of wider regional security studies. In order to illustrate our research
framework, the third part of the paper deals with and discusses the
advantages that the RSCT, as a medium-range theory, has in comparison
with the rival approaches that are concerned with regional orders
(Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010), regional security
communities (Adler and Barnett 1998), or regional “multiplex” order
(Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018). In conclusion, the paper addresses the
possibilities for hybridization between the RSCT and related/rival
approaches, which have opened some important questions for further
development of the research programme of regional security studies in
the 2020s",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Regionalna bezbednost : pristupi, elementi, dinamika",
booktitle = "Stanje i dometi teorije regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa u proučavanju regiona u međunarodnim odnosima, Reviewing the condition and reach of the regional security complex theory in the study of regions in international relations",
doi = "10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch1"
}

Cvetić, A.,& Kovačević, M.. (2021). Stanje i dometi teorije regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa u proučavanju regiona u međunarodnim odnosima. in Regionalna bezbednost : pristupi, elementi, dinamika
Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu..
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch1

Cvetić A, Kovačević M. Stanje i dometi teorije regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa u proučavanju regiona u međunarodnim odnosima. in Regionalna bezbednost : pristupi, elementi, dinamika. 2021;.
doi:10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch1 .

Cvetić, Andrej, Kovačević, Marko, "Stanje i dometi teorije regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa u proučavanju regiona u međunarodnim odnosima" in Regionalna bezbednost : pristupi, elementi, dinamika (2021),
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch1 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
AU  - Milošević, Aleksandar
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/800
AB  - This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding.
PB  - Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks
T2  - East European Politics and Societies
T1  - "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia
EP  - 209
IS  - 1
SP  - 190
VL  - 35
DO  - 10.1177/0888325420904441
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Džuverović, Nemanja and Milošević, Aleksandar",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks",
journal = "East European Politics and Societies",
title = ""Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia",
pages = "209-190",
number = "1",
volume = "35",
doi = "10.1177/0888325420904441"
}

Džuverović, N.,& Milošević, A.. (2021). "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies
Sage Publications Inc, Thousand Oaks., 35(1), 190-209.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420904441

Džuverović N, Milošević A. "Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia. in East European Politics and Societies. 2021;35(1):190-209.
doi:10.1177/0888325420904441 .

Džuverović, Nemanja, Milošević, Aleksandar, ""Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia" in East European Politics and Societies, 35, no. 1 (2021):190-209,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420904441 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Stanojević, Dobrivoje Ž.
AU  - Đorđević, Marko M.
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/788
AB  - Today, one can speak more about how reality shows are made and how they are maintained, about their chameleon perspective and their own view inwards and outwards. And it is only there that an answer to the question of where reality TV begins and where it can end can be sought. Reality TV involves a special creative uncertainty and a certain moral decay. Reality shows also involve a matter of choice: who will participate, how will they react, who will watch and evaluate the reality of the reality show and the conditions that have led to it? In reality programmes, things are always viewed from the reduced and stripped point of view of the organizer. Have fun and make money. If the rhetorical points of view that affect different perspectives of reality shows are properly considered, the effect is, in the end, always in the political field.
AB  - U čije ime se odvija rijaliti? Kako gledaocu može biti zanimljivo netto što podseća na dramu, a nije drama; na film sa različitim žanrovskim oznakama, a nije film; na vodvilj, groteskni smehotres, vašarsku zabavu, a da se u tome ne nalazi gotovo nikakva estetska vrednost? Zašto su gledaocima uopšte potrebni takvi sadržaji? Šta se dešavau ljudskom iskustvu ako se svakodnevno bavi životima drugih (običnih i moguće je poznatih)? Hipoteza podrazumeva preispitivanje uticaja skrivenog političkog gledišta na rijaliti program i uticaja rijaliti programa na političko stanovište savremenog gledaoca. Rijalitijima se smišljeno prekida svakodnevni životni tok pojedinih ličnosti sa obećanjem da mogu da reše svoja materijalna pitanja i druga pitanja koja se, ponekad, doživljavaju kao "životna". Od izbora jelovnika do izbora vremena za "žurku", sve je unapred određeno. Uobičajeni tokovi se prekidaju i junaci počinju da se bave nečim drugim što malo ili nimalo zavisi od njihove volje. Ništa predviđeno ne pripada autentično njihovom životu, ali ipak postoje uporišne tačke u paralelnoj stvarnosti. Paralelna stvarnost zamenjuje političku, stvarnu. Na toj simulaciji se zasniva i nova poetika rijalitija. Sve je na simuliranoj "energiji" i "podgrevanju" emocija zasnovanih, najpre, na činjenici izdvajanja. Otuda je jedan od ključnih momenata odnos između nametnutih zadataka i tzv. opuštanja. Život se na taj način bitno siromaši i oduzima mu se pravi smisao iako se čini da je sve zanimljivo, na "posebnim zadacima", i puno smisla. Okvir tome daju namešteni aplauzi, izveštačeni smeh i isforsirane svađe. Umesto subjektima, osobe u rijalitiju se doživljavaju kao objekti pogodni za manipulaciju svake vrste, pa i medijsko-političku manipulaciju.
PB  - Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd
T2  - Kultura
T1  - Where a reality show begins
T1  - Gde počinje rijaliti - tamo gde počinje rijaliti završava se slobodno društvo
EP  - 73
IS  - 166
SP  - 62
DO  - 10.5937/kultura2066062S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Stanojević, Dobrivoje Ž. and Đorđević, Marko M.",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Today, one can speak more about how reality shows are made and how they are maintained, about their chameleon perspective and their own view inwards and outwards. And it is only there that an answer to the question of where reality TV begins and where it can end can be sought. Reality TV involves a special creative uncertainty and a certain moral decay. Reality shows also involve a matter of choice: who will participate, how will they react, who will watch and evaluate the reality of the reality show and the conditions that have led to it? In reality programmes, things are always viewed from the reduced and stripped point of view of the organizer. Have fun and make money. If the rhetorical points of view that affect different perspectives of reality shows are properly considered, the effect is, in the end, always in the political field., U čije ime se odvija rijaliti? Kako gledaocu može biti zanimljivo netto što podseća na dramu, a nije drama; na film sa različitim žanrovskim oznakama, a nije film; na vodvilj, groteskni smehotres, vašarsku zabavu, a da se u tome ne nalazi gotovo nikakva estetska vrednost? Zašto su gledaocima uopšte potrebni takvi sadržaji? Šta se dešavau ljudskom iskustvu ako se svakodnevno bavi životima drugih (običnih i moguće je poznatih)? Hipoteza podrazumeva preispitivanje uticaja skrivenog političkog gledišta na rijaliti program i uticaja rijaliti programa na političko stanovište savremenog gledaoca. Rijalitijima se smišljeno prekida svakodnevni životni tok pojedinih ličnosti sa obećanjem da mogu da reše svoja materijalna pitanja i druga pitanja koja se, ponekad, doživljavaju kao "životna". Od izbora jelovnika do izbora vremena za "žurku", sve je unapred određeno. Uobičajeni tokovi se prekidaju i junaci počinju da se bave nečim drugim što malo ili nimalo zavisi od njihove volje. Ništa predviđeno ne pripada autentično njihovom životu, ali ipak postoje uporišne tačke u paralelnoj stvarnosti. Paralelna stvarnost zamenjuje političku, stvarnu. Na toj simulaciji se zasniva i nova poetika rijalitija. Sve je na simuliranoj "energiji" i "podgrevanju" emocija zasnovanih, najpre, na činjenici izdvajanja. Otuda je jedan od ključnih momenata odnos između nametnutih zadataka i tzv. opuštanja. Život se na taj način bitno siromaši i oduzima mu se pravi smisao iako se čini da je sve zanimljivo, na "posebnim zadacima", i puno smisla. Okvir tome daju namešteni aplauzi, izveštačeni smeh i isforsirane svađe. Umesto subjektima, osobe u rijalitiju se doživljavaju kao objekti pogodni za manipulaciju svake vrste, pa i medijsko-političku manipulaciju.",
publisher = "Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd",
journal = "Kultura",
title = "Where a reality show begins, Gde počinje rijaliti - tamo gde počinje rijaliti završava se slobodno društvo",
pages = "73-62",
number = "166",
doi = "10.5937/kultura2066062S"
}

Stanojević, D. Ž.,& Đorđević, M. M.. (2020). Where a reality show begins. in Kultura
Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd.(166), 62-73.
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2066062S

Stanojević DŽ, Đorđević MM. Where a reality show begins. in Kultura. 2020;(166):62-73.
doi:10.5937/kultura2066062S .

Stanojević, Dobrivoje Ž., Đorđević, Marko M., "Where a reality show begins" in Kultura, no. 166 (2020):62-73,
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2066062S . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Stančetić, Veran
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1003
PB  - Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd
T1  - Odlučivanje u javnom sektoru
EP  - 318
SP  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1003
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Stančetić, Veran",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd",
title = "Odlučivanje u javnom sektoru",
pages = "318-1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1003"
}

Stančetić, V.. (2020). Odlučivanje u javnom sektoru. 
Fakultet političkih nauka : Beograd., 1-318.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1003

Stančetić V. Odlučivanje u javnom sektoru. 2020;:1-318.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1003 .

Stančetić, Veran, "Odlučivanje u javnom sektoru" (2020):1-318,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1003 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simentić Popović, Janja
AU  - Hrnjaz, Miloš
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1051
AB  - The present article provides legal analysis of the concept of ‘protracted armed
violence’ which is part of the commonly accepted definition of non-international
armed conflict (NIAC). The International Criminal Tribunal for former
Yugoslavia interpreted this notion as the intensity requirement. However, the
practice of other international legal institutions that use this concept (such as
International Criminal Court and some other judicial institutions) is not always
coherent with this finding. This fact raised several theoretical and practical issues
in the process of interpretation and implementation of international legal norms.
Therefore, the aim of the article is to critically reassess the ‘protracted armed
violence’ concept in various branches of international law and to contribute to
the better understanding of the NIAC phenomenon.
PB  - Oxford : Oxford University Press
T2  - Journal of Conflict & Security Law
T1  - Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond
EP  - 500
IS  - 25
SP  - 473
DO  - 10.1093/jcsl/kraa009
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Simentić Popović, Janja and Hrnjaz, Miloš",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The present article provides legal analysis of the concept of ‘protracted armed
violence’ which is part of the commonly accepted definition of non-international
armed conflict (NIAC). The International Criminal Tribunal for former
Yugoslavia interpreted this notion as the intensity requirement. However, the
practice of other international legal institutions that use this concept (such as
International Criminal Court and some other judicial institutions) is not always
coherent with this finding. This fact raised several theoretical and practical issues
in the process of interpretation and implementation of international legal norms.
Therefore, the aim of the article is to critically reassess the ‘protracted armed
violence’ concept in various branches of international law and to contribute to
the better understanding of the NIAC phenomenon.",
publisher = "Oxford : Oxford University Press",
journal = "Journal of Conflict & Security Law",
title = "Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond",
pages = "500-473",
number = "25",
doi = "10.1093/jcsl/kraa009"
}

Simentić Popović, J.,& Hrnjaz, M.. (2020). Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond. in Journal of Conflict & Security Law
Oxford : Oxford University Press.(25), 473-500.
https://doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/kraa009

Simentić Popović J, Hrnjaz M. Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond. in Journal of Conflict & Security Law. 2020;(25):473-500.
doi:10.1093/jcsl/kraa009 .

Simentić Popović, Janja, Hrnjaz, Miloš, "Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond" in Journal of Conflict & Security Law, no. 25 (2020):473-500,
https://doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/kraa009 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Otović-Višnjić, Filip
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1001
AB  - Rad analizira komunikološku dimenziju terorističkog akta, polazeći od
pretpostavke da se za nasiljem poseže radi prenošenja različitih poruka neverbalnim
putem. Kroz istraživanje tehnike propagande nasilnom akcijom, na kojoj se u velikoj meri
temelji komunikaciona taktika terorista, autor teži da ispita dalekosežnije domete
komunikacione strategije pobunjeničkih formacija u borbi protiv dominantne hegemonije.
Kombinujući elemente teorijske koncepcije propagandi Žaka Elila (Jacques Ellul) sa
kulturološkim pristupom u objašnjavanju mehanizama funkcionisanja hegemonije, autor
opovrgava gledišta koja pobunjenicima negiraju mogućnost da, korišćenjem nasilnih akata,
efikasno ostvare propagandnu nameru. Autor zaključak zasniva na tri argumenta. Prvo,
da je u savremenoj propagandi uticaj na ponašanje publike (ortopraxie) korisniji cilj od
uticaja na promenu njenih stavova (ortodoxie). Drugo, da je u pretpropagandnom polju
moguće uočiti elemente na koje se nasilni akt može nadovezati, a koji izmiču hegemonskoj
kontroli, usled protivurečnosti između ideoloških naracija i realne strukture. Treće, da se
terorističkim aktom nosioci istovremeno obraćaju različitim vrstama publike, sa različitim
ciljevima. Autor zaključuje da se propagandna efikasnost može ispoljiti na dva plana: 1)
kratkoročno, kada nasilni akt deluje kao direktni „okidač” za željeno ponašanje publike; i
2) dugoročno, uključivanjem čina i izazvanog ponašanja u mrežu sećanja, koje postaje
element pretpropagande na koji se u budućnosti može referisati.
Ključne reči: terorizam, komunikacija, propaganda, nasilje, propaganda nasilnom akcijom,
Žak Elil, propaganda agitacije, propaganda integracije, pretpropaganda, hegemonija.
AB  - The paper focuses on the communicological dimension of the terrorist act,
starting from the position that the violence is used to convey various messages in a
non-verbal way. Throughout the research into the propaganda of the deed, the
technique on which communicational tactics of terrorists are mostly based, the author
seeks to examine extensive ranges of communication strategies used by insurgent
groups against dominant hegemony. By combining the elements of Jacques Ellul's
theoretical conception of propaganda along with the cultural approach in the
interpretation of mechanisms in which hegemony operates, the author refutes
perspectives that deny rebellions’ possibilities for efficient realization of their
propaganda goals by using acts of violence. The author’s conclusion is based on three
arguments. Firstly, for modern propaganda, provoking the behavior of the audience
(ortopraxie) is a more important goal than influencing its attitudes (orthodoxy).
Secondly, it is possible to notice elements in the pre-propaganda field, which evade
hegemonic control, due to the contradiction between ideological narratives and the
real structure, and which insurgent propaganda may utilize. Lastly – by means of
terrorist acts, their performers address different types of audiences with different goals
simultaneously. The author concludes that the efficiency of propaganda can be
manifested in two manners: in the short term – when an act of violence represents a
direct “trigger” for the desired behavior of the audience; in the long term – by including
the act and provoked behavior in the network of memories, which becomes an element
of pre-propaganda that can be referred to in the future.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - Terorizam kao vid političkog komuniciranja: upotreba propagande nasilnom akcijom u borbi oko hegemonije
T1  - Terrorism as a type of political communication: The use of propaganda of the deed in hegemonic struggles
EP  - 732
IS  - 4
SP  - 709
VL  - 72
DO  - 10.2298/MEDJP2004709O
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Otović-Višnjić, Filip",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Rad analizira komunikološku dimenziju terorističkog akta, polazeći od
pretpostavke da se za nasiljem poseže radi prenošenja različitih poruka neverbalnim
putem. Kroz istraživanje tehnike propagande nasilnom akcijom, na kojoj se u velikoj meri
temelji komunikaciona taktika terorista, autor teži da ispita dalekosežnije domete
komunikacione strategije pobunjeničkih formacija u borbi protiv dominantne hegemonije.
Kombinujući elemente teorijske koncepcije propagandi Žaka Elila (Jacques Ellul) sa
kulturološkim pristupom u objašnjavanju mehanizama funkcionisanja hegemonije, autor
opovrgava gledišta koja pobunjenicima negiraju mogućnost da, korišćenjem nasilnih akata,
efikasno ostvare propagandnu nameru. Autor zaključak zasniva na tri argumenta. Prvo,
da je u savremenoj propagandi uticaj na ponašanje publike (ortopraxie) korisniji cilj od
uticaja na promenu njenih stavova (ortodoxie). Drugo, da je u pretpropagandnom polju
moguće uočiti elemente na koje se nasilni akt može nadovezati, a koji izmiču hegemonskoj
kontroli, usled protivurečnosti između ideoloških naracija i realne strukture. Treće, da se
terorističkim aktom nosioci istovremeno obraćaju različitim vrstama publike, sa različitim
ciljevima. Autor zaključuje da se propagandna efikasnost može ispoljiti na dva plana: 1)
kratkoročno, kada nasilni akt deluje kao direktni „okidač” za željeno ponašanje publike; i
2) dugoročno, uključivanjem čina i izazvanog ponašanja u mrežu sećanja, koje postaje
element pretpropagande na koji se u budućnosti može referisati.
Ključne reči: terorizam, komunikacija, propaganda, nasilje, propaganda nasilnom akcijom,
Žak Elil, propaganda agitacije, propaganda integracije, pretpropaganda, hegemonija., The paper focuses on the communicological dimension of the terrorist act,
starting from the position that the violence is used to convey various messages in a
non-verbal way. Throughout the research into the propaganda of the deed, the
technique on which communicational tactics of terrorists are mostly based, the author
seeks to examine extensive ranges of communication strategies used by insurgent
groups against dominant hegemony. By combining the elements of Jacques Ellul's
theoretical conception of propaganda along with the cultural approach in the
interpretation of mechanisms in which hegemony operates, the author refutes
perspectives that deny rebellions’ possibilities for efficient realization of their
propaganda goals by using acts of violence. The author’s conclusion is based on three
arguments. Firstly, for modern propaganda, provoking the behavior of the audience
(ortopraxie) is a more important goal than influencing its attitudes (orthodoxy).
Secondly, it is possible to notice elements in the pre-propaganda field, which evade
hegemonic control, due to the contradiction between ideological narratives and the
real structure, and which insurgent propaganda may utilize. Lastly – by means of
terrorist acts, their performers address different types of audiences with different goals
simultaneously. The author concludes that the efficiency of propaganda can be
manifested in two manners: in the short term – when an act of violence represents a
direct “trigger” for the desired behavior of the audience; in the long term – by including
the act and provoked behavior in the network of memories, which becomes an element
of pre-propaganda that can be referred to in the future.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "Terorizam kao vid političkog komuniciranja: upotreba propagande nasilnom akcijom u borbi oko hegemonije, Terrorism as a type of political communication: The use of propaganda of the deed in hegemonic struggles",
pages = "732-709",
number = "4",
volume = "72",
doi = "10.2298/MEDJP2004709O"
}

Otović-Višnjić, F.. (2020). Terorizam kao vid političkog komuniciranja: upotreba propagande nasilnom akcijom u borbi oko hegemonije. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu : Beograd., 72(4), 709-732.
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2004709O

Otović-Višnjić F. Terorizam kao vid političkog komuniciranja: upotreba propagande nasilnom akcijom u borbi oko hegemonije. in Međunarodni problemi. 2020;72(4):709-732.
doi:10.2298/MEDJP2004709O .

Otović-Višnjić, Filip, "Terorizam kao vid političkog komuniciranja: upotreba propagande nasilnom akcijom u borbi oko hegemonije" in Međunarodni problemi, 72, no. 4 (2020):709-732,
https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP2004709O . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Polić, Sanja
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/976
AB  - Profesionalni razvoj je značajan za unapređenje kompetentnosti socijalnih radnika,
organizovanje i pružanje kvalitetnih usluga u socijalnom radu. Ciljevi rada su: a)
analiza ključnih aspekata profesionalnog razvoja socijalnih radnika u kontekstu
celoživotnog učenja, b) analiza međunarodnih i nacionalnih dokumenata u ovoj
oblasti i c) analiza istraživanja profesionalnog razvoja. U radu se daje pregled razvoja
koncepta celoživotnog učenja i profesionalnog razvoja, analiziraju se ključni
aspekti i njihova mesta u međunarodnim i nacionalnim dokumentima. Ukazuje se
na značaj kontinuiranog profesionalnog razvoja za obrazovanje i praksu socijalnih
radnika. Pokazuje se usaglašenost nacionalnih dokumenata Republike Srbije (RS)
sa međunarodnim kroz uvođenje sistema licenciranja i zakonske obaveze stručnog
usavršavanja socijalnih radnika s ciljem profesionalnog razvoja. Međutim, RS nedostaju
obavezujući nacionalni standardi koji regulišu profesionalni razvoj tokom
i nakon formalnog obrazovanja socijalnih radnika. Diskutuju se mogući pravci daljeg
razvoja ove oblasti. Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika je slabo istražen
kod nas i u svetu. Radi usaglašavanja kvaliteta profesionalnog razvoja socijalnih
radnika potrebno je zakonski regulisati obavezno sprovođenje standarda u visokoškolskim
ustanovama za obrazovanje socijalnih radnika i u vladinom i nevladinom
sektoru koji zapošljava socijalne radnike. Interesantno bi bilo istražiti uslove za
profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u RS radi unapređenja kvaliteta kontinuiranog
profesionalnog razvoja i prakse socijalnog rada.
PB  - Filozofski fakultet - Univerztet u Nišu : Niš
T2  - Teorija i praksa u obrazovanju socijalnih radnika: zbornik radova sa Međunarodne konferencije Jačanje kapaciteta osnovnih akademskih studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada
T1  - Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u Republici Srbiji u kontekstu celoživotnog učenja
EP  - 69
SP  - 55
DO  - 10.46630/tposr.2020
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Polić, Sanja",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Profesionalni razvoj je značajan za unapređenje kompetentnosti socijalnih radnika,
organizovanje i pružanje kvalitetnih usluga u socijalnom radu. Ciljevi rada su: a)
analiza ključnih aspekata profesionalnog razvoja socijalnih radnika u kontekstu
celoživotnog učenja, b) analiza međunarodnih i nacionalnih dokumenata u ovoj
oblasti i c) analiza istraživanja profesionalnog razvoja. U radu se daje pregled razvoja
koncepta celoživotnog učenja i profesionalnog razvoja, analiziraju se ključni
aspekti i njihova mesta u međunarodnim i nacionalnim dokumentima. Ukazuje se
na značaj kontinuiranog profesionalnog razvoja za obrazovanje i praksu socijalnih
radnika. Pokazuje se usaglašenost nacionalnih dokumenata Republike Srbije (RS)
sa međunarodnim kroz uvođenje sistema licenciranja i zakonske obaveze stručnog
usavršavanja socijalnih radnika s ciljem profesionalnog razvoja. Međutim, RS nedostaju
obavezujući nacionalni standardi koji regulišu profesionalni razvoj tokom
i nakon formalnog obrazovanja socijalnih radnika. Diskutuju se mogući pravci daljeg
razvoja ove oblasti. Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika je slabo istražen
kod nas i u svetu. Radi usaglašavanja kvaliteta profesionalnog razvoja socijalnih
radnika potrebno je zakonski regulisati obavezno sprovođenje standarda u visokoškolskim
ustanovama za obrazovanje socijalnih radnika i u vladinom i nevladinom
sektoru koji zapošljava socijalne radnike. Interesantno bi bilo istražiti uslove za
profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u RS radi unapređenja kvaliteta kontinuiranog
profesionalnog razvoja i prakse socijalnog rada.",
publisher = "Filozofski fakultet - Univerztet u Nišu : Niš",
journal = "Teorija i praksa u obrazovanju socijalnih radnika: zbornik radova sa Međunarodne konferencije Jačanje kapaciteta osnovnih akademskih studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada",
title = "Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u Republici Srbiji u kontekstu celoživotnog učenja",
pages = "69-55",
doi = "10.46630/tposr.2020"
}

Polić, S.. (2020). Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u Republici Srbiji u kontekstu celoživotnog učenja. in Teorija i praksa u obrazovanju socijalnih radnika: zbornik radova sa Međunarodne konferencije Jačanje kapaciteta osnovnih akademskih studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada
Filozofski fakultet - Univerztet u Nišu : Niš., 55-69.
https://doi.org/10.46630/tposr.2020

Polić S. Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u Republici Srbiji u kontekstu celoživotnog učenja. in Teorija i praksa u obrazovanju socijalnih radnika: zbornik radova sa Međunarodne konferencije Jačanje kapaciteta osnovnih akademskih studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada. 2020;:55-69.
doi:10.46630/tposr.2020 .

Polić, Sanja, "Profesionalni razvoj socijalnih radnika u Republici Srbiji u kontekstu celoživotnog učenja" in Teorija i praksa u obrazovanju socijalnih radnika: zbornik radova sa Međunarodne konferencije Jačanje kapaciteta osnovnih akademskih studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada (2020):55-69,
https://doi.org/10.46630/tposr.2020 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Domazet, Sanja
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/786
AB  - The paper explores critical thinking in columns as a genre of analytical journalism, taking on the peculiarities of digital media such as hypertextuality, multimedia and interactivity. Through an analysis of over eighty columns from various portals, the topics of columns in online journalism will be considered, deriving which journalists write analytically today and whether they write critically. The research sample has enabled analysis of 85 columns published in the period from July 1 to July 31, 2020 on the N1, Nova.rs and Pečat portals. Out of the total of 85 published columns in the given period, 13 columns were published on the N1 television portal, 19 on the Pečat portal and 53 on the Nova.rs portal. The main goal of the research was to determine whether and to what extent critical thinking was present on these online portals.
AB  - U radu će biti istraženo kritičko mišljenje u kolumnama, kao analitičkom novinarskom žanru, kroz koji novinar iznosi krajnje ličan, slobodan, subjektivni stav. Specifičnost je što smo se opredelili da predmet analize budu kolumne na digitalnim portalima, koje delom liče na ovaj žanr u štampanim medijima, ali poprimaju osobenosti digitalnih medija kao što su hipertekstualnost, multimedijalnost i interaktivnost... Kroz analizu preko osamdeset kolumni sa tri različita portala, biće ukazano koje su dominantne teme kolumni u onlajn novinarstvu, koji novinari danas pišu analitički i da li pišu kritički. Uzorak istraživanja čini 85 kolumni objavljenih u periodu od 1. do 31. jula 2020. na portalima "N1", "Nova.rs" i "Pečat". Od ukupnog broja analiziranih kolumni u datom periodu, na portalu televizije "N1"objavljeno je 13, na portalu "Pečata" 19, a na portalu "Nova.rs " 53 kolumne. Glavni cilj istraživanja je bio da se utvrdi u kojoj meri postoji i na koji način komunicira sa publikom kritičko mišljenje na onlajn portalima.
PB  - Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd
T2  - Kultura
T1  - Critical thinking on Serbian digital portals
T1  - Kritičko mišljenje na srpskim digitalnim portalima
EP  - 182
IS  - 169
SP  - 164
DO  - 10.5937/kultura2069164D
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Domazet, Sanja",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The paper explores critical thinking in columns as a genre of analytical journalism, taking on the peculiarities of digital media such as hypertextuality, multimedia and interactivity. Through an analysis of over eighty columns from various portals, the topics of columns in online journalism will be considered, deriving which journalists write analytically today and whether they write critically. The research sample has enabled analysis of 85 columns published in the period from July 1 to July 31, 2020 on the N1, Nova.rs and Pečat portals. Out of the total of 85 published columns in the given period, 13 columns were published on the N1 television portal, 19 on the Pečat portal and 53 on the Nova.rs portal. The main goal of the research was to determine whether and to what extent critical thinking was present on these online portals., U radu će biti istraženo kritičko mišljenje u kolumnama, kao analitičkom novinarskom žanru, kroz koji novinar iznosi krajnje ličan, slobodan, subjektivni stav. Specifičnost je što smo se opredelili da predmet analize budu kolumne na digitalnim portalima, koje delom liče na ovaj žanr u štampanim medijima, ali poprimaju osobenosti digitalnih medija kao što su hipertekstualnost, multimedijalnost i interaktivnost... Kroz analizu preko osamdeset kolumni sa tri različita portala, biće ukazano koje su dominantne teme kolumni u onlajn novinarstvu, koji novinari danas pišu analitički i da li pišu kritički. Uzorak istraživanja čini 85 kolumni objavljenih u periodu od 1. do 31. jula 2020. na portalima "N1", "Nova.rs" i "Pečat". Od ukupnog broja analiziranih kolumni u datom periodu, na portalu televizije "N1"objavljeno je 13, na portalu "Pečata" 19, a na portalu "Nova.rs " 53 kolumne. Glavni cilj istraživanja je bio da se utvrdi u kojoj meri postoji i na koji način komunicira sa publikom kritičko mišljenje na onlajn portalima.",
publisher = "Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd",
journal = "Kultura",
title = "Critical thinking on Serbian digital portals, Kritičko mišljenje na srpskim digitalnim portalima",
pages = "182-164",
number = "169",
doi = "10.5937/kultura2069164D"
}

Domazet, S.. (2020). Critical thinking on Serbian digital portals. in Kultura
Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd.(169), 164-182.
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2069164D

Domazet S. Critical thinking on Serbian digital portals. in Kultura. 2020;(169):164-182.
doi:10.5937/kultura2069164D .

Domazet, Sanja, "Critical thinking on Serbian digital portals" in Kultura, no. 169 (2020):164-182,
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2069164D . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mirkov, Lidija
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/787
AB  - The style of expression in various media is a particular field of scientific research. Clarity of style implies that expressions appropriately convey certain information, but in reality programmes there are no essential facts that need to be expressed clearly. This implies the possibility of impairing the clarity of style and the use of a non-public lexical stock, such as vulgarisms. The increasing use of vulgarisms is evident in the reality programmes of Zadruga and Parovi, which are aired on the two Serbian commercial television stations with national frequency with the highest viewership, ratings and the longest daily and annual broadcasting times. Exploring the role of vulgarism in these shows provides a deeper insight into the editorial policies, discursive rules and creative freedoms of those who decide what is said and how it is said in the media. In this paper, a comparative study of the two most viewed reality programmes was made and several certainties regarding vulgarisms occurring on one or the other programme were highlighted, with a contextual review of the social, moral and creative role of expression in the reality programmes.
AB  - Stil izražavanja na medijima je posebno polje naučnog istraživanja. Jasnost stila podrazumeva da se koriste izrazi koji su podobni za iskazivanje određene informacije, ali u rijaliti programima nema suštinski važnih činjenica koje treba izraziti jasno. Otuda proističe mogućnost narušavanja svojstva jasnosti stila i upotreba leksičkog fonda koji nije podoban za javnost, kao što su vulgarizmi. Sve veća upotreba vulgarizama primetna je u rijaliti programima Zadruga i Parovi, što su rijaliti emisije na dve komercijalne televizije sa nacionalnom frekvencijom u Srbiji sa najvećom gledanošću i najdužim emitovanjem tokom dana i godine. Istraživanje uloge vulgarizama u tim emisijama omogućuje dublji uvid u uređivačke politike, diskurzivna pravila i kreativne slobode onih koji odlučuju o tome šta se govori i kako se govori na medijima. U ovom istraživanju napravljena je komparativna studija dva najgledanija rijaliti programa i ukazano je na nekoliko pravilnosti u vezi sa vulgarizmima koje se odvijaju na jednom ili drugom programu, uz kontekstualni osvrt na društvenu, moralnu i stvaralačku ulogu izražavanja u rijaliti programima.
PB  - Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd
T2  - Kultura
T1  - The role of vulgarism in reality shows in Serbia
T1  - Uloga vulgarizama u rijaliti programima u Srbiji
EP  - 118
IS  - 166
SP  - 104
DO  - 10.5937/kultura2066104M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mirkov, Lidija",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The style of expression in various media is a particular field of scientific research. Clarity of style implies that expressions appropriately convey certain information, but in reality programmes there are no essential facts that need to be expressed clearly. This implies the possibility of impairing the clarity of style and the use of a non-public lexical stock, such as vulgarisms. The increasing use of vulgarisms is evident in the reality programmes of Zadruga and Parovi, which are aired on the two Serbian commercial television stations with national frequency with the highest viewership, ratings and the longest daily and annual broadcasting times. Exploring the role of vulgarism in these shows provides a deeper insight into the editorial policies, discursive rules and creative freedoms of those who decide what is said and how it is said in the media. In this paper, a comparative study of the two most viewed reality programmes was made and several certainties regarding vulgarisms occurring on one or the other programme were highlighted, with a contextual review of the social, moral and creative role of expression in the reality programmes., Stil izražavanja na medijima je posebno polje naučnog istraživanja. Jasnost stila podrazumeva da se koriste izrazi koji su podobni za iskazivanje određene informacije, ali u rijaliti programima nema suštinski važnih činjenica koje treba izraziti jasno. Otuda proističe mogućnost narušavanja svojstva jasnosti stila i upotreba leksičkog fonda koji nije podoban za javnost, kao što su vulgarizmi. Sve veća upotreba vulgarizama primetna je u rijaliti programima Zadruga i Parovi, što su rijaliti emisije na dve komercijalne televizije sa nacionalnom frekvencijom u Srbiji sa najvećom gledanošću i najdužim emitovanjem tokom dana i godine. Istraživanje uloge vulgarizama u tim emisijama omogućuje dublji uvid u uređivačke politike, diskurzivna pravila i kreativne slobode onih koji odlučuju o tome šta se govori i kako se govori na medijima. U ovom istraživanju napravljena je komparativna studija dva najgledanija rijaliti programa i ukazano je na nekoliko pravilnosti u vezi sa vulgarizmima koje se odvijaju na jednom ili drugom programu, uz kontekstualni osvrt na društvenu, moralnu i stvaralačku ulogu izražavanja u rijaliti programima.",
publisher = "Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd",
journal = "Kultura",
title = "The role of vulgarism in reality shows in Serbia, Uloga vulgarizama u rijaliti programima u Srbiji",
pages = "118-104",
number = "166",
doi = "10.5937/kultura2066104M"
}

Mirkov, L.. (2020). The role of vulgarism in reality shows in Serbia. in Kultura
Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd.(166), 104-118.
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2066104M

Mirkov L. The role of vulgarism in reality shows in Serbia. in Kultura. 2020;(166):104-118.
doi:10.5937/kultura2066104M .

Mirkov, Lidija, "The role of vulgarism in reality shows in Serbia" in Kultura, no. 166 (2020):104-118,
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura2066104M . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Dušan
AU  - Xefteris, Dimitros
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/770
AB  - Under what circumstances do coalition partners tend to overspend? The so-far dominant explanation relies on the common pool resource theory-the more cabinet members there are, the higher the spending. While theoretically sound, this explanation seems to be more relevant for some cases and less for others. What could lie behind this discrepancy? While the literature to date has focused on institutional factors, we propose a mechanism that relates to voting behaviour. Relying on the concept of positional externalities, we argue that each coalition member wishes to spend relatively more resources than the other coalition member(s) to attract impressionable voters. Positional externalities, we claim, exhibit a direct positive effect on total spending and, perhaps more importantly, interact with the common pool resource factor, decreasing its relevance when they are weak.
PB  - Springer, New York
T2  - Constitutional Political Economy
T1  - Qualifying the common pool problem in government spending: the role of positional externalities
EP  - 457
IS  - 4
SP  - 446
VL  - 31
DO  - 10.1007/s10602-020-09306-6
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Dušan and Xefteris, Dimitros",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Under what circumstances do coalition partners tend to overspend? The so-far dominant explanation relies on the common pool resource theory-the more cabinet members there are, the higher the spending. While theoretically sound, this explanation seems to be more relevant for some cases and less for others. What could lie behind this discrepancy? While the literature to date has focused on institutional factors, we propose a mechanism that relates to voting behaviour. Relying on the concept of positional externalities, we argue that each coalition member wishes to spend relatively more resources than the other coalition member(s) to attract impressionable voters. Positional externalities, we claim, exhibit a direct positive effect on total spending and, perhaps more importantly, interact with the common pool resource factor, decreasing its relevance when they are weak.",
publisher = "Springer, New York",
journal = "Constitutional Political Economy",
title = "Qualifying the common pool problem in government spending: the role of positional externalities",
pages = "457-446",
number = "4",
volume = "31",
doi = "10.1007/s10602-020-09306-6"
}

Pavlović, D.,& Xefteris, D.. (2020). Qualifying the common pool problem in government spending: the role of positional externalities. in Constitutional Political Economy
Springer, New York., 31(4), 446-457.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-020-09306-6

Pavlović D, Xefteris D. Qualifying the common pool problem in government spending: the role of positional externalities. in Constitutional Political Economy. 2020;31(4):446-457.
doi:10.1007/s10602-020-09306-6 .

Pavlović, Dušan, Xefteris, Dimitros, "Qualifying the common pool problem in government spending: the role of positional externalities" in Constitutional Political Economy, 31, no. 4 (2020):446-457,
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-020-09306-6 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ejdus, Filip
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/766
AB  - Ontological security scholarship in International Relations (IR) has predominantly focused on the importance of social environments for the healthy sense of self. However, material environments can also provide an important source of ontological security. In my previous work I have argued that to assume this role of 'ontic spaces' material environments need to be discursively linked to states' self-identity either through projection or introjection. In this article, I draw on the work of Julia Kristeva to argue that ontic spaces can also come about through abjection or the rejection of a material environment from the narrative of the self. I illustrate this theoretical point in the case study of the Serbian Orthodox Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina. Its construction began in 1992 during the rule of Slobodan Milosevic but was never finished due to the Kosovo war in 1998/9. Over the years, as all proposed changes are considered to be a threat to a healthy sense of self of either Serbs or Albanians, the building has been turned into an abjected ontic space, an ambiguous symbol undermining the self/other and victim/oppressor boundaries and as such both repels and attracts, threatens and protects.
PB  - Sage Publications Ltd, London
T2  - Cooperation and Conflict
T1  - Abjection, materiality and ontological security: A study of the unfinished Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina
DO  - 10.1177/0010836720972435
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Ejdus, Filip",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Ontological security scholarship in International Relations (IR) has predominantly focused on the importance of social environments for the healthy sense of self. However, material environments can also provide an important source of ontological security. In my previous work I have argued that to assume this role of 'ontic spaces' material environments need to be discursively linked to states' self-identity either through projection or introjection. In this article, I draw on the work of Julia Kristeva to argue that ontic spaces can also come about through abjection or the rejection of a material environment from the narrative of the self. I illustrate this theoretical point in the case study of the Serbian Orthodox Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina. Its construction began in 1992 during the rule of Slobodan Milosevic but was never finished due to the Kosovo war in 1998/9. Over the years, as all proposed changes are considered to be a threat to a healthy sense of self of either Serbs or Albanians, the building has been turned into an abjected ontic space, an ambiguous symbol undermining the self/other and victim/oppressor boundaries and as such both repels and attracts, threatens and protects.",
publisher = "Sage Publications Ltd, London",
journal = "Cooperation and Conflict",
title = "Abjection, materiality and ontological security: A study of the unfinished Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina",
doi = "10.1177/0010836720972435"
}

Ejdus, F.. (2020). Abjection, materiality and ontological security: A study of the unfinished Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina. in Cooperation and Conflict
Sage Publications Ltd, London..
https://doi.org/10.1177/0010836720972435

Ejdus F. Abjection, materiality and ontological security: A study of the unfinished Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina. in Cooperation and Conflict. 2020;.
doi:10.1177/0010836720972435 .

Ejdus, Filip, "Abjection, materiality and ontological security: A study of the unfinished Church of Christ the Saviour in Pristina" in Cooperation and Conflict (2020),
https://doi.org/10.1177/0010836720972435 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vladisavljević, Nebojša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/764
AB  - The article examines the quality of democracy in Serbia via the quantitative analysis of media discourse. It reveals robust competition, participation and accountability in the first decade after regime change, followed by major recent decline, thus showing that expert assessments from influential indices of democracy underrated democratic quality in the former period and overrated it later. Also revealed are the advantages of complementing expert assessments with those based on media discourse. The content analysis examined 1,921 coded items from print and electronic media coverage of major political conflicts at strategic points in the country?s democratisation.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Europe-Asia Studies
T1  - Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević
EP  - 32
IS  - 1
SP  - 8
VL  - 72
DO  - 10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vladisavljević, Nebojša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The article examines the quality of democracy in Serbia via the quantitative analysis of media discourse. It reveals robust competition, participation and accountability in the first decade after regime change, followed by major recent decline, thus showing that expert assessments from influential indices of democracy underrated democratic quality in the former period and overrated it later. Also revealed are the advantages of complementing expert assessments with those based on media discourse. The content analysis examined 1,921 coded items from print and electronic media coverage of major political conflicts at strategic points in the country?s democratisation.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Europe-Asia Studies",
title = "Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević",
pages = "32-8",
number = "1",
volume = "72",
doi = "10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534"
}

Vladisavljević, N.. (2020). Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević. in Europe-Asia Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 72(1), 8-32.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534

Vladisavljević N. Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević. in Europe-Asia Studies. 2020;72(1):8-32.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534 .

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, "Media Discourse and the Quality of Democracy in Serbia after Milošević" in Europe-Asia Studies, 72, no. 1 (2020):8-32,
https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1669534 . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Milenković, Dejan Lj.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1194
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Savremene teorije i moderna uprava
EP  - 232
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1194
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Milenković, Dejan Lj.",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Savremene teorije i moderna uprava",
pages = "232",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1194"
}

Milenković, D. Lj.. (2019). Savremene teorije i moderna uprava. 
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1194

Milenković DL. Savremene teorije i moderna uprava. 2019;:null-232.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1194 .

Milenković, Dejan Lj., "Savremene teorije i moderna uprava" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rfpn_1194 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Polić, Sanja
AU  - Hrnčić, Jasna
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/975
AB  - Supervizija je značajna za sprovođenje i unapređenje profesionalnog rada u sistemu socijalne zaštite, pružanje kvalitetnih usluga korisnicima i dalji razvoj vladinog i nevladinog sektora u ovoj oblasti. Ciljevi rada su: a) analiza ključnih funkcija i aspekata supervizije u okviru socijalne zaštite, i b) analiza zakonskih regulativa i istraživanja supervizije u ustanovama za alternativno staranje o deci i mladima Republike Srbije (RS). Daje se pregled funkcija supervizije u socijalnoj zaštiti. Ukazuje se na kompetencije uspešnog supervizora kao važan aspekat supervizijskog rada i na gledište socijalnog konstruktivizma na interekciju između superviziranog i supervizanta. Važeći Pravilnik o bližim uslovima i standardima pružanja usluga u socijalnoj zaštiti predviđa da pružalac usluge obezbeđuje odgovarajuću stručnu podršku svim licima angažovanim na pružanju usluge koja uključuje superviziju. Međutim, regulativa koja dalja uređuju realizaciju supervizije alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima uglavnom nedostaje, sa izuzetkom Centra za porodični smeštaj i usvojenje Beograd. Zanemarivanje supervizije u podzakonskim aktima dovodi do različitih tumačenja i slabe primene u praksi. Supervizija alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima malo je istražena u svetu, a kod nas još manje. O njoj više posredno zaključujemo na osnovu istraživanja u širem ili u srodnom kontekstu. Radi unapređenja i ujednačavanja kvaliteta supervizije, potrebno je zakonski regulisati obavezno sprovođenje supervizije u okviru svih oblika alternativnog staranja i definisati poslove i kompetencije  supervizora, kao i podstaći istraživanja supervizije u ovoj oblasti.  Interesantno bi bilo istražiti supervizijski odnos između savetnika za hraniteljstvo i hranitelja, i između stručnih radnika i korisnika usluga.
AB  - Supervision is important for the implementation and promo-
tion of professional work in the social welfare system, the provision
of quality services to beneficiaries and the further development
of governmental and non-governmental sectors in the area. The
aims of the article are: a) analysis of key functions and aspects of
supervision within social welfare system, and b) analysis of legal
regulations and researches of supervision in the institutions for
alternative care of children and youth of the Republic of Serbia
(RS).
PB  - Institut za političke studije : Beograd
T2  - Socijalna politika
T1  - Supervizija zaposlenih u okviru alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima u sistemu socijalne zaštite
T1  - Supervision of employees within alternative care of children and youths in the system of social welfare
EP  - 77
IS  - 2
SP  - 55
DO  - 10.22182/sp.22019.3
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Polić, Sanja and Hrnčić, Jasna",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Supervizija je značajna za sprovođenje i unapređenje profesionalnog rada u sistemu socijalne zaštite, pružanje kvalitetnih usluga korisnicima i dalji razvoj vladinog i nevladinog sektora u ovoj oblasti. Ciljevi rada su: a) analiza ključnih funkcija i aspekata supervizije u okviru socijalne zaštite, i b) analiza zakonskih regulativa i istraživanja supervizije u ustanovama za alternativno staranje o deci i mladima Republike Srbije (RS). Daje se pregled funkcija supervizije u socijalnoj zaštiti. Ukazuje se na kompetencije uspešnog supervizora kao važan aspekat supervizijskog rada i na gledište socijalnog konstruktivizma na interekciju između superviziranog i supervizanta. Važeći Pravilnik o bližim uslovima i standardima pružanja usluga u socijalnoj zaštiti predviđa da pružalac usluge obezbeđuje odgovarajuću stručnu podršku svim licima angažovanim na pružanju usluge koja uključuje superviziju. Međutim, regulativa koja dalja uređuju realizaciju supervizije alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima uglavnom nedostaje, sa izuzetkom Centra za porodični smeštaj i usvojenje Beograd. Zanemarivanje supervizije u podzakonskim aktima dovodi do različitih tumačenja i slabe primene u praksi. Supervizija alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima malo je istražena u svetu, a kod nas još manje. O njoj više posredno zaključujemo na osnovu istraživanja u širem ili u srodnom kontekstu. Radi unapređenja i ujednačavanja kvaliteta supervizije, potrebno je zakonski regulisati obavezno sprovođenje supervizije u okviru svih oblika alternativnog staranja i definisati poslove i kompetencije  supervizora, kao i podstaći istraživanja supervizije u ovoj oblasti.  Interesantno bi bilo istražiti supervizijski odnos između savetnika za hraniteljstvo i hranitelja, i između stručnih radnika i korisnika usluga., Supervision is important for the implementation and promo-
tion of professional work in the social welfare system, the provision
of quality services to beneficiaries and the further development
of governmental and non-governmental sectors in the area. The
aims of the article are: a) analysis of key functions and aspects of
supervision within social welfare system, and b) analysis of legal
regulations and researches of supervision in the institutions for
alternative care of children and youth of the Republic of Serbia
(RS).",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije : Beograd",
journal = "Socijalna politika",
title = "Supervizija zaposlenih u okviru alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima u sistemu socijalne zaštite, Supervision of employees within alternative care of children and youths in the system of social welfare",
pages = "77-55",
number = "2",
doi = "10.22182/sp.22019.3"
}

Polić, S.,& Hrnčić, J.. (2019). Supervizija zaposlenih u okviru alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima u sistemu socijalne zaštite. in Socijalna politika
Institut za političke studije : Beograd.(2), 55-77.
https://doi.org/10.22182/sp.22019.3

Polić S, Hrnčić J. Supervizija zaposlenih u okviru alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima u sistemu socijalne zaštite. in Socijalna politika. 2019;(2):55-77.
doi:10.22182/sp.22019.3 .

Polić, Sanja, Hrnčić, Jasna, "Supervizija zaposlenih u okviru alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima u sistemu socijalne zaštite" in Socijalna politika, no. 2 (2019):55-77,
https://doi.org/10.22182/sp.22019.3 . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Stanojević, Ivan N.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=7376
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:21672/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518579031
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/12243
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/828
AB  - The dissertation explores the causes of the Euro crisis of 2009, using the institutional explanation in social sciences and the game theory. It includes discussions on the role of fiscal and monetary policies for stabilization of the economy, a brief history of monetary unions, as well as a summary of the European monetary integration process. Key findings of the dissertation are considering strategic situations in which the Member States have been involved before and after the creation of the European Economic and Monetary Union and the euro, which can be analysed using the game theory. The institutional design of the European Communities, after the breakup of the Breton Woods system, has put the Members States in the strategic situation of prisoner’s dilemma, which in turn made coordination of monetary policies and exchange rates unfeasible. The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) made possible for the Member States to overcome the dilemma by transferring the monetary policy from national to the European level of governance. Unfortunately, the institutional design of the EMU created a specific set of the interdependence of the Member States and the institutional incentives which created a new collective action problem. The new problem can be observed as a strategic situation of the chicken game in which the Member States again does not have the incentive to act in the accordance with the rules in the same, cooperative manner. Finally, the dissertation analyses the institutional consequences of the crisis and the incentives emerged after the post-crisis reforms. The conclusion is that the reforms should prevent similar euro crisis. On the other hand, questions could be raised regarding the power shift among the main bodies of the European Union.
AB  - Rad se bavi istraživanjem uzroka krize evra nastale 2009. godine, oslanjajući se na institucionalno objašnjenje u društvenim naukama i teoriju igara. Disertacija sadrži rasprave o ulozi fiskalne i monetarne politike za stabilizaciju privrede, kratku istoriju monetarnih unija pre Evropske ekonomske i monetarne unije (EMU), kao i sažetu istoriju evropske monetarne integracije. Ključni nalazi disertacije su tiču se strateških situacija koje su dovele do nastanka jedinstvene evropske valute i kasnije do njene krize, koje je moguće analizirati uz pomoć teorije igara. Institucionalni aranžman Evropskih zajednica nakon raspada Bretonvudskog sistema stavio je države članice u stratešku situaciju zatvorenikove dileme, što je činilo koordinaciju monetarnih politike i deviznog kursa neodrživim. Kako bi se prevazišao taj problem, formirana je EMU kojom je uveden evro, a monetarna politika prenesena na sa nacionalnog evropski nivo vlasti. Međutim dizajn EMU stvorio specifičan spoj međuzavisnosti i podsticaja iz koga je nastao nov problem kolektivnog delanja za države članice monetarne unije. Taj problem se ogleda u strateškoj situaciji igre kukavice u kojoj učesnici nemaju podsticaj da se ponašaju na istovetan, kooperativan način. Na kraju disertacije analizirani su podsticaji nastali sprovedenih institucionalnih reformi. Zaključak je će reforme najverovatnije sprečiti da nastanak slične krize u budućnosti, ali i da se mogu otvoriti nova pitanja u vezi sa promenom ravnoteže moći unutar organa EU.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - Institutional causes of the euro crisis
T1  - Institucionalni uzroci krize evra
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12243
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Stanojević, Ivan N.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The dissertation explores the causes of the Euro crisis of 2009, using the institutional explanation in social sciences and the game theory. It includes discussions on the role of fiscal and monetary policies for stabilization of the economy, a brief history of monetary unions, as well as a summary of the European monetary integration process. Key findings of the dissertation are considering strategic situations in which the Member States have been involved before and after the creation of the European Economic and Monetary Union and the euro, which can be analysed using the game theory. The institutional design of the European Communities, after the breakup of the Breton Woods system, has put the Members States in the strategic situation of prisoner’s dilemma, which in turn made coordination of monetary policies and exchange rates unfeasible. The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) made possible for the Member States to overcome the dilemma by transferring the monetary policy from national to the European level of governance. Unfortunately, the institutional design of the EMU created a specific set of the interdependence of the Member States and the institutional incentives which created a new collective action problem. The new problem can be observed as a strategic situation of the chicken game in which the Member States again does not have the incentive to act in the accordance with the rules in the same, cooperative manner. Finally, the dissertation analyses the institutional consequences of the crisis and the incentives emerged after the post-crisis reforms. The conclusion is that the reforms should prevent similar euro crisis. On the other hand, questions could be raised regarding the power shift among the main bodies of the European Union., Rad se bavi istraživanjem uzroka krize evra nastale 2009. godine, oslanjajući se na institucionalno objašnjenje u društvenim naukama i teoriju igara. Disertacija sadrži rasprave o ulozi fiskalne i monetarne politike za stabilizaciju privrede, kratku istoriju monetarnih unija pre Evropske ekonomske i monetarne unije (EMU), kao i sažetu istoriju evropske monetarne integracije. Ključni nalazi disertacije su tiču se strateških situacija koje su dovele do nastanka jedinstvene evropske valute i kasnije do njene krize, koje je moguće analizirati uz pomoć teorije igara. Institucionalni aranžman Evropskih zajednica nakon raspada Bretonvudskog sistema stavio je države članice u stratešku situaciju zatvorenikove dileme, što je činilo koordinaciju monetarnih politike i deviznog kursa neodrživim. Kako bi se prevazišao taj problem, formirana je EMU kojom je uveden evro, a monetarna politika prenesena na sa nacionalnog evropski nivo vlasti. Međutim dizajn EMU stvorio specifičan spoj međuzavisnosti i podsticaja iz koga je nastao nov problem kolektivnog delanja za države članice monetarne unije. Taj problem se ogleda u strateškoj situaciji igre kukavice u kojoj učesnici nemaju podsticaj da se ponašaju na istovetan, kooperativan način. Na kraju disertacije analizirani su podsticaji nastali sprovedenih institucionalnih reformi. Zaključak je će reforme najverovatnije sprečiti da nastanak slične krize u budućnosti, ali i da se mogu otvoriti nova pitanja u vezi sa promenom ravnoteže moći unutar organa EU.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "Institutional causes of the euro crisis, Institucionalni uzroci krize evra",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12243"
}

Stanojević, I. N.. (2019). Institutional causes of the euro crisis. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12243

Stanojević IN. Institutional causes of the euro crisis. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12243 .

Stanojević, Ivan N., "Institutional causes of the euro crisis" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12243 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Tepšić, Goran
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=7343
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:21581/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518576983
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/12184
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/827
AB  - The study starts with the general hypothesis that radically different interpretations of the Bosnian War (1992-1995) in the post-war BiH determine the construction of mutually exclusive identities of its constitutive peoples. After more than two decades of post-war transition, these identities have acquired structural qualities, including the one of strategic selectivity, which empowers ethnopolitics and discriminates its alternatives, and vice versa, the ethnopolitics reproduce mutually exclusive identities and the political order built on them. The described mechanism maintains political crisis and ethnic divisions in the ‘Dayton’ BiH, and candidates this state for a case of protracted social conflict. The theoretical part of the study discusses the basic human needs theories, and the correlation of identity, as one of the fundamental needs, and political elites, their strategies and politics, in particular. The aim is to contribute to further understanding of identity as a political resource and an instrument of political governance, or governmentality. The discussion is primarily based on international relations and peace studies literature, mostly works of John Burton and Edward Azar, among others. The methodological approach of this study is interpretive; its primary method is the discourse analysis, with the speaker/statement unit of study. Discourses and practices of Bosniak, Serbian, and Croatian political elite, mainly their identity-related content and narratives on War, victim, and state are the subject of this study. The subject is limited to the territory of BiH, although it includes statements of representatives of Serbia and Croatia, and refers to the period from 2012 to 2019. The most important conclusion of the study is that interpretations of War and mutually exclusive identities produce a political situation in BiH known as “the continuation of war by other means”, or the protracted social conflict. Nevertheless, that does not make BiH an exception, but a part of broader international trends
AB  - U disertaciji se polazi od pretpostavke da suštinski različite interpretacije rata (1992-1995) u posleratnoj BiH uslovljavaju konstrukciju međusobno isključivih identiteta njenih konstitutivnih naroda. Tako konstruisani identiteti vremenom se strukturalizuju, te postaju nepropustljivi prema neetničkim politikama. S druge strane, etnopolitike koje ova strukturna selektivnost podstiče, povratno ojačavaju dominantne konstrukcije identiteta i reprodukuju postojeće odnose moći. Tako se politička kriza i društevni rascepi održavaju u celokupnom posleratnom periodu, što kandiduje „dejtonsku“ BiH za slučaj sukoba dugog trajanja. Teorijski deo disertacije obuhvata raspravu o teorijama ljudskih potreba i vezi identiteta, kao jedne od ključnih ljudskih potreba, sa političkim elitama, njihovim politikama i strategijama. Time se želi doprineti razumevanju identiteta kao političkog resursa i instrumenta političkog vladanja, tj. upravljanja stanovništvom. U tu svrhu koristi se literatura koja uglavnom pripada međunarodnim odnosima i studijama mira, pre svega radovi Džona Bartona i Edvarda Azara. Metodološki pristup je interpretativistički, ključna metoda je analiza diskursa, a jedinica analize je govorni čin, stav pripadnika triju etnopolitičkih elita u BiH. Empirijski predmet analize su diskursi i prakse bošnjačke, srpske i hrvatske političke elite, odnosno njihovi identitetski sadržaji, koji se prvenstveno tiču tema rata, žrtve i države. Predmet je prostorno ograničen na teritoriju BiH, ali obuhvata i izjave predstavnika Srbije i Hrvatske, dok se u vremenskom smislu odnosi na period između 2012. i 2019. godine. Glavni zaključak disertacije je da interpretacije rata i međusobno konstituisani identiteti u posleratnoj BiH tvore situaciju poznatu kao „nastavak rata drugim sredstvima“, što pretvara BiH u sukob dugog trajanja. No, to ne čini BiH izuzetkom, već delom međunarodnih tendencija
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The role of political elites in the process of identity reconstruction: the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina
T1  - Uloga političkih elita u procesu rekonstrukcije nacionalnih identiteta: slučaj Bosne i Hercegovine
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12184
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Tepšić, Goran",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The study starts with the general hypothesis that radically different interpretations of the Bosnian War (1992-1995) in the post-war BiH determine the construction of mutually exclusive identities of its constitutive peoples. After more than two decades of post-war transition, these identities have acquired structural qualities, including the one of strategic selectivity, which empowers ethnopolitics and discriminates its alternatives, and vice versa, the ethnopolitics reproduce mutually exclusive identities and the political order built on them. The described mechanism maintains political crisis and ethnic divisions in the ‘Dayton’ BiH, and candidates this state for a case of protracted social conflict. The theoretical part of the study discusses the basic human needs theories, and the correlation of identity, as one of the fundamental needs, and political elites, their strategies and politics, in particular. The aim is to contribute to further understanding of identity as a political resource and an instrument of political governance, or governmentality. The discussion is primarily based on international relations and peace studies literature, mostly works of John Burton and Edward Azar, among others. The methodological approach of this study is interpretive; its primary method is the discourse analysis, with the speaker/statement unit of study. Discourses and practices of Bosniak, Serbian, and Croatian political elite, mainly their identity-related content and narratives on War, victim, and state are the subject of this study. The subject is limited to the territory of BiH, although it includes statements of representatives of Serbia and Croatia, and refers to the period from 2012 to 2019. The most important conclusion of the study is that interpretations of War and mutually exclusive identities produce a political situation in BiH known as “the continuation of war by other means”, or the protracted social conflict. Nevertheless, that does not make BiH an exception, but a part of broader international trends, U disertaciji se polazi od pretpostavke da suštinski različite interpretacije rata (1992-1995) u posleratnoj BiH uslovljavaju konstrukciju međusobno isključivih identiteta njenih konstitutivnih naroda. Tako konstruisani identiteti vremenom se strukturalizuju, te postaju nepropustljivi prema neetničkim politikama. S druge strane, etnopolitike koje ova strukturna selektivnost podstiče, povratno ojačavaju dominantne konstrukcije identiteta i reprodukuju postojeće odnose moći. Tako se politička kriza i društevni rascepi održavaju u celokupnom posleratnom periodu, što kandiduje „dejtonsku“ BiH za slučaj sukoba dugog trajanja. Teorijski deo disertacije obuhvata raspravu o teorijama ljudskih potreba i vezi identiteta, kao jedne od ključnih ljudskih potreba, sa političkim elitama, njihovim politikama i strategijama. Time se želi doprineti razumevanju identiteta kao političkog resursa i instrumenta političkog vladanja, tj. upravljanja stanovništvom. U tu svrhu koristi se literatura koja uglavnom pripada međunarodnim odnosima i studijama mira, pre svega radovi Džona Bartona i Edvarda Azara. Metodološki pristup je interpretativistički, ključna metoda je analiza diskursa, a jedinica analize je govorni čin, stav pripadnika triju etnopolitičkih elita u BiH. Empirijski predmet analize su diskursi i prakse bošnjačke, srpske i hrvatske političke elite, odnosno njihovi identitetski sadržaji, koji se prvenstveno tiču tema rata, žrtve i države. Predmet je prostorno ograničen na teritoriju BiH, ali obuhvata i izjave predstavnika Srbije i Hrvatske, dok se u vremenskom smislu odnosi na period između 2012. i 2019. godine. Glavni zaključak disertacije je da interpretacije rata i međusobno konstituisani identiteti u posleratnoj BiH tvore situaciju poznatu kao „nastavak rata drugim sredstvima“, što pretvara BiH u sukob dugog trajanja. No, to ne čini BiH izuzetkom, već delom međunarodnih tendencija",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The role of political elites in the process of identity reconstruction: the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Uloga političkih elita u procesu rekonstrukcije nacionalnih identiteta: slučaj Bosne i Hercegovine",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12184"
}

Tepšić, G.. (2019). The role of political elites in the process of identity reconstruction: the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12184

Tepšić G. The role of political elites in the process of identity reconstruction: the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12184 .

Tepšić, Goran, "The role of political elites in the process of identity reconstruction: the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_12184 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Pantelić, Marina
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=7147
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:20832/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518521175
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/11791
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/826
AB  - The rise in single-parent families represents one of the most visible outcomes of family instability and change in the structure and distribution of risks in Europe (Millar, 2002). Therefore, it is not surprising that such families have become the subject of political, scientific and research interests both nationally and internationally. As a very heterogeneous social group, within (which) not necessarily all are jeopardized in having the same rights or in meeting the same needs, and as they quite differ in a way of coping with risks, single-parent families require a comprehensive and diverse state support, as a formal support system. The focus of this research is on the analysis of needs, risks and difficulties faced by single-parent families (single-mothers with children) in Serbia, identifying different systems of available social support (formal and informal) and their limitations, as well as their possibilities of redesigning. A specific theoretical and conceptual framework, which represents a novelty in relation to the previous perspectives in the interpretation of this phenomenon, was used for the analysis of the problem. The social investment concept and different discourses around single-parent families were complementary used as theoretical and conceptual framework, and the analysis itself included two levels, micro - individual level and macro – institutional level. The data were collected by combining complementary quantitative and qualitative methods. On the one hand, the quantitative part of the research was focused on gathering socio-demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the sample. Collection of this type of data was carried out using a questionnaire, which was specially designed for the purposes of this research, in order to create a profile of the single-mother families representing the sample. On the other hand, the qualitative part of the research is based on data obtained from in-depth, semi-structured interviews, which were conducted with both the single-mothers, as well as with representatives of the public and civil sector, in order to gain insight into the complexity of life, family and professional opportunities of single-parents in our country. ix The study involved 35 single-mothers and the sample was balanced by the type of single-parent family (widowed, divorced and unmarried single-mothers), as well as by the socio-demographic and socio-economic status of participants. Also, in order to obtain a comprehensive overview of the status, problems and challenges facing single-mothers with children in our country, 10 interviews were conducted with the representatives of the governmental and non-governmental sector, discussing the ways in which this vulnerable social group is recognized in our national legislation, the dominant social attitude towards them, programs and measures to improve their position and recommendations for enhancing policy and practice. At the individual level of analysis, our findings confirm that it comes to a highly heterogeneous social group, so that the specific life circumstances, the causes of single-parenthood, as well as the personality of the single-parents themselves influence the challenges and difficulties they are facing in everyday life, and to significant extent determinate the source, type and quality of social (formal and informal) support. The lack of sympathy and understanding of the society for the specific position in which these families are, contributes to their greater structural vulnerability than the rest of the population, especially two-parent families. Also, the social attitude towards single-parents (especially single-mothers) represents some kind of continuum, which includes values from absolute support, through an ambivalent attitude, to persuasion and lack of understanding, but the lack of understanding and persuasion are the most prevalent way our society refers to parents who raise their children alone. At the institutional level, the findings of this research indicate that the formal system of support to single-parent families in our country is to the great extent limited and that organized and planned, system’s response to the needs and problems of single-parents is missing. Although the social problem discourse around single-parent families is latently present in our institutional context, it is not accompanied by an adequate political response by the state, operationalized through concrete public policy programs and measures. The lack of a concrete state response to single-parent families, manifested through the lack of an adequate institutional framework and system’s solutions, i.e. the limited and unavailable assistance and support measures, makes them invisible subjects of social policy. Based on the identified needs and priorities of the single-parents (single-mothers), as well as the analysis of the current social and political context and the existing institutional framework, x recommendations to improve social position and further social integration of single-parent families have been defined. Hence, the results of this research can be used to enhance practice towards elimination of the existing shortcomings and the formulation of an adequate system’s response to the problems and challenges faced by single-parent families in our country
AB  - Jednoroditeljske porodice predstavljaju jednu od najznačajnijih i najočiglednijih manifestacija porodične nestabilnosti i promena u strukturi i distribuciji rizika u Evropi (Millar, 2002). Stoga, ne iznenađuje činjenica da su neretko predmet političkog, naučnog i istraživačkog interesa, kako na nacionalnom, tako i na nadnacionalnom nivou. Predstavljajući izrazito heterogenu društvenu grupu, unutar koje nisu nužno svi ugroženi u ostvarivanju istih prava ili u zadovoljavanju potreba, a kako se prilično razlikuju i po načinima suočavanja sa rizicima, jednoroditeljske porodice zahtevaju sveobuhvatnu i raznovrsnu pomoć države, kao formalnog sistema podrške. Fokus ovog istraživanja je na analizi potreba, rizika i teškoća sa kojima se suočavaju jednoroditeljske porodice (porodice samih majki sa decom) u Srbiji, identifikovanju različitih sistema društvene podrške (formalnih i neformalnih) koji su im dostupni i njihovih ograničenja, kao i mogućnosti njihovog redizajniranja. Za analizu problema upotrebljen je specifičan teorijsko-konceptualni okvir, koji predstavlja novinu u odnosu na dosadašnje perspektive u tumačenju ove pojave. Reč je o komplementarnoj upotrebi koncepta socijalnih ulaganja i različitih diskursa o jednoroditeljskim porodicama, a sama analiza je obuhvatila dva nivoa, mikro - individualni nivo i makro - institucionalni i sistemski nivo. U istraživanju podaci su prikupljani kombinovanjem kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih metoda. Kvantitativni deo istraživanja bio je usmeren na prikupljanje socio-demografskih i socio-ekonomskih podataka o uzorku. Prikupljanje ove vrste podataka vršeno je uz pomoć upitnika, koji je posebno sačinjen za potrebe ovog istraživanja, i bilo je u funkciji izgradnje profila jednoroditeljskih porodica samih majki obuhvaćenih uzorkom. Sa druge strane, kvalitativni deo istraživanja zasniva se na podacima koji su dobijeni iz dubinskih, polustrukturisanih intervjua, koji su vođeni vi kako sa samim majkama, tako i sa predstavnicima javnog i civilnog sektora, kako bi se stekao uvid u kompleksnost životnih, porodičnih i profesionalnih prilika samih roditelja kod nas. U istraživanju je učestvovalo 35 samih majki, a uzorak je balansiran prema tipu jednoroditeljske porodice (udovice, razvedene i nevenčane same majke), kao i prema socio-demografskom i socio-ekonomskom statusu ispitanica. Takođe, kako bi se dobila sveobuhvatna slika o položaju, problemima i izazovima sa kojima se suočavaju same majke sa decom kod nas, realizovano je i 10 intervjua sa predstavnicima vladinog i nevladinog sektora, sa kojima je razgovarano o načinu na koji je ova osetljiva društvena grupa prepoznata u postojećem normativnom okviru, odnosu društva prema njima, merama za poboljšanje njihovog položaja i predlozima za unapređenje politike i prakse. Kada je u pitanju individualni nivo analize, nalazi do kojih se došlo u istraživanju potvrđuju da je reč o izrazito heterogenoj društvenoj grupi, tako da konkretne životne okolnosti, uzroci nastanka, kao i ličnost samih roditelja utiču na izazove i teškoće sa kojima se suočavaju u svakodnevnom životu i u značajnoj meri opredeljuju izvor, vrstu i kvalitet društvene pomoći i podrške. Nerazumevanje društva za specifičnu poziciju u kojoj se ove porodice nalaze doprinosi njihovoj većoj strukturalnoj ranjivosti u odnosu na ostatak populacije, prvenstveno dvoroditeljske porodice. Takođe, odnos okruženja prema samim roditeljima (samim majkama) predstavlja neku vrstu kontinuuma, koji obuhvata vrednosti od apsolutne podrške, preko ambivalentnog stava, sve do osude i nerazumevanja, premda nerazumevanje i osuda predstavljaju najčešće načine na koje se naše društvo odnosi prema roditeljima koji sami podižu decu. Na institucionalnom nivou, nalazi ovog istraživanja ukazuju da je formalni sistem pomoći i podrške jednoroditeljskim porodicama u našoj zemlji u značajnoj meri ograničen i da izostaje sistemski i planski odgovor društva/države na potrebe i probleme samih roditelja. Iako je u institucionalnom kontekstu latentno prisutno stanovište da jednoroditeljske porodice predstavljaju društveni problem, ono nije ispraćeno adekvatnim političkim odgovorom države, operacionalizovanim kroz konkretne mere javne politike. Izostanak konkretnog odgovora države prema ovim vii porodicama, koji se manifestuje kroz nedostatak adekvatnog institucionalnog okruženja i sistemskih rešenja, odnosno ograničenost i nedostupnost mera pomoći i podrške, čini ih nevidljivim subjektima socijalne politike. Na temelju identifikovanih potreba i prioriteta samih roditelja/majki, analizi aktuelnog društvenog i političkog konteksta, kao i postojećeg institucionalnog okvira, definisani su predlozi za unapređenje njihovog položaja i podsticanje njihove socijalne integracije, te se rezultati ovog istraživanja mogu iskoristiti za unapređenje prakse u pravcu otklanjanja nedostataka postojećeg i formulisanju adekvatnog sistemskog odgovora na probleme i izazove sa kojima se suočavaju jednoroditeljske porodice u našoj zemlji
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia : implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia
T1  - Jednoroditeljske porodice i novi socijalni rizici : implikacije na socijalnu politiku i praksu u Republici Srbiji
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11791
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Pantelić, Marina",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The rise in single-parent families represents one of the most visible outcomes of family instability and change in the structure and distribution of risks in Europe (Millar, 2002). Therefore, it is not surprising that such families have become the subject of political, scientific and research interests both nationally and internationally. As a very heterogeneous social group, within (which) not necessarily all are jeopardized in having the same rights or in meeting the same needs, and as they quite differ in a way of coping with risks, single-parent families require a comprehensive and diverse state support, as a formal support system. The focus of this research is on the analysis of needs, risks and difficulties faced by single-parent families (single-mothers with children) in Serbia, identifying different systems of available social support (formal and informal) and their limitations, as well as their possibilities of redesigning. A specific theoretical and conceptual framework, which represents a novelty in relation to the previous perspectives in the interpretation of this phenomenon, was used for the analysis of the problem. The social investment concept and different discourses around single-parent families were complementary used as theoretical and conceptual framework, and the analysis itself included two levels, micro - individual level and macro – institutional level. The data were collected by combining complementary quantitative and qualitative methods. On the one hand, the quantitative part of the research was focused on gathering socio-demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the sample. Collection of this type of data was carried out using a questionnaire, which was specially designed for the purposes of this research, in order to create a profile of the single-mother families representing the sample. On the other hand, the qualitative part of the research is based on data obtained from in-depth, semi-structured interviews, which were conducted with both the single-mothers, as well as with representatives of the public and civil sector, in order to gain insight into the complexity of life, family and professional opportunities of single-parents in our country. ix The study involved 35 single-mothers and the sample was balanced by the type of single-parent family (widowed, divorced and unmarried single-mothers), as well as by the socio-demographic and socio-economic status of participants. Also, in order to obtain a comprehensive overview of the status, problems and challenges facing single-mothers with children in our country, 10 interviews were conducted with the representatives of the governmental and non-governmental sector, discussing the ways in which this vulnerable social group is recognized in our national legislation, the dominant social attitude towards them, programs and measures to improve their position and recommendations for enhancing policy and practice. At the individual level of analysis, our findings confirm that it comes to a highly heterogeneous social group, so that the specific life circumstances, the causes of single-parenthood, as well as the personality of the single-parents themselves influence the challenges and difficulties they are facing in everyday life, and to significant extent determinate the source, type and quality of social (formal and informal) support. The lack of sympathy and understanding of the society for the specific position in which these families are, contributes to their greater structural vulnerability than the rest of the population, especially two-parent families. Also, the social attitude towards single-parents (especially single-mothers) represents some kind of continuum, which includes values from absolute support, through an ambivalent attitude, to persuasion and lack of understanding, but the lack of understanding and persuasion are the most prevalent way our society refers to parents who raise their children alone. At the institutional level, the findings of this research indicate that the formal system of support to single-parent families in our country is to the great extent limited and that organized and planned, system’s response to the needs and problems of single-parents is missing. Although the social problem discourse around single-parent families is latently present in our institutional context, it is not accompanied by an adequate political response by the state, operationalized through concrete public policy programs and measures. The lack of a concrete state response to single-parent families, manifested through the lack of an adequate institutional framework and system’s solutions, i.e. the limited and unavailable assistance and support measures, makes them invisible subjects of social policy. Based on the identified needs and priorities of the single-parents (single-mothers), as well as the analysis of the current social and political context and the existing institutional framework, x recommendations to improve social position and further social integration of single-parent families have been defined. Hence, the results of this research can be used to enhance practice towards elimination of the existing shortcomings and the formulation of an adequate system’s response to the problems and challenges faced by single-parent families in our country, Jednoroditeljske porodice predstavljaju jednu od najznačajnijih i najočiglednijih manifestacija porodične nestabilnosti i promena u strukturi i distribuciji rizika u Evropi (Millar, 2002). Stoga, ne iznenađuje činjenica da su neretko predmet političkog, naučnog i istraživačkog interesa, kako na nacionalnom, tako i na nadnacionalnom nivou. Predstavljajući izrazito heterogenu društvenu grupu, unutar koje nisu nužno svi ugroženi u ostvarivanju istih prava ili u zadovoljavanju potreba, a kako se prilično razlikuju i po načinima suočavanja sa rizicima, jednoroditeljske porodice zahtevaju sveobuhvatnu i raznovrsnu pomoć države, kao formalnog sistema podrške. Fokus ovog istraživanja je na analizi potreba, rizika i teškoća sa kojima se suočavaju jednoroditeljske porodice (porodice samih majki sa decom) u Srbiji, identifikovanju različitih sistema društvene podrške (formalnih i neformalnih) koji su im dostupni i njihovih ograničenja, kao i mogućnosti njihovog redizajniranja. Za analizu problema upotrebljen je specifičan teorijsko-konceptualni okvir, koji predstavlja novinu u odnosu na dosadašnje perspektive u tumačenju ove pojave. Reč je o komplementarnoj upotrebi koncepta socijalnih ulaganja i različitih diskursa o jednoroditeljskim porodicama, a sama analiza je obuhvatila dva nivoa, mikro - individualni nivo i makro - institucionalni i sistemski nivo. U istraživanju podaci su prikupljani kombinovanjem kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih metoda. Kvantitativni deo istraživanja bio je usmeren na prikupljanje socio-demografskih i socio-ekonomskih podataka o uzorku. Prikupljanje ove vrste podataka vršeno je uz pomoć upitnika, koji je posebno sačinjen za potrebe ovog istraživanja, i bilo je u funkciji izgradnje profila jednoroditeljskih porodica samih majki obuhvaćenih uzorkom. Sa druge strane, kvalitativni deo istraživanja zasniva se na podacima koji su dobijeni iz dubinskih, polustrukturisanih intervjua, koji su vođeni vi kako sa samim majkama, tako i sa predstavnicima javnog i civilnog sektora, kako bi se stekao uvid u kompleksnost životnih, porodičnih i profesionalnih prilika samih roditelja kod nas. U istraživanju je učestvovalo 35 samih majki, a uzorak je balansiran prema tipu jednoroditeljske porodice (udovice, razvedene i nevenčane same majke), kao i prema socio-demografskom i socio-ekonomskom statusu ispitanica. Takođe, kako bi se dobila sveobuhvatna slika o položaju, problemima i izazovima sa kojima se suočavaju same majke sa decom kod nas, realizovano je i 10 intervjua sa predstavnicima vladinog i nevladinog sektora, sa kojima je razgovarano o načinu na koji je ova osetljiva društvena grupa prepoznata u postojećem normativnom okviru, odnosu društva prema njima, merama za poboljšanje njihovog položaja i predlozima za unapređenje politike i prakse. Kada je u pitanju individualni nivo analize, nalazi do kojih se došlo u istraživanju potvrđuju da je reč o izrazito heterogenoj društvenoj grupi, tako da konkretne životne okolnosti, uzroci nastanka, kao i ličnost samih roditelja utiču na izazove i teškoće sa kojima se suočavaju u svakodnevnom životu i u značajnoj meri opredeljuju izvor, vrstu i kvalitet društvene pomoći i podrške. Nerazumevanje društva za specifičnu poziciju u kojoj se ove porodice nalaze doprinosi njihovoj većoj strukturalnoj ranjivosti u odnosu na ostatak populacije, prvenstveno dvoroditeljske porodice. Takođe, odnos okruženja prema samim roditeljima (samim majkama) predstavlja neku vrstu kontinuuma, koji obuhvata vrednosti od apsolutne podrške, preko ambivalentnog stava, sve do osude i nerazumevanja, premda nerazumevanje i osuda predstavljaju najčešće načine na koje se naše društvo odnosi prema roditeljima koji sami podižu decu. Na institucionalnom nivou, nalazi ovog istraživanja ukazuju da je formalni sistem pomoći i podrške jednoroditeljskim porodicama u našoj zemlji u značajnoj meri ograničen i da izostaje sistemski i planski odgovor društva/države na potrebe i probleme samih roditelja. Iako je u institucionalnom kontekstu latentno prisutno stanovište da jednoroditeljske porodice predstavljaju društveni problem, ono nije ispraćeno adekvatnim političkim odgovorom države, operacionalizovanim kroz konkretne mere javne politike. Izostanak konkretnog odgovora države prema ovim vii porodicama, koji se manifestuje kroz nedostatak adekvatnog institucionalnog okruženja i sistemskih rešenja, odnosno ograničenost i nedostupnost mera pomoći i podrške, čini ih nevidljivim subjektima socijalne politike. Na temelju identifikovanih potreba i prioriteta samih roditelja/majki, analizi aktuelnog društvenog i političkog konteksta, kao i postojećeg institucionalnog okvira, definisani su predlozi za unapređenje njihovog položaja i podsticanje njihove socijalne integracije, te se rezultati ovog istraživanja mogu iskoristiti za unapređenje prakse u pravcu otklanjanja nedostataka postojećeg i formulisanju adekvatnog sistemskog odgovora na probleme i izazove sa kojima se suočavaju jednoroditeljske porodice u našoj zemlji",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia : implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia, Jednoroditeljske porodice i novi socijalni rizici : implikacije na socijalnu politiku i praksu u Republici Srbiji",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11791"
}

Pantelić, M.. (2019). implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia : implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11791

Pantelić M. implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia : implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11791 .

Pantelić, Marina, "implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia : implications for social policy and practice in Republic of Serbia" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11791 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Beljinac, Nikola
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6995
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:20520/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=518514263
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/11657
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/825
AB  - The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the ground of patriotic allegiance in plural liberal-democratic societies. In this work I explore the normative scope of the three most influential theoretical approaches to patriotism: liberal nationalism, new republicanism and constitutional patriotism. I argue that, in a multicultural context, a normatively justified conception of patriotic allegiance must rest on an extended understanding of equality that includes equality in belonging to the political community. Equality in belonging exists when every citizen, on an equal basis and independently of her particular identities, can experience the state she inhabits as her political home. The work is consisted of seven chapters. In the first chapter, I propose that patriotism should be defined as a form of allegiance expressed through care for the welfare of the patria and compatriots. Patriotic allegiance is then analytically divided into two parts: the object and nature of allegiance. Below is an overview of the historical genesis of the patriotic ethos through the following epochs: ancient Greece, ancient Rome, early Christianity, feudalism, the period of absolute monarchies and the age of the nation state. I ascertain that patriotism has sunk into nationalist discourse with the emergence of the nation state. The second chapter is devoted to ethical debates on patriotism. Ethical debates on the moral status of special ties are responsible for the return of patriotism to the sphere of academic study. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two groups: the consequentialist and non- consequentialist, and then I reconsider them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory. In the third chapter, I reflect on the place of patriotic allegiance in the liberal-communal debate. I pay special attention to the communal arguments of the unencumbered self, the social thesis and moral education. In the fourth chapter, I analyze the object and nature of patriotic allegiance in the theories of liberal nationalism. I affirm that the ethnic component of the national identity prevents the object of patriotic allegiance to be equally accessible to all citizens, which can induce the lack of self-esteem and selfevaluation among members of ethno-cultural minorities. The fifth chapter deals with the object and the nature of patriotic allegiance in the new republicanism, with the emphasis on Viroli's rooted republicanism. I consider Viroli's patriotism to be inappropriate for multicultural societies because it imposes a double burden to the members of ethnocultural minorities: they are asked to accept the cultural pattern of the republic and to take active care for the condition of the institutions of the republic. In chapter six I examine the tenets of the theory of constitutional patriotism in the works of Dolf Sternerger, Jürgen Habermas, Jan-Werner Müller and Patchen Markell. I reject the conceptions of constitutional patriotism in which the object of allegiance is fixed, but also those approaches that permanently reject any objects of allegiance. I advocate the version of constitutional patriotism in which nature of patriotic allegiance creates a political environment to which we are committed. In the last chapter I summarize my findings and conclude that the modified theory of constitutional patriotism is normatively most suitable for plural societies.
AB  - Predmet doktorske disertacije je osnov osećanja patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim liberalno-demokratskim društvima. U radu istražujem normativne domete tri najuticajnija teorijska pristupa patriotizmu: liberalnog nacionalizma, novog republikanizma i ustavnog patriotizma. Zastupam tezu da, u multikulturnom kontekstu, normativno opravdana koncepcija patriotske privrženosti mora počivati na proširenom shvatanju jednakosti koje u sebe uključuje jednakost u pripadanju političkoj zajednici. Jednakost u pripadanju postoji onda kada svaki građanin, na jednakoj osnovi i nezavisno od svojih posebnih identiteta, može doživeti državu koju nastanjuje kao svoj politički dom. Rad je sačinjen od sedam poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predlažem da patriotizam odredimo kao formu privrženosti koja se izražava putem brige za dobrobit patrie i zemljaka. Patriotska privrženost se potom analitički deli u dva dela: predmet i prirodu privrženosti. U nastavku sledi pregled istorijske geneze patriotskog etosa kroz sledeće epohe: antička Grčka, antički Rim, rano Hrišćanstvo, feudalno doba, period apsolustičkih monarhija i doba nacionalne države. Konstatujem da se s pojavom nacionalne države patriotizam utopio u nacionalistički diskurs. Drugo poglavlje je posvećeno etičkim raspravama o patriotizmu. Etičke debate o moralnom statusu posebnih odnosa zaslužne su za povratak patriotizma u sferu akademskog izučavanja. Etičke argumente u prilog patriotizma najpre delim u dve grupe: konsekvencijalističke i nekonsekvencijalističke, a potom ih detaljno preispitujem kroz model dodeljenih odgovornosti, teoriju fer-pleja i zahvalnosti, teoriju prirodnih dužnosti i kantijansku teoriju. U trećem poglavlju razmatram mesto patriotske privrženosti u liberalnokomunitarnom sporu. Posebnu pažnju posvećujem komunitarnim argumentima ukorenjenog sopstva, društvenog okruženja i moralnog obrazovanja. U četvrtom poglavlju analiziram predmet i prirodu patriotske privrženosti u teorijama liberalnog nacionalizma. Tvrdim da etnička komponenta nacionalnog identiteta onemogućava da predmet patriotske privrženosti bude jednako dostupan svim građanima što može uticati na manjak samopoštovanja i samovrednovanja kod pripadnika etnokulturnih manjina. Peto poglavlje se bavi predmetom i prirodom patriotske privrženosti u novom republikanizmu, s akcentom na Virolijev ukorenjeni republikanizam. Smatram da je Virolijev patriotizam nepodesan za multikulturna društva jer pripadnicima etnokulturnih manjina nameće dvostruki teret: prihvatanje kulturnog obrasca republike i aktivnu brigu za stanje republikanskih ustanova. U šestom poglavlju istražujem postavke teorije ustavnog patriotizma u delima Dolfa Sternergera, Jirgena Habermasa, Jan-Vernera Milera i Pečen Markel. Odbacujem shvatanja ustavnog patriotizma u kojima se predmet privrženosti fiksira, ali i one pristupe koje predmet privrženosti trajno odbacuju. Zastupam verziju ustavnog patriotizma u kojoj priroda patriotske privrženosti kreira politički ambijent kojem smo privrženi. U poslednjem poglavlju sumiram svoje nalaze i zaključujem da je modifikovana teorija ustavnog patriotizma normativno najprikladnija za pluralna društva.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka
T1  - The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.
T1  - Predmet i priroda patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim društvima
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Beljinac, Nikola",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the ground of patriotic allegiance in plural liberal-democratic societies. In this work I explore the normative scope of the three most influential theoretical approaches to patriotism: liberal nationalism, new republicanism and constitutional patriotism. I argue that, in a multicultural context, a normatively justified conception of patriotic allegiance must rest on an extended understanding of equality that includes equality in belonging to the political community. Equality in belonging exists when every citizen, on an equal basis and independently of her particular identities, can experience the state she inhabits as her political home. The work is consisted of seven chapters. In the first chapter, I propose that patriotism should be defined as a form of allegiance expressed through care for the welfare of the patria and compatriots. Patriotic allegiance is then analytically divided into two parts: the object and nature of allegiance. Below is an overview of the historical genesis of the patriotic ethos through the following epochs: ancient Greece, ancient Rome, early Christianity, feudalism, the period of absolute monarchies and the age of the nation state. I ascertain that patriotism has sunk into nationalist discourse with the emergence of the nation state. The second chapter is devoted to ethical debates on patriotism. Ethical debates on the moral status of special ties are responsible for the return of patriotism to the sphere of academic study. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two groups: the consequentialist and non- consequentialist, and then I reconsider them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory. In the third chapter, I reflect on the place of patriotic allegiance in the liberal-communal debate. I pay special attention to the communal arguments of the unencumbered self, the social thesis and moral education. In the fourth chapter, I analyze the object and nature of patriotic allegiance in the theories of liberal nationalism. I affirm that the ethnic component of the national identity prevents the object of patriotic allegiance to be equally accessible to all citizens, which can induce the lack of self-esteem and selfevaluation among members of ethno-cultural minorities. The fifth chapter deals with the object and the nature of patriotic allegiance in the new republicanism, with the emphasis on Viroli's rooted republicanism. I consider Viroli's patriotism to be inappropriate for multicultural societies because it imposes a double burden to the members of ethnocultural minorities: they are asked to accept the cultural pattern of the republic and to take active care for the condition of the institutions of the republic. In chapter six I examine the tenets of the theory of constitutional patriotism in the works of Dolf Sternerger, Jürgen Habermas, Jan-Werner Müller and Patchen Markell. I reject the conceptions of constitutional patriotism in which the object of allegiance is fixed, but also those approaches that permanently reject any objects of allegiance. I advocate the version of constitutional patriotism in which nature of patriotic allegiance creates a political environment to which we are committed. In the last chapter I summarize my findings and conclude that the modified theory of constitutional patriotism is normatively most suitable for plural societies., Predmet doktorske disertacije je osnov osećanja patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim liberalno-demokratskim društvima. U radu istražujem normativne domete tri najuticajnija teorijska pristupa patriotizmu: liberalnog nacionalizma, novog republikanizma i ustavnog patriotizma. Zastupam tezu da, u multikulturnom kontekstu, normativno opravdana koncepcija patriotske privrženosti mora počivati na proširenom shvatanju jednakosti koje u sebe uključuje jednakost u pripadanju političkoj zajednici. Jednakost u pripadanju postoji onda kada svaki građanin, na jednakoj osnovi i nezavisno od svojih posebnih identiteta, može doživeti državu koju nastanjuje kao svoj politički dom. Rad je sačinjen od sedam poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predlažem da patriotizam odredimo kao formu privrženosti koja se izražava putem brige za dobrobit patrie i zemljaka. Patriotska privrženost se potom analitički deli u dva dela: predmet i prirodu privrženosti. U nastavku sledi pregled istorijske geneze patriotskog etosa kroz sledeće epohe: antička Grčka, antički Rim, rano Hrišćanstvo, feudalno doba, period apsolustičkih monarhija i doba nacionalne države. Konstatujem da se s pojavom nacionalne države patriotizam utopio u nacionalistički diskurs. Drugo poglavlje je posvećeno etičkim raspravama o patriotizmu. Etičke debate o moralnom statusu posebnih odnosa zaslužne su za povratak patriotizma u sferu akademskog izučavanja. Etičke argumente u prilog patriotizma najpre delim u dve grupe: konsekvencijalističke i nekonsekvencijalističke, a potom ih detaljno preispitujem kroz model dodeljenih odgovornosti, teoriju fer-pleja i zahvalnosti, teoriju prirodnih dužnosti i kantijansku teoriju. U trećem poglavlju razmatram mesto patriotske privrženosti u liberalnokomunitarnom sporu. Posebnu pažnju posvećujem komunitarnim argumentima ukorenjenog sopstva, društvenog okruženja i moralnog obrazovanja. U četvrtom poglavlju analiziram predmet i prirodu patriotske privrženosti u teorijama liberalnog nacionalizma. Tvrdim da etnička komponenta nacionalnog identiteta onemogućava da predmet patriotske privrženosti bude jednako dostupan svim građanima što može uticati na manjak samopoštovanja i samovrednovanja kod pripadnika etnokulturnih manjina. Peto poglavlje se bavi predmetom i prirodom patriotske privrženosti u novom republikanizmu, s akcentom na Virolijev ukorenjeni republikanizam. Smatram da je Virolijev patriotizam nepodesan za multikulturna društva jer pripadnicima etnokulturnih manjina nameće dvostruki teret: prihvatanje kulturnog obrasca republike i aktivnu brigu za stanje republikanskih ustanova. U šestom poglavlju istražujem postavke teorije ustavnog patriotizma u delima Dolfa Sternergera, Jirgena Habermasa, Jan-Vernera Milera i Pečen Markel. Odbacujem shvatanja ustavnog patriotizma u kojima se predmet privrženosti fiksira, ali i one pristupe koje predmet privrženosti trajno odbacuju. Zastupam verziju ustavnog patriotizma u kojoj priroda patriotske privrženosti kreira politički ambijent kojem smo privrženi. U poslednjem poglavlju sumiram svoje nalaze i zaključujem da je modifikovana teorija ustavnog patriotizma normativno najprikladnija za pluralna društva.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka",
title = "The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies., Predmet i priroda patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim društvima",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657"
}

Beljinac, N.. (2019). The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657

Beljinac N. The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies.. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657 .

Beljinac, Nikola, "The object and nature of patriotic allegiance in plural societies." (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_11657 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Džuverović, Nemanja
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/759
AB  - The critical literature on peacebuilding has mainly addressed the local and its agency in the post-conflict phase while the nexus between context occurring prior to the implementation of the liberal peace agenda and subsequent hybridization of the local and the international has largely been overlooked. Accordingly, this text discusses the idea that success of any peacebuilding project is also dependent on political, economic or social circumstances present in a country or region before international intervention. Hence, the article analyses the context in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) before the conflicts in the 1990s as a decisive factor to understanding successful implementation of the liberal peace in the region.
PB  - Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden
T2  - Southeastern Europe
T1  - Contextualization of the Local A Predisposition of Former Yugoslav States to Liberal Peace
EP  - 157
IS  - 2
SP  - 135
VL  - 43
DO  - 10.1163/18763332-04302004
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Džuverović, Nemanja",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The critical literature on peacebuilding has mainly addressed the local and its agency in the post-conflict phase while the nexus between context occurring prior to the implementation of the liberal peace agenda and subsequent hybridization of the local and the international has largely been overlooked. Accordingly, this text discusses the idea that success of any peacebuilding project is also dependent on political, economic or social circumstances present in a country or region before international intervention. Hence, the article analyses the context in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) before the conflicts in the 1990s as a decisive factor to understanding successful implementation of the liberal peace in the region.",
publisher = "Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden",
journal = "Southeastern Europe",
title = "Contextualization of the Local A Predisposition of Former Yugoslav States to Liberal Peace",
pages = "157-135",
number = "2",
volume = "43",
doi = "10.1163/18763332-04302004"
}

Džuverović, N.. (2019). Contextualization of the Local A Predisposition of Former Yugoslav States to Liberal Peace. in Southeastern Europe
Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden., 43(2), 135-157.
https://doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04302004

Džuverović N. Contextualization of the Local A Predisposition of Former Yugoslav States to Liberal Peace. in Southeastern Europe. 2019;43(2):135-157.
doi:10.1163/18763332-04302004 .

Džuverović, Nemanja, "Contextualization of the Local A Predisposition of Former Yugoslav States to Liberal Peace" in Southeastern Europe, 43, no. 2 (2019):135-157,
https://doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04302004 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Dušan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/716
AB  - Do neoliberal reforms (notably, austerity policy) facilitate democratic decline and the gradual deconstruction of democratic institutions? I examine the democratic development of the Western Balkan countries since 2008 by focusing on the two most recent cases of democratic rollback in Macedonia and Serbia. Neoliberal reforms may create a preference to shut down democratic institutions, because such reforms are socially costly and politically risky. However, democratic backsliding is not possible without opportunity. I illustrate this with reference to the examples of Hungary and Croatia. Croatia implemented some neoliberal policies after 2015, but did not see a drop in its democracy score. By contrast, Hungary moved towards centrally planned capitalism, nationalisation and state interventionism (all opposed to the neoliberal concept of reform), and yet saw a significant democratic decline after 2010. The opportunity to dismantle democratic institutions was a consequence of an electoral gap (a difference in vote share between former and new incumbents), which enabled the rise of authoritarian leaders in Macedonia, Hungary and Serbia.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIES
T1  - When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe
EP  - 697
IS  - 5
SP  - 671
VL  - 31
DO  - 10.1080/14631377.2019.1607436
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Dušan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Do neoliberal reforms (notably, austerity policy) facilitate democratic decline and the gradual deconstruction of democratic institutions? I examine the democratic development of the Western Balkan countries since 2008 by focusing on the two most recent cases of democratic rollback in Macedonia and Serbia. Neoliberal reforms may create a preference to shut down democratic institutions, because such reforms are socially costly and politically risky. However, democratic backsliding is not possible without opportunity. I illustrate this with reference to the examples of Hungary and Croatia. Croatia implemented some neoliberal policies after 2015, but did not see a drop in its democracy score. By contrast, Hungary moved towards centrally planned capitalism, nationalisation and state interventionism (all opposed to the neoliberal concept of reform), and yet saw a significant democratic decline after 2010. The opportunity to dismantle democratic institutions was a consequence of an electoral gap (a difference in vote share between former and new incumbents), which enabled the rise of authoritarian leaders in Macedonia, Hungary and Serbia.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIES",
title = "When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe",
pages = "697-671",
number = "5",
volume = "31",
doi = "10.1080/14631377.2019.1607436"
}

Pavlović, D.. (2019). When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe. in POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIES
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 31(5), 671-697.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2019.1607436

Pavlović D. When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe. in POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIES. 2019;31(5):671-697.
doi:10.1080/14631377.2019.1607436 .

Pavlović, Dušan, "When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe" in POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIES, 31, no. 5 (2019):671-697,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2019.1607436 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kovačević, Marko
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/761
AB  - Understanding the contemporary identity-role construction of small states in South-East Europe is closely linked to the process of reshaping the relative geometry of regional influence of the EU-centre and its powerful marginal actors. This has become increasingly obvious since 2008 with the unraveling of the global economic crisis, Russia's revived influence in the region, and the crisis of EU enlargement - processes that are usually perceived as challenges to the prevalent European conception of order. This paper seeks to explore the interaction of more powerful actors from both the European center' and its 'margins' with the small states on the South-East margin, by developing the framework that builds on Noel Parker's theory of 'positive marginality' and the updated 'constellation theory' by Hans Mouritzen and Anders Wivel. Theoretically, I propose the concepts of 'marginality constellation', 'thin' and 'thick' margins, to understand how small states frame their understanding of agency in world politics more broadly. Empirically, the paper delves into Croatia's and Serbia's foreign policies from 2014 on, to illustrate how the two countries manage their foreign policy identity narratives to respond to the shifting geopolitical centre-margin discourses of the EU and Russia in light of the crisis in Ukraine.
PB  - Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
T2  - Journal of Contemporary European Studies
T1  - Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations
EP  - 423
IS  - 4
SP  - 409
VL  - 27
DO  - 10.1080/14782804.2019.1580564
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kovačević, Marko",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Understanding the contemporary identity-role construction of small states in South-East Europe is closely linked to the process of reshaping the relative geometry of regional influence of the EU-centre and its powerful marginal actors. This has become increasingly obvious since 2008 with the unraveling of the global economic crisis, Russia's revived influence in the region, and the crisis of EU enlargement - processes that are usually perceived as challenges to the prevalent European conception of order. This paper seeks to explore the interaction of more powerful actors from both the European center' and its 'margins' with the small states on the South-East margin, by developing the framework that builds on Noel Parker's theory of 'positive marginality' and the updated 'constellation theory' by Hans Mouritzen and Anders Wivel. Theoretically, I propose the concepts of 'marginality constellation', 'thin' and 'thick' margins, to understand how small states frame their understanding of agency in world politics more broadly. Empirically, the paper delves into Croatia's and Serbia's foreign policies from 2014 on, to illustrate how the two countries manage their foreign policy identity narratives to respond to the shifting geopolitical centre-margin discourses of the EU and Russia in light of the crisis in Ukraine.",
publisher = "Routledge Taylor & Francis Group",
journal = "Journal of Contemporary European Studies",
title = "Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations",
pages = "423-409",
number = "4",
volume = "27",
doi = "10.1080/14782804.2019.1580564"
}

Kovačević, M.. (2019). Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations. in Journal of Contemporary European Studies
Routledge Taylor & Francis Group., 27(4), 409-423.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2019.1580564

Kovačević M. Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations. in Journal of Contemporary European Studies. 2019;27(4):409-423.
doi:10.1080/14782804.2019.1580564 .

Kovačević, Marko, "Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations" in Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 27, no. 4 (2019):409-423,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2019.1580564 . .